CHALLENGING RUSS FEINGOLD IN 2004 LIKELY REPUBLICAN CONTENDERS PHILIP J. MCDADE ill Karl Rove suasion he utilized come calling so skillfully in 2002. Won the state And that means of Wisconsin? And Rove, Bush's chief does he have U.S. political advisor and Senator Russ Feingold strategist nonpareil, in his eyesights? is almost certainly eyeing Wisconsin Rove and the man and Feingold. he works for — President George W. Wisconsin's Bush — rolled the dice junior senator has in the 2002 elections. succeeded in garner- They put the presi- ing an odd conflu- dent's political stature ence of accomplish- on the line in an effort ments — a politician to strengthen the who is respected and Republican's hold on admired by the elec- the U.S. House of torate, yet struggles Representatives and to win broad levels wrest control of the U.S. Senate away from the of its support. He first won election to the Democrats. Senate in 1992 with 53 percent of the vote, defeating incumbent GOP Senator Robert They came up big, picking up six seats in Kasten, in what turned out to be a good year the House (they now control the chamber by a nationally for Democrats. His margin fell in 229-206 margin) and gaining control of the 1998, when he garnered just 51 percent of the Senate. But the GOP's hold on the Senate is still vote against GOP Congressman Mark tenuous, with only a bare majority of 51 seats Neumann. on the Republicans' side. Any number of Bush initiatives — be it overhauling federal medical Part of Feingold's struggle in connecting programs, pushing for permanent tax cuts, or with a broad majority of the electorate can be getting judicial appointments approved — explained by his politics. He's quick to invoke could be derailed by wayward Republicans in Wisconsin's Progressive Party heritage, and the Senate who don't toe the partisan line. that often involves taking stands to the left of Wisconsin's political mainstream. For instance, So Bush, in his anticipated run for re-elec- Feingold in 1999 and in 2000 received perfect tion in 2004, is certain to be looking for seats in or near-perfect ratings from liberal groups the Senate that he can turn over to the Republican side with the same powers of per- Philip J. McDade is a Madison-based writer and former reporter for the Wisconsin State Journal. Wisconsin Interest 15 such as the American Civil Liberties Union In addition, Feingold has cultivated a sort and Americans for Democratic Action. Those of cheapskate, man-of-the-people image akin rankings put him to the left of his fellow to that of former Democrat Wisconsin Senator Wisconsin Democrat in the Senate, Herb Kohl. William Proxmire. He's one of the Senate's In the year 2000, the respected non-partisan least wealthy members, owns a heavily mort- National Journal ranked Feingold as voting the gaged home in a middle class Middleton liberal line on economic issues 94 percent of neighborhood, and writes checks for his chil- the time, compared to 61 percent for Kohl. drens' public college education — all facts he Following the Democrat Party's poor showing proudly owns up to. His practice of holding in the 2002 mid-term elections, Feingold said listening sessions every year in each of the problem with the party was that it had for- Wisconsin's 72 counties is reminiscent of the gotten its progressive, liberal traditions. old saw about Proxmire — that you couldn’t go to a Green Bay Packers game at Lambeau “We need to get back to some of the pro- Field without first having to shake Proxmire's gressive roots of the party,” he told the Green hand outside the stadium. Bay Press-Gazette shortly after the 2002 elec- tions. “My goal here is to work with . all the Feingold also has recent Wisconsin elec- other (Democratic) members of the Senate to toral history on his side. By most measures, have a stronger message, a message that the Wisconsin trends Democratic in statewide elec- average person can relate (to) that is more pop- tions. The recent successful candidacies of ulist in nature, so we don't try to win the elec- Democrats Jim Doyle for governor and Peg tion just through Washington talk.” Lautenschlager for attorney general proved once again that Republicans not named Yet Feingold also enjoys a certain level of Tommy Thompson face uphill battles in respect and admiration from Wisconsin voters, statewide elections. Feingold will also be run- tied in part to his often-quirky voting habits. ning in a presidential election year, which usu- He famously opposed the U.S. Patriot Act, the ally results in an upswing in the Democratic only senator to do so, on the grounds that it turnout in Wisconsin. The last Republican impinged on civil liberties. Those same con- presidential candidate to take