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1 Tudor Coins as Bearers of Ideology of a Young Nation State: 2 Absolutism, Nationhood, Imperialism, Protestantism, 3 Patriotism 4 5 Sixteenth century England saw the conception and dissemination of a new 6 ideology aimed at national consolidation and identity formation. Elaborated 7 in philosophical and theological writings, Parliamentary acts and 8 ordinances, underpinned by contemporary literature and art, the new 9 ideology had one more potent but often overlooked vehicle of propagation – 10 the Tudor money, a unique semiotic system of signs encoding in its 11 iconography and inscriptions the abstract principles of the nascent ideology. 12 The article argues for the significance of the political dimension of the 13 coinage in question and suggests possible ideological readings of coins' 14 visual design and their textual component. We also hypothesize that coin 15 symbolism, literary texts professing national values and ideals, and visual 16 art form distinct but inter-complementary domains (numismatics, pictorial 17 art, and poetics) and function as potent tools of propaganda. 18 19 Keywords: Tudor coins, semiotics, ideology, iconography, divine right, 20 indoctrination. 21 22 23 Introduction 24 25 The period with which this paper is concerned is the Tudor age (1485 – 26 1603), which spans a century, is represented by five crowned monarchs and is 27 marked by dramatic changes in all spheres of economic, political, religious, 28 and cultural life. According to historical chronology, the 16th century marks 29 the beginning of the Modern period in the history of England. Transition from 30 feudalism to a new economic order, painful social changes, consolidation of 31 absolutism, the spirit of discovery and subjugation of new territories and hence 32 imperial aspirations of the Crown that spurred the development of the Navy 33 and brought to the fore new iconic figures like John Cabot, Sir John Hawkins, 34 and , proliferation of knowledge and education, rising print 35 culture, religious conflicts and the English Reformation make this epoch a 36 unique and most impactful historical period and a fertile domain for exposing 37 undercurrent philosophical and theological doctrines that brought about the 38 conception and evolution of an ideology of a young nation state within a new 39 historical context. I seek to expose covert ideological structures and political 40 implications of the Tudor coinage, which together with contemporary literature 41 and art contributed to the indoctrination of public thinking. 42

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1 Theoretical Premises 2 3 The subject of money in the early modern period has attracted researchers 4 of different schools with differing approaches. They addressed the questions of 5 numismatic portraiture (Farquhar 1908), described functions of money within a 6 new economic and social context (Cook 2012), studied its influence on the 7 language of contemporary drama and poetry (Wong 2012), examined how 8 Tudor literature was shaped by economic thinking (Grav 2012), and examined 9 how the age-old concept of value was transformed under the aggressive 10 onslaught of materiality of gold and silver money (Landreth 2012). Regretfully, 11 coins as such bearing effigies of kings and queens as a stamp of royal power, 12 endorsed by legends chosen personally by English sovereigns, were considered 13 the scope of numismatics. In this article, the Coin with its iconography and 14 symbolism is regarded as a meaning-saturated gestalt, on which converge 15 politics, religion, and – art, all of which reflect the nascent ideology. 16 Money's significance goes far beyond its purely economic role as a 17 medium of exchange and encapsulates social, political, ideological and cultural 18 content because of its abstract, symbolic character. Recent economic theory 19 suggests that “money indeed creates its own universe of knowledge ... and 20 determines how we understand the world” (Valenze 2006, p. 58). Some 21 researchers go so far as to postulate that money culture is “at the root of the 22 very structure of symbolization and representation that frame the way we make 23 sense of the world” (Capeola & da Silva 2015, p. 7 - 11). 24 The focal interest in the current research is the complex concept of 25 ideology – the commonly held conventions and beliefs that make up the 26 dominant ideas of a society. It belongs to the superstructure alongside culture, 27 literature, law, art, etc., based on a society's mode of production. “A certain 28 mode of production, or industrial stage, is always combined with a certain 29 mode of co-operation, or social stage, and this mode of co-operation is itself a 30 'productive force'” (Marks & Engels 2001, p. 50). It is a productive force in a 31 sense that it affects all constituents of the base and the superstructure, 32 especially attitudes and general perceptions of the world. According to Karl 33 Marks, “The ruling ideas are nothing more than the ideal expression of the 34 dominant material relationships, the dominant material relationships grasped as 35 ideas” (ibid., p. 64). It follows from this definition that with changes in the 36 methods of production, previous ideology is ousted or exists on a 'residual 37 level,' whereas new ideological content gradually takes hold of the minds of 38 people implanting in them a new, ordered set of ideas, with the aim to achieve 39 public prevalency. 40 Conventional venues of propagating ideas are, in the first place, literature 41 and pictorial art, which willingly embrace a new figural system of symbols and 42 tropes. In the Tudor age, church preaching, popular ballads, poetry, and of 43 course drama, became the most efficacious media of communicating doctrinal 44 messages. Unexpectedly, coins due to their ubiquity and capacity to reach any 45 single person became instrumental in strategies to shape and transmit new 46 ideological principles, so thorough care was taken by the monarchs of the

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1 visual aspect of coins, which, in turn, requires on the part of a researcher 2 serious attention to minute details of the coin design as any can be a bearer of 3 significative value. “The essence of money resides not so much in its visible or 4 material qualities as in numismatic engravings that are impressed into electrum 5 ingots” (Shell 1995, p. 4). 6 7 Objectives and Material 8 9 The general goal of the research is to analyze changes in the ideology of 10 16th century England and expose its constitutive elements communicated 11 through various venues among which coins are of special interest. The study 12 aims to explore the following aspects of coins: 1) their pictorial design with 13 special attention to how the signification process is organized through the 14 visual; 2) legends inscribed by Tudor sovereigns as politicization of religion; 3) 15 political and ideological messages of coins and, 4) the interconnectedness of 16 English coin system with other venues of propaganda. The list of coins for the 17 study includes gold coins in which ideological content is most pronounced: 18 Sovereign, Angel, Crown, Noble/Royal. 19 20 Basic Elements of the Tudor Ideology 21 22 The English kingdom under the Tudors was in a state of transition, and 23 hence turmoil and turbulence. Henry VII (1485 – 1509), the first Tudor king, 24 put an end to the reign of the Plantagenet dynasty (the House of York) winning 25 the battle of Bosworth (1485) and both virtually and figuratively picking up the 26 crown of the fallen enemy (Richard III). Henry is believed to have created the 27 English nation-state on the pattern of France's sovereign state under King Louis 28 XI1. According to Marx, the ruling class, when coming to power, uses ideology 29 as an apologetic technique for justifying the existing state of affairs. The 30 Tudors had to offer such political and ideological values that would gain 31 pervasive acceptance and at the same time would meet a particular set of needs 32 among which the most urgent was legitimization of monarchical power. 33 34 Figure 1. The Tudor Rose

35 36 Source: Wikipedia 37 38

1King of France (1423 - 1483). The prosperity of France and the authority of the Crown were his major concerns.

