Regional Ethnic Autonomy: Thinking and Actions on the Reconstruction of a Unified Multi-Ethnic Country by the CPC
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Contemporary China: a Book List
PRINCETON UNIVERSITY: Woodrow Wilson School, Politics Department, East Asian Studies Program CONTEMPORARY CHINA: A BOOK LIST by Lubna Malik and Lynn White Winter 2007-2008 Edition This list is available on the web at: http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinabib.pdf which can be viewed and printed with an Adobe Acrobat Reader. Variation of font sizes may cause pagination to differ slightly in the web and paper editions. No list of books can be totally up-to-date. Please surf to find further items. Also consult http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinawebs.doc for clicable URLs. This list of items in English has several purposes: --to help advise students' course essays, junior papers, policy workshops, and senior theses about contemporary China; --to supplement the required reading lists of courses on "Chinese Development" and "Chinese Politics," for which students may find books to review in this list; --to provide graduate students with a list that may suggest books for paper topics and may slightly help their study for exams in Chinese politics; a few of the compiler's favorite books are starred on the list, but not much should be made of this because such books may be old or the subjects may not meet present interests; --to supplement a bibliography of all Asian serials in the Princeton Libraries that was compiled long ago by Frances Chen and Maureen Donovan; many of these are now available on the web,e.g., from “J-Stor”; --to suggest to book selectors in the Princeton libraries items that are suitable for acquisition; to provide a computerized list on which researchers can search for keywords of interests; and to provide a resource that many teachers at various other universities have also used. -
April 28, 1969 Mao Zedong's Speech At
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified April 28, 1969 Mao Zedong’s Speech at the First Plenary Session of the CCP’s Ninth Central Committee Citation: “Mao Zedong’s Speech at the First Plenary Session of the CCP’s Ninth Central Committee,” April 28, 1969, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Jianguo yilai Mao Zedong wengao, vol. 13, pp. 35-41. Translated for CWIHP by Chen Jian. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/117145 Summary: Mao speaks about the importance of a united socialist China, remaining strong amongst international powers. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation What I am going to say is what I have said before, which you all know, and I am not going to say anything new. Simply I am going to talk about unity. The purpose of unity is to pursue even greater victory. Now the Soviet revisionists attack us. Some broadcast reports by Tass, the materials prepared by Wang Ming,[i] and the lengthy essay in Kommunist all attack us, claiming that our Party is no longer one of the proletariat and calling it a “petit-bourgeois party.” They claim that what we are doing is the imposition of a monolithic order and that we have returned to the old years of the base areas. What they mean is that we have retrogressed. What is a monolithic order? According to them, it is a military-bureaucratic system. Using a Japanese term, this is a “system.” In the words used by the Soviets, this is called “military-bureaucratic dictatorship.” They look at our list of names, and find many military men, and they call it “military.”[ii] As for “bureaucratic,” probably they mean a batch of “bureaucrats,” including myself, [Zhou] Enlai, Kang Sheng, and Chen Boda.[iii] All in all, those of you who do not belong to the military belong to this “bureaucratic” system. -
New China and Its Qiaowu: the Political Economy of Overseas Chinese Policy in the People’S Republic of China, 1949–1959
1 The London School of Economics and Political Science New China and its Qiaowu: The Political Economy of Overseas Chinese policy in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1959 Jin Li Lim A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2016. 2 Declaration: I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 98,700 words. 3 Abstract: This thesis examines qiaowu [Overseas Chinese affairs] policies during the PRC’s first decade, and it argues that the CCP-controlled party-state’s approach to the governance of the huaqiao [Overseas Chinese] and their affairs was fundamentally a political economy. This was at base, a function of perceived huaqiao economic utility, especially for what their remittances offered to China’s foreign reserves, and hence the party-state’s qiaowu approach was a political practice to secure that economic utility. -
17-Point Agreement of 1951 by Song Liming
