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The Politics of Resistance: Restaurant Gentrification and the Fight for Space

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The Politics of Resistance: Restaurant Gentrification and the Fight for Space The Politics of Resistance: Restaurant Gentrification and the Fight for Space by Katherine Burnett BA, Simon Fraser University, 2007 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science Katherine Burnett, 2013 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. Supervisory Committee The Politics of Resistance: Restaurant Gentrification and the Fight for Space by Katherine Burnett BA, Simon Fraser University, 2007 Supervisory Committee Warren Magnusson (Department of Political Science) Supervisor Michael J. Prince (Faculty of Human and Social Development) Departmental Member Aleck Ostry (Department of Geography) Outside Member ii Abstract Supervisory Committee Warren Magnusson (Department of Political Science) Supervisor Michael J. Prince (Faculty of Human and Social Development) Departmental Member Aleck Ostry (Department of Geography) Outside Member Urban redevelopment in the Downtown Eastside of Vancouver, British Columbia, marginalizes low-income residents and threatens them with displacement. Site visits and an analysis of discourse suggest that gentrification and the establishment of new restaurants in the area have also contributed to a commodification of poverty. The impacts of restaurant gentrification provoke resistance, and the opening of a new restaurant accused of inviting voyeurism and objectifying neighbourhood residents has resulted in an indefinite picket out front. Interviews show that picketers are endeavouring both to stop gentrification and to win social housing and needed services for the area, while also attempting to create social, economic, and political change at a larger scale. The picket draws attention to the effects of restaurant gentrification on the neighbourhood and the disproportionate influence of the state apparatus on the Downtown Eastside, yet also seeks to preserve a heterotopic space as an alternative to a neoliberal urbanism. iii Table of Contents Supervisory Committee ..................................................................................................... ii Abstract ............................................................................................................................. iii Table of Contents .............................................................................................................. iv List of Tables ......................................................................................................................v List of Figures ................................................................................................................... vi Acknowledgements .......................................................................................................... vii Chapter 1: The Context of Political Action in Vancouver .................................................1 1.1 Political Spaces .............................................................................................................1 1.2 Confusing Politics .........................................................................................................6 1.3 Visibility and Resistance ..............................................................................................8 1.4 Research Methodology ...............................................................................................12 Chapter 2: Restaurant Gentrification and Urban Redevelopment in the Downtown Eastside .............................................................................................................................19 2.1 Gentrification and the Downtown Eastside ................................................................19 2.2 Emerging Spaces of Consumption ..............................................................................23 2.3 The Commodification of Poverty ...............................................................................26 2.4 Restaurant Gentrification ............................................................................................31 2.5 Spaces of Commodification ........................................................................................38 2.6 Social Welfare and Community Economic Development ..........................................44 2.7 Ground for Resistance ................................................................................................48 Chapter 3: The Politics of Resistance ...............................................................................50 3.1 Gentrification and Governance in the Downtown Eastside ........................................50 3.2 PiDGiN .......................................................................................................................52 3.3 Seeing the State in Urban Redevelopment .................................................................59 3.4 The Fight for the Downtown Eastside ........................................................................62 3.5 Creating Politics ..........................................................................................................66 3.6 Access and Exclusion .................................................................................................76 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................84 Bibliography .....................................................................................................................88 iv List of Tables Table 1: New and revitalised restaurants, cafés, and pubs in the Downtown Eastside, opened 2003-2012 ............................................................................................................32 v List of Figures Figure 1: Map of the Downtown Eastside ........................................................................24 Figure 2: Restaurant gentrification in the Downtown Eastside, 2003-2012 .....................33 Figure 3: The sign for Save On Meats ..............................................................................42 Figure 4: PiDGiN ..............................................................................................................54 Figure 5: One visualisation of what a social justice zone might look like .......................64 vi Acknowledgments Writing this thesis has been a very rewarding experience, and one that has taught me so much. It would not have been such a productive or enjoyable process, though, were it not for the support of a great many people. Far too many people have contributed to name them all here, but I would like to extend my thanks to everyone who has been a part of this journey. Above all, I must thank my supervisor and my committee members, without whom none of this would have been possible. Warren Magnusson has been a perfect supervisor. He has been nothing but kind, generous, patient, and exceptionally helpful; this thesis could not have materialised without his support. Moreover, all of the time he spent discussing political theory with me has been at once very useful and some of the most fun I have had in graduate school. I owe Warren an enormous debt of gratitude; whatever kind of scholar I may be, I know I am a better scholar for having had the opportunity to study with him. Michael Prince is always generous with telling his stories and sharing his experience, and he always has very useful suggestions. I am grateful for all of his comments and feedback, both on my thesis and at each of the different junctures along the way. I have no idea where I would be right now were it not for Aleck Ostry, whose encouragement and assistance have been invaluable. He always has practical, constructive feedback, and has been far more patient with me than I deserved. Not only has he helped make this a better thesis, he has been a wonderful guide and has helped me navigate an occasionally circuitous path to get to this point. As well as my committee members, I would like to thank Bill Carroll for agreeing to be my external examiner. He very kindly offered his time and his expertise to helping me improve this thesis. Alison Proctor has been a wonderful friend and a very important part of this journey; all of our late night study sessions helped me get through this degree. Alison has always provided me with a place to stay as well as so much other support, both material and intangible. vii I am grateful to Ann Dale not only for providing me with employment, but also for giving me such important and rich opportunities to develop my existing skills and to learn new ones. She has been a wonderful mentor, and has made a significant contribution to my education. I have enjoyed working with her, and look forward to doing so more in the future. I do not even know how to begin to thank Lenore Newman or to articulate how fundamental she has been to my success. Her support has made everything else possible. I look forward to all of the projects that have yet to be begun. Finally, I must thank all of my friends, colleagues, professors, and classmates, each of whom has helped to influence my thought and to make this such a great experience. As well as my truly exceptional supervisor and committee, I am grateful to each of the professors with whom I have taken courses at the University of Victoria; I have been lucky to have had such wonderful teachers. I am also grateful to my classmates for allowing
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