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1 Apologia of absolute royal power 2 3 Historians generally regard the appearance and growth of absolute 4 monarchy as instituted in the France of Louis XIV (1643–1715). But the 5 famous words “L’état, c’est moi” (“I am the state”) were pronounced a century 6 after the Tudor kings – father and son – turned the idea of absolutism into 7 reality. It should be also noted that J. Bodin's famous treatise The Six Bookes of 8 a Commonweale (Bodin 1606), in which he formulated the main principles of 9 absolutism also called 'The Divine Right of Kings', was written in 1576 and 10 published in Eglish translation in 1606 after the political practice of unlimited 11 centralized authority had been operating in England for more than half a 12 century. 13 The origins of the concept of absolutism in England should be looked for 14 in the works by Sir John Fortescue (1394 –1479), especially his famous treatise 15 The Governance of England or Monarchia (ca 1471), in which he formulated 16 principles aimed at the strengthening of the powers of the Crown and the 17 reduction of the influence of the nobles. Though in his political views 18 Fortescue was leaning toward limited monarchy, his writings exposing the 19 evils which stemmed from Monarch's weakness (anarchical tendencies among 20 the barons, the struggle of the aristocracy for the influence on the king, and 21 many others which might lead finally to civil wars), probably against his will, 22 proved to be the guidelines as to how to erect the edifice of absolutism and 23 were dilligently followed by the first Tudor kings (Skeel 1916, p. 83). The 24 main distinction between 'absolute' and 'limited monarchy' lies in whose hands 25 legislative and fiscal powers are. “And they differ in that the king may rule his 26 people by such laws that he makes himself. And therefore he may set on them 27 such charges and impositions as he wants himself without their consent” 28 (Fortescue 1926, p. 109). 29 The Tudor kings were known for their ingenuity to extract revenue from 30 their subjects, who had to pay “taxes, tallages, subsidies, scot, lot, and other 31 charges to the kings majesty and for the kings honor” (Cunningham 1910, p. 32 519). This policy falls in with Fortescue's caution against the poverty of the 33 Crown and his demand that the king should have for his expenditures more 34 than the revenues of any lord; he stresses “the harme that comitth off a Kinges 35 poverte,” which is a dishonor and belittles the glory of a kynge (Fortescue 36 1926, p. 119). What is more dangerous is that poverty may be the cause of 37 King's diffidence and disloyalty on the part of his subjects: “For his subgettes 38 woll rather goo with a lorde Þat is riche, and mey pay thair wages and 39 expenses, then with thair kynge Þat hath noght in his purse” (ibid.,119) foreign 40 princes included. Henry VII's parsimony was well-known. He turned his realm 41 into “the golden hyll,” spent great sums on jewels, and left to his son immense 42 riches, which Henry VIII “dissipated by the prodigal expenses of the youthful 43 monarch” within several years (Ruding 1840, p. 300). In the same vein runs the 44 policy of the resumption of lands alienated from the Crown in previous 45 periods. In this way Henry VII eliminated the landed aristocracy and Henry

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1 VIII wiped out Catholic ecclesiastical elite restoring Crown lands given away 2 to monasteries. 3 The next postulate, which was later enunciated by Bodin, was that there 4 may be no greater peril to a prince than to have an overmighty subject or 5 subjects equipollent to him, who might “aspire to Þe estate [power] of his 6 prince” (Bodin 1606, p.128). Bodin considered that nothing on the earth can be 7 greater or higher, next to God, than King's majesty (ibid., p. 153), thereby 8 laying down the foundation for the ideology of the “Divinity of royal rights”: 9 they (rights) wholly and alone belong unto the king (ibid., p. 155), are 10 inseparable and not to be divided or shared with anybody else. Richard II in 11 Shakespeare's eponymous play believes that his right to the throne is “Sacra 12 Sacrorum, of Sacred things the most Sacred,” and God will be his protector. 13 He, who is fighting a losing battle against Bolingbrook2, still believes that 14 Angels will be on his side. 15 16 God for his Richard hath in heavenly pay 17 A glorious angel; then if angels fight, 18 Weak men must fall, for heaven still guards the right. 19 (Shakespeare 2006, Richard II, p.219) 20 21 Long before his break with , Henry VIII wrote about spiritual 22 supremacy of kings and declared that “by the ordinance and sufferance of God 23 we are king of England, and the kings of England in time past have never had 24 any superior but God alone,” by which he repudiated (Ackroyd 25 2013, p. 16). He also pronounced the English nation exempt from foreign 26 jurisdiction. 27 Both Fortescue and Bodin believed that the exclusive right of Monarchs 28 was appointing and dismissing the great officers of state. The peril to the 29 monarch was that great princes and lords might be so occupied with their own 30 matters, and with the matters off their kin that they may attend but litle, or not 31 at all, to the Kyng's matters (Fortescue 1926, p. 145). He thought it feasible for 32 the King to appoint yearly several lords at his discretion out of the wisest and 33 best disposed men that can be found in any part of this land, who would advise 34 him on matters too difficult that might befall the king (ibid., p. 146-147). All 35 the Tudors practiced this policy and “created a new nobility dependent on royal 36 favor,”(Innes 1911, p.178). Shakespeare described this policy in a proverbial 37 way “Since every Jack became a gentleman /There's many a gentle person 38 made a Jack.” (Shakespeare 2006, Richard III, p.56) 39 Henry VII built the strongest monarchy in the history of England based on 40 the theory of divine rights and providentialism. His son, Henry VIII (1509 – 41 1547), subordinated the Church to the Crown, and forced Parliament to 42 designate him “Protector and Only Supreme Head of the Church and Clergy in 43 England.” He politicized Protestantism and used it as an instrument of war 44 against Catholicism: after a long squabble with the , and the latter's threats 45 of penalties and excommunication, exhortations to repent and return to the

2Richard's cousin, who removed him from the throne and became King Henry IV.