FACTS ABOUT THE 17-POINT “Agreement’’ Between Tibet and China Dharamsala, 22 May 22 DIIR PUBLICATIONS The signed articles in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the Central Tibetan Administration. This report is compiled and published by the Department of Information and International Relations, Central Tibetan Administration, Gangchen Kyishong, Dharamsala 176 215, H. P., INDIA Email: [email protected] Website: www.tibet.net and ww.tibet.com CONTENTS Part One—Historical Facts 17-point “Agreement”: The full story as revealed by the Tibetans and Chinese who were involved Part Two—Scholars’ Viewpoint Reflections on the 17-point Agreement of 1951 by Song Liming The “17-point Agreement”: Context and Consequences by Claude Arpi The Relevance of the 17-point Agreement Today by Michael van Walt van Praag Tibetan Tragedy Began with a Farce by Cao Changqing Appendix The Text of the 17-point Agreement along with the reproduction of the original Tibetan document as released by the Chinese government His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s Press Statements on the “Agreement” FORWARD 23 May 2001 marks the 50th anniversary of the signing of the 17-point Agreement between Tibet and China. This controversial document, forced upon an unwilling but helpless Tibetan government, compelled Tibet to co-exist with a resurgent communist China. The People’s Republic of China will once again flaunt this dubious legal instrument, the only one China signed with a “minority” people, to continue to legitimise its claim on the vast, resource-rich Tibetan tableland. China will use the anniversary to showcase its achievements in Tibet to justify its continued occupation of the Tibetan Plateau. -
New Trends in Mao Literature from China
Kölner China-Studien Online Arbeitspapiere zu Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Chinas Cologne China Studies Online Working Papers on Chinese Politics, Economy and Society No. 1 / 1995 Thomas Scharping The Man, the Myth, the Message: New Trends in Mao Literature From China Zusammenfassung: Dies ist die erweiterte Fassung eines früher publizierten englischen Aufsatzes. Er untersucht 43 Werke der neueren chinesischen Mao-Literatur aus den frühen 1990er Jahren, die in ihnen enthaltenen Aussagen zur Parteigeschichte und zum Selbstverständnis der heutigen Führung. Neben zahlreichen neuen Informationen über die chinesische Innen- und Außenpolitik, darunter besonders die Kampagnen der Mao-Zeit wie Großer Sprung und Kulturrevolution, vermitteln die Werke wichtige Einblicke in die politische Kultur Chinas. Trotz eindeutigen Versuchen zur Durchsetzung einer einheitlichen nationalen Identität und Geschichtsschreibung bezeugen sie auch die Existenz eines unabhängigen, kritischen Denkens in China. Schlagworte: Mao Zedong, Parteigeschichte, Ideologie, Propaganda, Historiographie, politische Kultur, Großer Sprung, Kulturrevolution Autor: Thomas Scharping ([email protected]) ist Professor für Moderne China-Studien, Lehrstuhl für Neuere Geschichte / Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Chinas, an der Universität Köln. Abstract: This is the enlarged version of an English article published before. It analyzes 43 works of the new Chinese Mao literature from the early 1990s, their revelations of Party history and their clues for the self-image of the present leadership. Besides revealing a wealth of new information on Chinese domestic and foreign policy, in particular on the campaigns of the Mao era like the Great Leap and the Cultural Revolution, the works convey important insights into China’s political culture. In spite of the overt attempts at forging a unified national identity and historiography, they also document the existence of independent, critical thought in China. -
Yundong: Mass Movements in Chinese Communist Leadership a Publication of the Center for Chinese Studies University of California, Berkeley, California 94720
Yundong: Mass Movements in Chinese Communist Leadership A publication of the Center for Chinese Studies University of California, Berkeley, California 94720 Cover Colophon by Shih-hsiang Chen Although the Center for Chinese Studies is responsible for the selection and acceptance of monographs in this series, respon sibility for the opinions expressed in them and for the accuracy of statements contained in them rests with their authors. @1976 by the Regents of the University of California ISBN 0-912966-15-7 Library of Congress Catalog Number 75-620060 Printed in the United States of America $4.50 Center for Chinese Studies • CHINA RESEARCH MONOGRAPHS UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY NUMBER TWELVE YUNDONG: MASS CAMPAIGNS IN CHINESE COMMUNIST LEADERSHIP GORDON BENNETT 4 Contents List of Abbreviations 8 Foreword 9 Preface 11 Piny in Romanization of Familiar Names 14 INTRODUCTION 15 I. ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT 19 Background Factors 19 Immediate Factors 28 Development after 1949 32 II. HOW TO RUN A MOVEMENT: THE GENERAL PATTERN 38 Organizing a Campaign 39 Running a Compaign in a Single Unit 41 Summing Up 44 III. YUNDONG IN ACTION: A TYPOLOGY 46 Implementing Existing Policy 47 Emulating Advanced Experience 49 Introducing and Popularizing a New Policy 55 Correcting Deviations from Important Public Norms 58 Rectifying Leadership Malpractices among Responsible Cadres and Organizations 60 Purging from Office Individuals Whose Political Opposition Is Excessive 63 Effecting Enduring Changes in Individual Attitudes and Social Institutions that Will Contribute to the Growth of a Collective Spirit and Support the Construction of Socialism 66 IV. DEBATES OVER THE CONTINUING VALUE OF YUNDONG 75 Rebutting the Critics: Arguments in Support of Campaign Leadership 80 V. -
