MOUTH SHUT, EYES OPEN: AN EXPLORATIVE STUDY OF THE NO SNITCHING MENTALITY IN THE AFRICAN AMERICAN COMMUNITY

Tianna Williams B.A , California State University, Sacramento, 2007

PROJECT

Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK

at

CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SACRAMENTO

SPRING 2011

©2011

Tianna Williams ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii

MOUTH SHUT, EYES OPEN: AN EXPLORATIVE STUDY OF THE NO SNITCHING MENTALITY IN THE AFRICAN AMERICAN COMMUNITY

A Project

by

Tianna Williams

Approved by:

______, Committee Chair Teiahsha Bankhead, Ph.D., LCSW

______Date

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Student: Tianna Williams

I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this project is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for the project.

______, Department Chair ______Robin Kennedy, Ph.D. Date

Division of Social Work

iv

Abstract

of

MOUTH SHUT, EYES OPEN: AN EXPLORATIVE STUDY OF THE NO SNITCHING MENTALITY IN THE AFRICA AMERICAN COMMUNITY

by

Tianna Williams

The aim of this explorative quantitative study is to examine the culture of silence (also referred as the ―no snitching‖ mentality) that exists in the African American

Community. Such attitude encourages African Americans to be uncooperative with the police, in which explicit messages are present in some rap and hip hop lyrics, illustrated in music videos, and designed on clothing apparel that advocate for this behavior (United

States Department of Justice, 2009a). African Americans compared to Whites and other minorities represent a disproportion number of victims of homicide and incarcerated adults in the United States (United States Department of Justice, 2006; United States

Department of Justice, 2010). As the role of police is to keep communities and citizens safe, they are dependent on the public to help them solve crimes. (United States

Department of Justice, 2009a). Through non-probability and availability sampling, the researcher surveyed 70 African American and non-African American students to determine if the respondents‘ opinions about issues in the African Americans community and police, expectations and experiences varied by race. Using descriptive statistics and

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bivariate analysis, the researcher‘s findings were that African Americans and non-African

American students reported that they were likely to cooperate with the police to solve crimes, and they also perceived witnesses participation positively. This research has will help social workers in community settings and in the criminal justice system, researchers, policy makers, law enforcement officers and communities to better understand the no- snitching mentality to impact appropriate interventions to support health and social justice for all and to promote public safety in the African American community.

______, Committee Chair Teiahsha Bankhead, Ph.D., LCSW

______Date

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to give thanks to my Lord and Savior Jesus Christ for making all things possible and strengthening me through this journey. I wake up every morning and give praise. I would like to thank my family, friends, the numerous staff within California

State University, Sacramento, the Division of Social Work, the History Department, the

Ethnic Studies Department, and the Division of Criminal Justice for their support and guidance in my personal and professional growth. Also I would like to thank the staff in the Office of Institutional Research, who were instrumental in me being able to have a refined sampling procedure to survey students. Furthermore, having lost family members and friends of my family to violence, I pray for change in the African American community to stop the violence and the silence of it.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page Acknowledgments ...... vii List of Tables ...... x List of Figures ...... xiii Chapter

1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1 Statement of the Research Problem ...... 5 Background of the Problem ...... 5 Purpose of the Study ...... 8 Justifications (Benefits of this study) ...... 8 Theoretical Framework ...... 9 Definition of Terms ...... 11 Assumptions ...... 11 Limitations of This Study ...... 12 2. LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 14 Brief History of African Americans and the Police ...... 14 Civil Rights Movement and the 20th Century ...... 18 Trusting the Police ...... 21 Cooperating with Authorities ...... 23 Messages in the Media ...... 26 Summary ...... 33 3. METHODS ...... 36 Purpose ...... 36 Study Design ...... 36 Sampling Procedures ...... 37 Data Collection Procedures ...... 38