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1 papal jurisdiction, Henry composed the following answer: “We have, will, and 2 shall, by all ways and means say 'Nay' and declare our 'Nay' in such sort as the 3 world shall hear and the pope feel it ” (Aubrey 1867, p. 440). The allegorical 4 woodcut of King Henry VIII of England trampling on Pope Clement VII by an 5 anonymous painter fully reflects the spirit of the day. It shows Henry 6 enthroned, sword raised in his right hand, trampling beneath his feet a bearded 7 figure of Clement VII. The papal and (liturgical vestment) have 8 fallen, and the tiara lies broken on the step of the throne (see Appendix, Picture 9 1). Henry VIII made ecclesiastical body part of body politic and precluded any 10 interference ab extra. The edifice of absolutism was complete. 11 To demonstrate his absolute authority, Henry VII ordered “to make a new 12 money of gold” according to his personal design. It was to excel all the current 13 gold coins at its grandeur. The incentives for the introduction of a new coin 14 were political rather than economic. The new ostentatious money called the 15 Sovereign, a name that meant 'great, superior, ruler', had its aim to assert the 16 Tudors' monarchical power and carried covert ideological structures of 17 absolutism. 18 19 Figure 2. Henry VII. Gold Sovereign

20 21 Source: goldenarttreasures 22 23 The coin featured the King seated facing on a low-backed, low-armed 24 throne with scepter and orb wearing a closed crown on the obverse and the 25 Tudor rose on the reverse in the center of which there was a shield of the Royal 26 Arms of England and France and a crown with and fleur-de-lis above 27 (Fig. 2). Besides clichéd political symbols (orb, scepter, crown), Henry added 28 the greyhound and the dragon on the pillars of the throne and the portcullis of 29 the House of Beaufort below the King's portrait emphasizing his genealogic 30 linkage with ancient English kings. The portcullis is a symbol of the Beauforts 31 (Henry's mother was a Beaufort), descendants from King Edward III of 32 England (1312 –1377). 33 The greyhound was Henry’s badge at the battle of Bosworth Field, and he 34 was fighting under the red dragon flag: the dragon is believed to have been the 35 ensign of Cadwaladr, the last king of the Britons (655 – 682), to whom Henry 36 claimed the direct lineage. To prove his royal descent and solve the question of 37 legitimacy of his power, he made use of an old myth about Cadwaladr's 38 prophecy that “his stock should reign once more in the land.” The legend has it 39 that Henry VII was greeted at the gates of Worcester with a poem:

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1 Cadwallader's blood lineally descending, 2 Long hath be told of such a prince coming. 3 Wherefore friends, if that I shall not lie, 4 This same is the fulfiller of the prophesy. 5 (Dobin 1990, p. 51) 6 7 The coin performed a ceremonial function, too: in 1502, it was given as a 8 diplomatic gift to ambassadors from Hungary, and in 1506 to the king of 9 Castile and members of his household. 10 11 Figure 3. Edward VI. Gold Sovereign.

12 13 Source: Coins UK 14 15 The pattern of an enthroned king with multiple symbols of royal power 16 endured throughout the Tudor reign with variations depending on the 17 immediate historical context. Edward VI contributed to the glory of the coin by 18 issuing in 1551 a piedfort (double sovereign), a thick, heavy coin intended for 19 ceremonial purposes. He also experimented with the portraiture introducing for 20 the first time his half-length profile: he is pressing the sword hard to his 21 shoulder and holding an orb (Fig.3) – both attributes emblematizing a strong 22 sovereign power. We also see a substantial shift in iconic representations of the 23 monarchs. Henry VII's representatinal image is replaced with a life-like 24 portrait of Edward VI. 25 Under Elizabeth, the sovereign became a bullion coin, which functioned as 26 a store of value or an investment rather than a medium of exchange and very 27 soon became a “coin of honor” in the theatrical world; and the Queen got the 28 renown of a patron of the arts. If the Queen attended a performance and liked 29 the play or an actor, she might present the playwright or the star with a 30 sovereign. This greatly raised the social and professional status of the recipient. 31 Another coin that was meant to embody the divinity of the king and assert 32 that kings were “lieutenants of the most mighty and immortal God on the earth 33 for the welfare of other men” (Bodin 1606, p. 153) was the Angel (Fig.4). 34 According to semiotic theory, there are signs of great eminence, the so called 35 sacramental signs, which are at once social and religious, whose sanctification 36 is determined by social acceptance (Maritain 1937, pp. 3-4). Biblical 37 symbolism is dominant on the obverse of the coin which depicts Archangel 38 Michael, a warrior who fought against God's enemies, slaying the dragon, the 39 incarnation of sin; the reverse symbolizes temporal power and England's 40 maritime glory featuring its main symbols – a ship bearing the royal shield and 41 cross.

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1 Introduced by Edward IV in1465, for many years the angel had 2 remained the only gold coin until Henry VII began to issue gold sovereigns, 3 and approximately at that time the coin got a special status of the “Royal 4 touch” piece. In the Middle Ages, kings were endowed with divinity and were 5 believed to possess “miraculous powers of healing” by simply touching the 6 suffering person (Bloch 2015, p. 3). 7 8 Figure 4. Henry VIII. Gold Angel

9 10 Source: coinupdate.com/history 11 12 In England, the ceremony was well defined and observed by all Tudors: 13 prayer, laying on hands, making the sign of the cross, and gift giving (gold 14 coin). Before the Tudors, the needy had received one penny. Henry VII 15 increased the sum to six shillings and eight pence, which was the equivalent of 16 the angel coin. He hoped that the ceremony would strengthen his kingship and 17 legitimacy. The ceremony and the coin endued the king with divinity of being a 18 conduit of God's healing powers. 19 At the beginning, the content of the ritual remained within Catholic 20 thaumaturgics. The Reformation introduced some changes in the ceremony, not 21 many, very delicate, subtly aimed at enhancing the sacral nature of the 22 monarchy. All intercessors such as saints or the Virgin Mary were removed, 23 and the monarch got the holy bounty of healing (charisma) directly from the 24 Lord (Brogan 2015, p. 54). It proved that the person performing the healing 25 ceremony was sacrosanct. Thus the 'Royal touch' became a touchstone for 26 checking the rightfulness of the king/queen on the throne. 27 28 Apologia of maritime supremacy 29 30 Since time immemorial, the sea surrounding the Isle had been venerated 31 and worshiped because it insured the security of the island. Most eloquently the 32 idea is expressed by Hastings3 in King Henry VI, who believes that the only 33 defence England needs against France is the : 34 35 Let us be back'd with God and with the seas 36 Which He hath given for fence impregnable, 37 And with their helps only defend ourselves; 38 In them and in ourselves our safety lies.

3A Yorkist and a supporter of King Edward’s who helps Edward escape from captivity and convinces him to stop pretending to only be claiming his dukedom.