Wisconsin was cerns made him one of the few senators to Ronald Reagan way back in 1984. (Even oppose Bush's Homeland Security Act. For the repeated visits to the state by Bush in 2000, and state that brought the U.S. Senate Joe the statewide Republican organization built up McCarthy, Feingold's civil libertarian concerns by Thompson, failed to deliver the state to the have a certain resonance. Similarly, his support GOP side.) for Bush's nomination of John Ashcroft to attorney general — on the grounds that presi- Still, any list of vulnerable senators on the dents conservative or liberal ought to have Democrat's side in 2004 is likely to include broad discretion on cabinet appointments — Feingold. For starters, he's never garnered showed a willingness to cross the standard lib- more than 53 percent of the vote in either of his eral line drawn in the sand on such controver- two Senate campaigns — incumbents are usu- sial appointments. In addition, his longtime ally viewed as vulnerable if they consistently support for campaign finance reform, regard- poll below 55 percent. Secondly, Feingold's less of its potential constitutional problems, stance on campaign financing, and his lack of probably scores him points with voters in a personal wealth, can put him at a financial dis- state that's long embraced political reforms. advantage in a high profile, expensive race. And in some national quarters, Feingold is (This is a point of contention between Feingold viewed as one of the likely heirs to the pro- and Republicans. Feingold says he doesn't gressive, liberal mantle long worn by want outside or third-party groups spending Minnesota Senator Paul Wellstone, who died money on his behalf; Republicans accuse in a plane crash just days before the 2002 elec- Feingold of proclaiming his abhorrence to out- tions. side money with a wink and a nod, knowing 16 Winter 2003 full well that outside money will find its way he cleared the way for the successful candida- into the campaign.) cies of Saxby Chambliss and Elizabeth Dole. He did the same in Missouri, backing chal- Finally, the field of Senate candidates up lenger Jim Talent in his successful victory over for election in 2004 appears chock full of candi- incumbent Jean Carnahan. He exerted tremen- dates on both sides — Maryland's Barbara dous control over Minnesota's statewide races Milkulski, Connecticut's Christopher Dodd, in 2002, convincing Tom Pawlenty to run for Indiana's Evan Bayh, and Louisiana's John governor when he was contemplating a run for Breux among the Democrats, and Utah's the Senate, and backing one-time Democrat Robert Bennett, Kansas' Sam Brownback, Norm Coleman for the Senate race. Both Oklahoma's Don Nickles, Alaska's Frank Pawlenty and Coleman won, in a state that has Murkowski, and Idaho's Mike Crapo among long favored Democrats in statewide elections. the Republicans — who appear set for easy And Rove lays the groundwork early; plan- victories. ning for the 2002 mid-term elections began Sure, there are vulnerable incumbents — within months after Bush took office following Illinois' Peter Fitzgerald and Kentucky's Jim the controversial 2000 presidential election. Bunning on the Republican What's important to side, and Nevada's Harry remember when consid- Reid and Arkansas' ering Rove's tactics is that Blanche Lincoln on the political philosophy, or Democrat side. Rove looks to find a adherence to a certain set But the field of poten- of values, is a minor mat- tially vulnerable candi- candidate who “fits” the ter. Chambliss and Talent dates in 2004 appears to are stout conservatives, be a narrow one, meaning state and — most while Coleman was a for- that parties and interest importantly — is mer Democrat who took groups will be targeting issue with Bush's position the vulnerable seats with electable statewide. on issues such as trade both barrels. Any objec- with Cuba. Dole, a former tive list of the top half- Labor and Transportation dozen vulnerable Senators secretary, has long been up for election in 2004 is viewed skeptically by ele- sure to include Feingold. ments of the GOP's right- wing core. Rather, Rove looks to find a candi- So who is likely to challenge Feingold? date who “fits” the state and — most impor- Wisconsin Republicans generally try to avoid tantly — is electable statewide. He also prefers expensive, contentious primaries. They like to candidates who have experience in politics, save their money for the general election, and have withstood the trials of tough cam- knowing that Democrats enjoy an inherent paigns. (Dole ran for president in 2000, edge in statewide elections. They also don't Chambliss and Talent were former members of like to criticize each other, harking back to the U.S.