Rewriting the Cultural Revolution: from Centre to Periphery
Review Essay Rewriting the Cultural Revolution: From Centre to Periphery Christopher Hughes Chen Boda zuihou koushu huiyi Chen Boda's Last Oral Recollections) Revised Edition). By CHEN XIAONONG. [Hong Kong: Sun Global Publishing, 2005. 445 pp. HK$120.00. ISBN 988-98295-1-7.] Xizang jiyi Memories of Tibet). By WEISE. [Taipei: Locus, 2006. 424 pp. N380.00. ISBN 986-7291-85-9.] Although 2006 marked the 40th anniversary of the launching of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, understanding of this trau- matic event in mainland China is still largely limited within the parameters established by the 1981 Resolution on CPC History.1 Yet as even those who were teenagers at the time move into old age, oral history is being used to explore some of the most sensitive issues. This is shown by the appearance of two books written by mainland authors and published in Hong Kong and Taiwan. Chen Boda's Last Oral Recollections is an attempt by Chen Boda's son, Chen Xiaonong, to rehabilitate his father's reputation after he was condemned in 1980 by the reformist leadership as a counter-revolutionary for his part in the Cultural Revolution. In the process it provides new versions of the key events that took place at the centre of power. Memories of Tibet,by the leading Tibetan literary figure, Weise, Woese, born 1966), gives a view far removed from Beijing by bringing together interviews with 23 grass-roots activists from various ethnic groups and setting these in the context of the debate over how much responsibility the indigenous population of Tibet should bear for the destruction wrought on its heritage. -
POWER an D IDENTITY I N the CHINES E WORLD ORDE R Festschrift M Honour of Professor Wang Gomgwui
POWER AN D IDENTITY I N THE CHINES E WORLD ORDE R Festschrift m Honour of Professor Wang Gomgwui Edited by Billy K.L. So John Fitzgerald Huang Jianli James K. Chin # » * # i h Bf c *t HONG KON G UNIVERSIT Y PRES S Hong Kon g Universit y Pres s 14/F Hing Wai Centr e 7 Tin Wan Pray a Roa d Aberdeen Hong Kon g © Hon g Kong Universit y Pres s 200 3 ISBN 96 2 20 9 59 0 9 All rights reserved . No portio n o f this publication ma y be reproduced o r transmitte d i n an y form o r by an y means, electronic o r mechanical , includin g photocopy, recording , or an y information storag e o r retrieva l system , withou t prior permissio n i n writing fro m th e publisher . This volume i s published with th e suppor t o f the Universit y o f Hong Kon g an d the Australia n Academ y o f the Humanities . British Librar y Cataloguing-in-Publicatio n Dat a A catalogu e recor d fo r thi s book i s available fro m th e British Library . Secure On-lin e Orderin g http://www.hkupress.org Printed and bound by Liang Yu Printing Factory Ltd., Hong Kong, China . Contents Acknowledgements i x Contributors x i Introduction 1 Billy K. L . So Prologue Wang Gungwu : Th e Historia n i n Hi s Times 1 1 Philip A. Kuhn Part I . I n Searc h o f Power : Powe r Restructurin g i n 3 3 Modern Chin a 1. -
Information to Users
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript Pas been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissenation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from anytype of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely. event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material bad to beremoved, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with smalloverlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back ofthe book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell &Howell Information Company 300North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. MI48106-1346 USA 313!761-47oo 800:521·0600 THE LIN BIAO INCIDENT: A STUDY OF EXTRA-INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS IN THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY AUGUST 1995 By Qiu Jin Dissertation Committee: Stephen Uhalley, Jr., Chairperson Harry Lamley Sharon Minichiello John Stephan Roger Ames UMI Number: 9604163 OMI Microform 9604163 Copyright 1995, by OMI Company. -
Resolution of the Central People's Government Committee on the Convening of the National People's Congress and Local People's Congresses