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1 (Shakespeare 2006, Henry VI, p. 46) 2 3 Under the Tudors, who understood that the way to power and wealth of an 4 insular country was in naval supremacy, England became a maritime power 5 number one. Starting with an insignificant number of mainly merchant ships, 6 by the end of the century the Tudors had a fleet of 197 well-manned, well- 7 armed ships that defeated the “invincible” Spanish Armada in 1588. Henry 8 VIII founded royal dockyards, equipped his ships with cannons cast in 9 England, set up a school preparing officers, combat marines, and sailors. The 10 country lived up to the principle formulated in the previous century: “Cheryshe 11 marchandyse, kepe thamyralte, That we bee maysteres of the narowe see” 12 [Value trade, exercise powers of the naval commander, so that we should be 13 masters of the sea around us] (Warner 1926, p. xvi). 14 Old myths argue that the English are indigenously related to the Sea as 15 they are direct descendants from Neptune and his favorite son “mightie Albion, 16 father of the bold/ And warlike people which the Britaine Islands hold”; though 17 he “was slaine [by Hercules], but that which is th' immortal spirit / Lives still” 18 (Spenser 1910, p. 361). 19 The greatest event of the century was no doubt the defeat of the Spanish 20 fleet. About 55 ballads dealing with the Spanish armada appeared in the period 21 between June 29 and November 27 1588 (Mc Aleer 1963, p. 602). The ballads 22 are permeated with the sense of national pride for English marines and their 23 exploits in the face of superior enemy forces. 24 25 This mighty vessel 26 was threescore yards in length. 27 In her were placed 28 a hundred cannons great. 29 And yet subdued, 30 with many others more: 31 And not a ship of ours lost ! 32 (Deloney 1903, p. 188) 33 34 The ballad ends with a patriotic call to “safeguard your native soil and 35 think of your country's good, wherein you nursed were! And fear not in 36 defense thereof, to spend your dearest blood!” (ibid., p. 190). 37 38 Figure 5. Edward III. The Gold Noble

39 40 Source: baldwin.co.uk. 41

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1 The coin that was meant to emblematize England's naval glory was the 2 gold Noble. Introduced in 1354 during the reign of Edward III and minted for 3 the last time under Edward IV (1442 –1483), it was designed to commemorate 4 the naval victory of Edward III over the French at Sluys in 1340 and had 5 become a symbol of maritime valor. The coin features King standing in ship 6 with upright sword and quartered shield. The reverse has an ornamental cross 7 with lis and crowned lions (Fig. 5). It is a rare case that a coin was berhymed in 8 a poem4 by an anonymous author, who described in minute detail the impress 9 on the obverse: 10 11 Within the shypp is shewyd there the sayl 12 And oure kynge of royall apparaylle, 13 Wyth swerde drawen, bryght, sharp and extente, 14 For to chastisen enmyes vyolente; 15 So shulde he be lorde of the see about 16 To kepe enmyes frowythine and wythoute, 17 And to be holde thorowgh Cristianyte 18 Master and lord environ of the see. 19 (Warner 1926, p. 44, lines 855 – 860). 20 21 [Within the ship is shown the sail/ And our king in royal apparel,/ With the 22 sword drawn, bright, sharp and long/ To chastise violent enemies/ So that He 23 should be the lord of the sea/ To keep away enemies within and without/ And 24 to be held throughout the Christian world/ Master and lord environ of the sea]. 25 The coin was reinstated by Henry VIII as the George noble because the reverse 26 for the first time carried the mounted St. George (Henry's favorite saint) 27 slaying the dragon, one the most prominent military saints and the patron saint 28 of England (Fig. 6). The revival of the noble falls in well with the ideology of 29 naval supremacy. 30 31 Figure 6. Henry VIII, George noble

32 33 Source: coins-of-the-uk. 34 35 Back in the 15th century, the Rose Noble was also called the Royal. Mary I 36 reintroduced this name. She also redesigned the old picture placing herself on a 37 ship with a sword and a shield, the letter M on the flag and the rose below. 38 There are several facts eloquent of the Tudors' reverential attitude to the 39 Navy. It was demonstrated by Henry VIII in1544 when he seized Boulogne.

4 The Libelle [treatise] of Englyshe Polycye. One of the first political poems expounding military and commercial advantages of securing command of the sea.

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1 The Protestant army smashed down and burned the relics of the Catholic Faith. 2 Despite Henry's personal distaste for the veneration of saints, he preserved and 3 took back to England as a trophy of victory the statue of Our Lady of Boulogne 4 featuring the Virgin and the Child Jesus in a boat hoping that it would be a 5 guardian and protector of his mariners. Another fact is that when in 1574 6 granted a license to the city of Bristol to mint copper tokens,5 her 7 condition was that the coin should feature a ship on the obverse. Bristol was 8 honored because it was the starting point of many voyages headed by glorified 9 adventurers. 10 The coin is fraught with a multitude of political ideas: the figure of the 11 king/ queen in a ship and the accompanying signs on the gold noble symbolize 12 the power of England exerted on the sea; its preponderance over the once 13 strong enemies; the necessity to maintain complete command of the sea and 14 naval supremacy in the world; vindication of the new expansionist policy and 15 so on. 16 17 Apologia of English Imperialism 18 19 The development of the Navy went hand in hand with explorations of terra 20 incognita and the acquisition of new lands. In this matter, Spain and Portugal 21 had left all other marine states far behind. Nevertheless, in 1496, Henry VII 22 formulated the imperialist ideology and laid down the foundations for the 23 future colonialist policy by granting John Cabot6 a patent of “full and free 24 authority... to sail to all parts of the eastern, western, and northern sea7… to 25 find, whatsoever islands, countries, regions, or provinces in whatsoever part of 26 the world placed, ... subdue, occupy and possesse, [them] as our vassals” 27 (Hower 2013, p. 179 - 180). Though the terminology used was manifestly 28 feudal, the very idea belonged to a new (capitalist) world order. Cabot's 29 expedition is the earliest known European exploration of coastal North 30 America, and Cabot was the first European to cast anchor at “New Found 31 Land,” which led to the establishment of a colony there in 1549. Ships sailing 32 under the British flag in pursuit of yet unclaimed lands, the establishment of 33 British dominion over new territories rich in fruits, wood, ore, jewels, etc. were 34 manifestations of the Tudors' imperialist ideology. To impose its will upon 35 peoples outside England, the empire instituted various tools of control such as 36 laws, royal decrees, parliamentary acts and ordinances, and economic measures 37 among which money was an effective instrument. 38 At the beginning of the 16th century the Crown's imperial ambitions did 39 not go beyond France, Scotland, and later Ireland; however, by the mid-century 40 they evolved to a more expansionist policy underpinned by a philosophy of 41 discovery: Henry VIII cherished an idea of the Atlantic World. In 1530, the

5Private tokens for money as payment for small things were stamped by inferior tradesmen and were current in that city and ten miles about. 6G. Caboto (1450 – c. 1500), navigator and explorer of Italian origin living in England. The first Tudor Atlantic adventurer. Naturalized in England after his invaluable discoveries. 7Southern seas were dominated by Spain and at that time England tried to avoid a conflict.

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1 naval admiral Sir John Hawkins8 made his way to Guinea and Brazil, and 2 English trade moved there. In 1576, English ships reached the coast of 3 Labrador and Baffin Island (Canada). The Tudors did not want to miss out on 4 an opportunity to “partake in the expected treasure of the New World” 5 (Cunningham 1910, p.479). In 1579, Sir Francis Drake9 landed on the territory 6 of today's California and claimed this area for the English Crown, calling it 7 'New Albion.' In 1583, the expedition sponsored by Sir Walter Raleigh 10 8 founded the first colony in North America named Virginia. 9 Approximately in the middle of the century, the language of British 10 imperial ideology was being forged and such new terms appeared in writings 11 as “Empire of greate Briteigne” or the “Empire of Briteigne,” colony, etc. 12 (Armitage 2000, p. 36). It is quite telling that under Elizabeth I all ordinances 13 included a phrase that they were effective “within the queen's majesty's 14 dominions” (Ruding 1840, p. 350). Coin design changed respectively: Henry 15 VII's closed crown was replaced with an imperial crown, which is a symbol of 16 an empire England was becoming under the Tudors. The first Act of 17 Supremacy (1534) read: “It is manifestly declared and expressed that this realm 18 of England is an empire, and so hath been accepted in the world, governed by 19 one Supreme Head and King having the dignity and royal estate of the imperial 20 Crown of the same” (Grierson 1963, p. 132). 21 The heroes of the day were explorers and adventurers like the naval 22 admiral Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir Hawkins known as England's Nestor, Sir 23 Francis Drake called Neptune, who was most famously known for his 24 circumnavigation of the world in a single expedition, from 1577 to 1580, and 25 for his participation in the defeat of the Spanish Armada, as a vice admiral and 26 second-in-command of the English fleet. A legend has it that during his 27 expedition to Panama, Drake climbed a high tree in the mountains and became 28 the first Englishman to see the Pacific Ocean. He remarked that one day an 29 Englishman would be able to sail it – and it was he who became that 30 Englishman. He died at sea on his voyage to Spanish America and was buried 31 at sea, inspiring the poet to write: 32 33 England his hart; his Corps the Waters haue; 34 And that which raysd his fame, became his grave. 35 (Barnfield 36 1605, p. 84) 37 In order to perpetuate its authority in distant lands, the English were to be 38 presented to the world as an imperial nation by right of geopolitical position 39 and distinctive hallmarks. A conceptualization of an imperial nation is offered

8 J. Hawkins (1532 –1595), a naval commander and administrator, a merchant, shipbuilder, privateer, and slave trader. 9 F. Drake (1540 –1596), naval officer, sea captain, privateer, slave trader, explorer of the Elizabethan era. 10 W. Raleigh (1554 – 1618), writer, poet, soldier, politician, courtier, spy and explorer. One of the most notable figures of the Elizabethan era.

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1 in the book by Thomas Smith11 A Discourse of the Common Weal of this Realm 2 of England first printed in 1581. The first condition is national consolidation: 3 “Everye kingdome devided in it selfe shal be desolate” (Smith 1929, p. 131). A 4 consolidated nation must be uniquely intelligent and have superiority of 5 wisdom and polity chiefly through learning due to which it will have the 6 sovereignty over the rude and unlearned nations (ibid., p. 22). Outreach 7 missions became a perfect camouflage for the idea of conquest: Among all 8 nations in the world they that are “politique” and civil do master the rest of the 9 world (ibid., pp. 22 - 23). Historically, Smith justified the right of the British to 10 rule the world by Roman legacy alluding to the conquest of Britain by the 11 Roman Empire from 43 to 410 AD. Smith's writings were surreptitiously 12 slipping into English minds the idea of an imperial monarchy and the right of 13 possession of overseas riches. 14 15 Figure 8. Elizabeth I. Portcullis money

16 17 Source: obsoletecoin.com 18 19 The defeat of the Spanish fleet opened for British expansionism eastern 20 routes. In 1600, Queen Elizabeth I awarded a group of merchants the monopoly 21 on trade with the East. Elizabeth I forbade coins of any foreign prince to be 22 delivered to India “and that no silver should be exported by her merchants but 23 only such as should be coined with her effigies and picture on the one side, and 24 the portcullis on the other” (Ruding 1840, p. 353) because only her image must 25 be known and respected by the Asians. So, special “money was made of a kind 26 unknown to the British mint either before or since her time, for it was 27 intended” (ibid. p. 354) for the to demonstrate the power 28 of the British wherever this money circulated and compete with the Spanish 29 Reales. The coins (Fig. 8) were not popular with local people, so another set of 30 coins featuring the portrait of Queen Elizabeth I supplied with additional 31 symbols – Red Dragon, a ship that sailed on the first voyage, an image of a 32 pepper leaf, and the crowned portcullis – were issued. 33 Imperial ideas were taken up by pictorial art and literature. After the defeat 34 of the Spanish Armada, to commemorate the greatest sea victory of Elizabeth's 35 reign, a portrait was painted by an unknown artist 12 entitled The Armada 36 Portrait (see Apendix, picture 2 ). The Queen is depicted as the “Empress of

11Sir Thomas Smith (1513 –1577) was an English scholar, parliamentarian, diplomat, and one of the “Principall Secretaries vnto two moſt Worthy Princes, King Edvvard, and Queene Elizabeth.” 12Some attribute the painting to George Gower (1540–1596), an English portrait painter and Serjeant Painter to Queen Elizabeth I.

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1 the world.” The painting, is rich in symbolism: the imperial crown to the right 2 of the queen; Elizabeth's hand resting on a globe, her fingers covering the 3 Americas, which suggests her ambition to make England a world power; two 4 pictures in the background, one depicting the quiet sea landscape representing 5 English triumph (left) and the turbulent sea destroying the Spanish fleet (right); 6 a massive gold figure behind the queen emblematizing riches that may be 7 found in colonies. 8 9 The Crown as a symbol of nationhood and patriotism 10 11 The Crown as a royal headdress is a symbolic reification of the abstract 12 idea of monarchial power, which makes it the most cherished and craved for 13 object of kings, their heirs, and all kinds of pretenders to the throne. In the 14 thematic content of Shakespearean history plays, the crown becomes a literary 15 stock motif. In Richard II, the climax of the play is the dramatic scene when 16 Richard is forced to resign his crown. He says, “My crown I am,” and tells 17 Henry to hold to the crown, too: “Give me the crown. Here, cousin, seize the 18 crown;/ Here cousin:/On this side my hand, and on that side yours” 19 (Shakespeare 2006, Richard II, p. 223). Thus the symbolic concept of the 20 'crown' with deep rooted meanings of royal power, nationhood, and 21 sovereignty, etc. had been formed by the time Henry VIII took up the reins of 22 power. 23 24 Figure 5. Henry VIII. Gold Crown.

25 26 Source: Pinterest. com 27 28 For some time, Henry continued to issue gold sovereigns and angels. But 29 because of the scarcity of gold bullion, some foreign coins were permitted to 30 circulate in England. One such coin was the French écus au soliel (crown of 31 the Sun). In 1526, it was decided to issue an English coin of the same value as 32 it was considered unpatriotic to use foreign money. “And whereas the Crown 33 of the Sun was a strange coin, the king thought fit that there should be a piece 34 of gold of his own coin of the like fineness, weight, and goodness as the said 35 crown of the sun, to be called 'the Crown of the Rose,' and to be current in like 36 manner” (Ruding 1840, p. 304). The name Crown prompted the design for 37 Henry VIII's first English coins. Both obverse and reverse featured the Crown: 38 the former had the Tudor rose topped by a large crown, the latter had a shield 39 surmounted by a crown. The crowned letters signified Henry Rex.