Resolution of the Central People's Government Committee on the convening of the National People's Congress and local people's congresses January 14, 1953 The Common Program of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference stipulates: "The state power of the People's Republic of China belongs to the people. The organs through which the people exercise state power are the people's congresses and governments at all levels. The people's congresses at all levels are elected by the people by universal suffrage. The people’s congresses at all levels elect the people’s governments at all levels. When the people’s congresses at all levels are not in session, the people’s governments at all levels are the organs that exercise all levels of power. The highest organ of power in the country is the National People’s Congress. The government is the highest organ for the exercise of state power.” (Article 12) The Organic Law of the Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China stipulates: “The government of the People’s Republic of China is a government of the People’s Congress based on the principle of democratic centralism.” (Article 2) Three years ago, when the country was first established, many revolutionary work was still underway, the masses were not fully mobilized, and the conditions for convening the National People’s Congress were not mature enough. Therefore, in accordance with Article 13 of the Common Program, the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference The first plenary session implements the functions and powers of the National People's Congress, formulates the Organic Law of the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China, elects and delegates the functions and powers of the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China to exercise state power. -
The Darkest Red Corner Matthew James Brazil
The Darkest Red Corner Chinese Communist Intelligence and Its Place in the Party, 1926-1945 Matthew James Brazil A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Doctor of Philosophy Department of Government and International Relations Business School University of Sydney 17 December 2012 Statement of Originality This is to certify that to the best of my knowledge, the content of this thesis is my own work. This thesis has not been submitted previously, either in its entirety or substantially, for a higher degree or qualifications at any other university or institute of higher learning. I certify that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work and that all the assistance received in preparing this thesis and sources has been acknowledged. Matthew James Brazil i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Before and during this project I met a number of people who, directly or otherwise, encouraged my belief that Chinese Communist intelligence was not too difficult a subject for academic study. Michael Dutton and Scot Tanner provided invaluable direction at the very beginning. James Mulvenon requires special thanks for regular encouragement over the years and generosity with his time, guidance, and library. Richard Corsa, Monte Bullard, Tom Andrukonis, Robert W. Rice, Bill Weinstein, Roderick MacFarquhar, the late Frank Holober, Dave Small, Moray Taylor Smith, David Shambaugh, Steven Wadley, Roger Faligot, Jean Hung and the staff at the Universities Service Centre in Hong Kong, and the kind personnel at the KMT Archives in Taipei are the others who can be named. Three former US diplomats cannot, though their generosity helped my understanding of links between modern PRC intelligence operations and those before 1949. -
The Mishu Phenomenon: Patron-Client Ties and Coalition-Building Tactics
Li, China Leadership Monitor No.4 The Mishu Phenomenon: Patron-Client Ties and Coalition-Building Tactics Cheng Li China’s ongoing political succession has been filled with paradoxes. Jockeying for power among various factions has been fervent and protracted, but the power struggle has not led to a systemic crisis as it did during the reigns of Mao and Deng. While nepotism and favoritism in elite recruitment have become prevalent, educational credentials and technical expertise are also essential. Regional representation has gained importance in the selection of Central Committee members, but leaders who come from coastal regions will likely dominate the new Politburo. Regulations such as term limits and an age requirement for retirement have been implemented at various levels of the Chinese leadership, but these rules and norms will perhaps not restrain the power of Jiang Zemin, the 76-year-old “new paramount leader.” While the military’s influence on political succession has declined during the past decade, the Central Military Commission is still very powerful. Not surprisingly, these paradoxical developments have led students of Chinese politics to reach contrasting assessments of the nature of this political succession, the competence of the new leadership, and the implications of these factors for China’s future. This diversity of views is particularly evident regarding the ubiquitous role of mishu in the Chinese leadership. The term mishu, which literally means “secretary” in Chinese, refers to a range of people who differ significantly from each other in terms of the functions they fulfill, the leadership bodies they serve, and the responsibilities given to them.