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1 Foreign coins, especially brasse coins, caused problems in the functioning 2 of the monetary system. As Smith warned: “A coin made beyond the seas, like 3 in all things to our coin, which they brought over in heaps; and when they see 4 that [they were] esteemed as silver, they bring that for our commodities and 5 give us brass for them” (Smith 1929, p 45). Royal proclamations tried to 6 impress on people that the poor quality of foreign coins was fertile ground for 7 forgery and fraud. In 1525, Henry VIII issued a proclamation for the valuation 8 of foreign coins officially authorized in the realm; Elizabeth I repeatedly 9 warned her subjects “not to receive any manner of foreign coin of gold or silver 10 not being valued by public authority, on account of the great loss they might 11 sustain” (Ruding 1840, p. 344). 12 Literature of the time had its say in debunking foreign crowns. In the play 13 Henry V, the King tries to inspirit his “war-warn ruin'd band” to victory. In his 14 speech before the battle, Henry mocks the gilded epaulettes of French 15 commanders and resorts to the image of clipped coins13. 16 17 KING HENRY: Indeed, the French may lay twenty French crowns to one they 18 will beat us, for they bear them on their shoulders. But it is no English treason14 19 to cut French crowns, and tomorrow the King himself will be a clipper. 20 (Shakespeare 2006, King Henry V, p. 295). 21 22 The disdainful attitude to French crowns becomes evident when it 23 concerns venality and treason. After the Southampton plot is exposed, the King 24 accuses the three conspirators that they were paid by France with 'treacherous 25 crowns.' Addressing Lord Cambridge, one of the conspirators, he mentions the 26 poor quality of French debased coins and compares it to the base motifs of 27 traitors: “this man/ Hath, for a few light crowns15, lightly conspired, to kill us 28 here in Hampton,” (Shakespeare 2006, Henry V, p. 289). 29 John Donne's scorn for French crowns is still more pronounced as he 30 compares debased French coins to the 'French disease': the alloy contains less 31 gold (pale), their weight is reduced (lean), debased coins are ruinous for the 32 economy. 33 34 Were they but Crownes of France, I cared not, 35 For, most of these, their naturall Countreys rot 36 I think possesseth, they come here to us, 37 So pale, so lame, so leane, so ruinous; 38 (Donne 2001, p. 16, lines 23 -- 25) 39

13Clipping is the act of shaving off a small portion of a precious metal from coin for profit, considered equal to counterfeiting and was occasionally punished by death. The word 'crown' also means top of the head. 14According to the law Lèse-majesté (to do wrong to majesty) it was considered treason to clip or counterfeit English crowns as they bore the monarch's image; French crowns did not come within the purview of the law. 15debased coins which do not have enough gold in the alloy, that's why they are lighter.

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1 Legends as an ideological tool of religious politics 2 3 All Tudor coins had posies, or legends around the outside edge which are 4 analyzed in this part. It is a specific genre, which in a compact and concise way 5 conveys incontrovertible truths of predominantly religious content that in a 6 given historical context acquired political significance marked by a personal 7 touch. They were in Latin, not numerous, but easily read into and interpreted 8 by the contemporaries. Inscriptions on the front traditionally named the 9 sovereign and his/her dignities, for example, “Henry by the Grace of God King 10 of England and France, Lord of Ireland.” The legends on the reverse comprise 11 mainly Biblical citations, excerpts from sermons and Scripture revealing a 12 broad array of political allusions characteristic of the period at issue and the 13 monarch on the throne. 14 Throughout the reign of Henry VII, the remained an 15 integral part of the state power. Among the highest ranks of government the 16 clergy presented a domineering force. Henry was devoted to the doctrine of the 17 Roman Catholic Church, which becomes evident from the legends on his coins. 18 “But Jesus passing through their midst went His way” was engraved on the 19 first sovereign issued by Henry VII. It refers to Luke's description of Jesus' 20 return to his native town where he was rejected and nearly killed (NIV 1984, 21 Luke 4: 28 – 30, p.727). His moral power, inner staunchness, and the strength 22 of his faith awed the angry mob, so Jesus left Nazareth by quietly going 23 through the madding crowd and went to Capernaum16, to preach and teach 24 there. This Sentence of Scripture resonates with Henry's own vision of his 25 predestination. He had to fulfill the challenging task of transforming England 26 amidst baronial riots, abrasive relationships with Scotland and Ireland, plots 27 and conspiracies inside and outside the country. 28 On gold Angels the legend read: “By Thy Cross save us O Christ our 29 Redeemer” and on half-Angels “Hail thou cross my only hope” – suitable 30 inscriptions for the healing coin. At the end of his life, when Henry VII minted 31 silver shillings (testoons) and groats, probably assessing his achievements, he 32 inscribed, “I have made God my helper.” 33 No other subject sparked so much interest in the ballads of that time as the 34 struggle between Protestants and Catholics. It began during Henry VIII's reign, 35 who started out a Catholic, the “Defender of the Faith,” and ended a Protestant. 36 However, this change of faith was not an outburst of an outraged and spiteful 37 person, who failed to obtain from the Pope consent to divorce. The break with 38 Rome in the 1530s was preceded by a long history of English kings trying to 39 assert king's sovereign power within the realm. In 1351 under Edward III, the 40 Statute proclaimed “the Holy Church of England” as distinct from the pope of 41 Rome. Richard II was declared the absolute emperor of his dominion. In 1485, 42 the king of England was proclaimed answerable only to God and superior to 43 the pope within his realm. Henry VII appointed bishops himself as he did not 44 want any other sovereign power in his kingdom (Ackroyd 2013, p. 16).

16A town in Galilee.

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1 One of the earliest ballads is devoted to riots connected with the 2 dissolution of monasteries. The ballad mentions the principles of Catholicism 3 that Henry wanted to do away with in a very scoffing way: “Their hearts were 4 so rooted in the pope's laws ... They had false prophets which brought things to 5 pass ... Their hope was for help in their popish masse ... The vicars commanded 6 them to stick to their Idolatry.” The paean ends with extolling the King, “All 7 England rejoices at their overthrow / For only the Lord is our Kyng's victory” 8 (Rollins 1920, p. ix). 9 Though Henry VIII initiated changes in his religious policy, he was not a 10 wholehearted Protestant, in large part, he remained within the parameters of the 11 traditional devotional practices of Catholicism. His choice of legends on the 12 coins issued in his time reflect his warlike spirit and pride in naval exploits. He 13 added a new floral embellishment to the inscriptions: “By the grace of God, 14 king of England and France, Lord of Ireland, a dazzling rose without a thorn.” 15 This is a celebrated cliché from fourteenth-century Church Latin used in poetry 16 versifying English military victories and glorifying English valor and maritime 17 supremacy over the French. “Anglia regna, mundi rosa, flos sine spina./Mel 18 sine sentina, vicisti bella marina.” [Kingdom of England, rose of the world, 19 flower without a thorn,/ honey without sediment, you have won the war at sea] 20 (Carlson 2012, p.51). This motif endured on the coins of all the Tudors. For the 21 gold George noble Henry chose the last two lines of the stanza from a hymn by 22 Prudentius:17 “Crux pellit omne crimen/ fugiunt crucem tenebrae/ tali dicata 23 signo/mens fluctuare nescit” (Lat.) 24 25 The Cross dispels all darkness, 26 All sin before it flies, 27 And by that sign protected 28 The mind all fear defies. 29 (Prudentius 1905, p. 66 - 67). 30 31 In the context of national sovereignty, the English Reformation under 32 Henry VIII was a movement against alien domination rather than a break with 33 the religious doctrine. 34 Henry VIII's son was the first monarch to be raised as a Protestant. He 35 tried to quicken the pace of his father’s religious reforms, but his life was too 36 short to complete them. The legends on the coins of Edward VI display a 37 greater diversity than those of his father and grandfather, and testify to his 38 profound knowledge of the Bible and deep faith, amazing in one so young. He 39 adds to the already existing legends some of his own. On the half-sovereign of 40 1548, the legend reads, “The shield of faith shall protect him”. This is a citation 41 from the apostle Paul preaching about “the full armor of God.” 18 In an

17 A Roman Christian poet of the 4th century. He wrote hymns for daily use, festivals, and even for every hour of the day. 18Interestingly, the same metaphor is used in a ballad in reference to Mary I and her war against Protestantism:

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1 extended metaphor based on comparison drawn between religious people and 2 Roman warriors, he mentions “the belt of truth, the breastplate of 3 righteousness, the helmet of salvation, and the sword of the Spirit.” “Above 4 all, take up the shield of faith with which you will be able to quench all the 5 flaming arrows of the evil one” (NIV 1984, Ephesians 6: 16 -17, p.830). The 6 shield of faith is an invisible shield that protects believers from evil. The 7 legend asserts true faith received from God through His word as distinct from 8 Catholicism full of superstitions, rituals, and idolatry. On half-sovereigns a line 9 from psalms was inscribed “Thy word is a lamp unto my feet.”(NIV 1984, 10 Psalms 119:105, p. 439). The ending of the verse is “...and a light unto my 11 path” meaning that God's word dispels darkness and shows the way. In 1549, 12 he chose for a legend a part of Solomon's Proverb: “The fear of the Lord is the 13 fountain of life to depart from the snares of death.” (NIV 1984, Proverbs:14: 14 27, p. 458). The meaning is that those who fear God and do not fall into traps 15 of sin, will receive eternal life from the river of life, flowing out of the throne 16 of God. 17 After Edward's death, many hoped that Mary would continue the work on 18 true religion. 19 20 Oure moast godly Queene 21 That seekes our preseruasion : 22 No doubt wil strongly buyld vpon 23 Her brothers good fondacion. 24 The ground worke hee hathe layde him selfe, 25 And she is left a lon, 26 To buyld the house, and fortresse vp 27 Of trew religion. 28 (Rollins 1920, p. xiii) 29 30 However, these hopes were vain. Being a zealous Catholic, Mary I tried to 31 re-instate Roman Catholicism in England. Protestant religious legislation was 32 repealed; The Pope in Rome was re-instated as Head of the Church of England. 33 She believed she was trying to redeem the country from religious destruction 34 and persecuted faithful protestants as heretics. 300 people were burnt at the 35 stake. Her aspirations are reflected in her legends. The legend on the sovereign 36 was replaced with a line from Psalm 118: “This is the Lord's doing and it is 37 marvelous in our eyes” (NIV 1984, Psalm 118: 23, p. 436). This psalm is the 38 Te Deum expressing gratitude to God for helping the righteous, being their 39 strength and salvation. Each line of the psalm is resonant with Mary's feelings 40 and actions: “The Lord is with me; he is my helper. I look in triumph on my 41 enemies” (ibid., line7, p. 436). She tried to restore the True Faith and do away 42 with Protestants by “cutting them down” and “burning as thorns” (ibid., lines 43 11- 12, p. 436).

“Our life is a warfare, the worlde is the fielde: / Her highnes her army hath alwayes at hande; / For Hope is her helmet, Faith is her shielde,/ And Loue is her brestplate, her foes to withstad” (Rollins 1920, p. 14).

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1 Many historians try to make out Elizabeth I to be a peacemaker and 2 conciliator between Protestants and Catholics; true, she worked with the Privy 3 Council to create a religious settlement that would unite the country into one 4 Church. However, contemporary ballads testify to the contrary. She matched 5 her half-sister in diligently persecuting heretics. Priests were allegedly 6 condemned of treason, “not for their religion, as Papists persuade /But for 7 haynous hie Treason whiche they did and intended” (Rollins 1920, p. 65), but 8 the majority of priests were not guilty of any crime, apart from their religion. 9 10 In this our English coast much blessed blood is shed: 11 Two hundred preistes almost in our time martered! 12 (Rollins 1920, p. 75) 13 14 Elizabeth brought in much secularism into religion. By a statute of 15 parliament she was made the Supreme Governor (not Head!) of the Church of 16 England, a fully secular . Another sign of secularization was the Protestant 17 calendar that included such holy days as the Queen's birthday and the defeat of 18 the Armada (Ackroyd 2013, p. 469). Elizabeth I, though she introduced many 19 new coins, did not change any of the legends. The only alteration was on the 20 quarter angel where she added to her a short phrase “Queen of the Faith” 21 thus combining spiritual and temporal authority. 22 The analysis of the legends shows the Tudors' reliance on religious texts 23 resonant, in their view, with the historical moment, each claiming to have 24 restored the true light of the gospel. In essence, the new religion with its 25 emphasis on individualism and the abandonment of public rituals, submission 26 of the Church to the secular authorities, served the ideology of the new 27 formation – capitalism. 28 29 30 Conclusion 31 32 Economic, political and religious changes roiled England in the 16th 33 century as the young English state embarked on a road of transformation. 34 Absolutism, colonial expansion, and religious reformation were interwoven 35 and interdependent. Absolutism was buttressed by Protestantism; imperialistic 36 aspirations were a result of naval supremacy. New ideology was in need of a 37 multimedia venue of transmitting the ideas. In addition to philosophical 38 writings, oral and written literary texts, and art, who combined their efforts in 39 presenting the Tudors as an 'elect' dynasty and the English as an 'elect' nation, 40 the contemporary coinage was built into the ideological paradigm to 41 efficaciously disseminate new ideas. Each gold coin was an artifact of 42 excellence and had potent political resonances articulating sovereignty and 43 absolutism (sovereign, royal, crown), naval supremacy (noble), imperialistic 44 aspirations (India/portcullis money), and the divinity of regal power (angel). 45 The art of numismatic portraiture changed and moved towards realism 46 imprinting recognizable, lifelike images of kings and queens.

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1 Each coin was ideologically charged. Their iconography displays intensive use 2 of emblematic content. Symbols stamped on the coins included royal insignia 3 (orb, throne, crown), dynastic badges (greyhound, portcullis, red dragon), naval 4 attributes (Ship), symbols of Christianity (cross), which in combination with 5 legends forged Englishness and national identity. 6 English national identity was hammered out during many wars first with 7 France and then with Spain for naval supremacy; and national pride reached its 8 apogee after the defeat of the Armada buttressed by literature and art. Most 9 important, coins were a vehicle of fostering patriotism. In respect to money, it 10 meant coins of the highest quality. There were several attempts to convince 11 Elizabeth I of the necessity and advantages of copper coins on the model of 12 Europe; a proclamation was prepared to this effect, but was never made public 13 because Elizabeth would not hear of any metal other than gold and silver, 14 which inspired Barnfield to write with pride: 15 16 Within the Coast of Albion ... 17 Siluer and Golde, and nothing else is currant, 18 In Englands, in faire Englands happy Land: 19 All baser sorts of Mettalls, haue no Warrant” 20 (Barnfield 1905, p.12). 21 22 23 References 24 25 Ackroyed P (2013). Tudors: The History of England from Henry VIII to Elizabeth I, 26 vol 2. New York: Macmillan Press. 27 Armitage D (2000). The Ideological Origins of the British Empire. Cambridge: 28 Cambridge University Press. 29 Aubrey W (1867). The National and Domestic History of England. Vol 2. London: 30 James Hagger. 31 Bloch M (2015). The Royal Touch: Sacred Monarchy and Scrofula in England and 32 France. New York, NY: Routledge. 33 Bodin J (1606 ). The Six Booke of a Commonweale. London: Impenʃis G Biʃhop. 34 Brogan S (2015). The Royal Touch in Early Modern England: Politics, Medicine and 35 Sin. In Royal Historical Society, studies in history: New series. Volume 92. 36 Rochester, NY: Boydell & Brewer Limited. 37 Capeloa I & Gonçalves da Silva H (2015). The Cultural Life of Money. Berlin/ 38 Boston: Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG. 39 Cook B (2012). Angels and Ducats: Shakespeare’s Money and Medals. London: 40 British Museum Press. 41 Cunningham W (1910). The Growth of English Industry and Commerce During the 42 Early and Middle Ages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 43 Dobin H (1990). Merlin's Disciples: Prophecy, Poetry, and Power in Renaissance 44 England. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press. 45 Farquhar H (1908). Portraiture of the Tudor monarchs on their coins and medals. 46 London: Harrison and Sons. 47 Fortescue J (1926). The Governance of England. Ch. Plummer (ed.). London: 48 Humphrey Milford.

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1 Grav P (2012). Taking Stock of Shakespeare and the New Economic Criticism. In: 2 Shakespeare, vol. 8, issue 1, pp. 111-136. 3 Grierson Ph (1964). The Origins of the English Sovereign and the Symbolism of the 4 Closed Crown. In British Numismatic Journal, no 33. Oxford: Oxford University 5 Press, pp. 118 – 134. 6 Hower J (2013).Tudor Imperialism: Exploration, Expansion, and Experimentation in 7 the Sixteenth-Century British Atlantic World. Washington DC. (dissertaion). 8 Innes A (1911). England Under The Tudors. London: Methuen & Co. Ltd. 9 Landreth D (2012). The Face of Mammon: The Matter of Money in English 10 Renaissance Literature. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 11 Maritain J (1937). Sign and symbol. Trans. by M. Morris. In Journal of the Warburg 12 Institute 1 (July). London: the Warburg Institute Press, pp. 1–11. 13 Marx K and Engels F (2001). The German Ideology Part One, with Selections from 14 Parts Two and Three, together with Marx's "Introduction to a Critique of Political 15 Economy. New York: International Publishers. 16 Mc Aleer J (1963). Ballads on the Spanish Armada. In: Texas Studies in Literature 17 and Language, 4(4), pp. 602-612. Austin: University of Texas Press. 18 Ruding R (1840). Annals Of The Coinage Of Great Britain And Its Dependencies, vol. 19 1. London: Manning and Mason. 20 Shell M (1995). Art and Money. London: University of Chicago Press. 21 Skeel C (1916). The Influence of the Writings of Sir John Fortescue. In: Transactions 22 of the Royal Historical Society, Vol. 10, pp. 77-114. London: Cambridge 23 University Press. 24 Smith Th (1929). A Discourse of the Common Weal of this Realm of England. E 25 Lamond (ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 26 Valenze D (2006). The Social Life of Money in the English Past. Cambridge: 27 Cambridge University Press. 28 Warner G (ed.) (1926). The libelle of Englyshe polycye, a poem on the use of sea- 29 power. Oxford: the Clarendon Press. 30 Wong A (2012) Uttering Angels and Minting Metaphors: Some Numismatic Tropes in 31 Early Modern British Poetry. In: British Numismatic Journal, vol. 82. Oxford: 32 Oxford University Press, pp. 121–132. 33 34 List of Literature Analyzed 35 36 Barnfield R (1896). Poems 1594-1598. E Arber (ed.). London: Archibald Cosstable & 37 Co. 38 Deloney Th (1903). His Thomas of Reading: And Three Ballads on the Spanish 39 Armada. C Aldrich and L Kirtland (eds). New York: Taylor & Co. 40 Donne J (1896/2001). Elegies. In Poems of John Donne, vol I. ECh ambers (ed.). 41 London: Lawrence & Bullen. 42 New International Version of the Holy Bible (NIV) (1984). Colorado Springs: 43 International Bible Society. 44 Rollins H (ed.) 1920. Old English Ballads 1553-1625 (OEB). Cambridge: the 45 University Press. 46 Prudentius A (1905). The Hymns of Prudentius. Translated by R Pope. London: J M. 47 Dent & Co. 48 Shakespeare W (2006). The Complete Works. London: CRW Publishing Limited. 49 Spenser E (1751). The Faerie Queen, vol. I. London: Printed for J. Brindley and S. 50 Warner G (ed.) 1926. The Libelle of Englyshe Polycye, a poem on the use of sea- 51 power. Oxford: The Clarendon Press.

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1 Appendix 2 Picture 1. The Pope suppressed by King Henry VIII (ca 1532).

3 4 Source: alamy.com 5 Picture 2. Elizabeth I. The Armada portrait (1588).

6 7 Source: Wikipedia

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