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Instrument ...... 38 Data Analysis ...... 39 Human Subjects ...... 40 Limitations of the Study...... 41 4. FINDINGS ...... 42 Demographics...... 42 Measuring the Level of Agreement ...... 48 Perception Toward Cooperating with the Police ...... 59 Personal Experiences Involving the Police ...... 64 5. DISCUSSION ...... 73 Discussion of the Findings ...... 73 In Retrospect ...... 78 Reliability and Validity ...... 79 Implications for Practice ...... 80 Limitations ...... 81 Conclusion ...... 82 Appendix A Homicide Victims in the United States from 1930-1990 ...... 85 Appendix B Lynching Victims in the United States from 1868-1935 ...... 86 Appendix C All Students Majors ...... 87 Appendix D Lyrics for The Message by Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five ...... 88 Appendix E Lyrics for Fuck the Police by NWA ...... 91 Appendix F Lyrics for Ready to Die by The Notorious B.I.G. (feat. Puff Daddy) ...... 95 Appendix G Lyrcis for I Aint Mad at Cha by Tupac (feat. Danny Boy)...... 98 Appendix H Lyrics for Only Fear of Death by Tupac ...... 103 Appendix I Lyrics for Party Up (Up In Here) by DMX ...... 106 References ...... 109

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LIST OF TABLES

Page

1. Table 1 Race and Ethnicity ...... 43

2. Table 2 Frequency Distribution of Sex ...... 44

3. Table 3 Cross Tabulation of Race, Ethnicity, and Sex ...... 44

4. Table 4 Frequency Table of Parenthood ...... 45

5. Table 5 Frequency Table of Marital Status ...... 46

6. Table 6 Cross Tabulation of Martial Status and Parenthood ...... 47

7. Table 7 Frequency Table of Highest Education Level Completed ...... 47

8. Table 8 Frequency Table of Academic Major...... 48

9. Table 9 Central Tendency and Dispersion for Students Likelihood to Cooperate with

Police...... 50

10. Table 10 Likelihood for Blacks vs. Non Blacks Witness to Cooperate ...... 50

11. Table 11 Chi-Square Tests ...... 51

12. Table 12 Central Tendency and Dispersion for How Students Perceived Crimes

Committed Against Blacks by the Police ...... 52

13. Table 13 Black Victim(s) and Crimes Perpetuated by the Police ...... 52

14. Table 14 Chi Square Test ...... 53

15. Table 15 Central Tendency and Dispersion for How Students Perceived Crimes

Committed Against Blacks by Average Citizens ...... 54

16. Table 16 Black Victim(s) and Crimes Perpetuated by Average Citizens ...... 54

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17. Table 17 Chi-Square Test...... 55

18. Table 18 Central Tendency and Dispersion for How Students Perceived Blacks

Cooperation with the Police ...... 56

19. Table 19 Cross Tabulation of Blacks‘ vs. Non-Blacks‘ Belief of a Snitching

Mentality among Blacks ...... 56

20. Table 20 Chi Square Test ...... 57

21. Table 21 Central Tendency and Dispersion for How Students Perceived Rap Music

Encourage African Americans to Not Report Crimes to the Police ...... 58

22. Table 22 Cross Tabulation for Blacks vs. Non-Blacks Perception Toward Rap Music

...... 58

23. Table 23 Chi Square Test ...... 59

24. Table 24 Cross Tabulation Table for the Strongest Factors Blacks vs. Non-Blacks

Believed to Discourage African Americans from Cooperating with the Police ...... 60

25. Table 25 Cross Tabulation Table for Understanding the Meaning of Victims‘ Witness

and Snitch ...... 61

26. Table 26 Cross Tabulation for How Black and Non-Black Students Characterized

Witnesses Who Cooperate with the Police ...... 62

27. Table 27 Significant Factors Perceived by Black and Non-Black Students to

Encourage Witnesses to Cooperate with the Police ...... 64

28. Table 28 Cross Tabulation Table for Black and Non-Black Students Experience of

Cooperating with the Police ...... 65

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29. Table 29 Frequency Table for Witnesses‘ Desired Behavior ...... 70

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LIST OF FIGURES

Page

1. Figure 1. Histogram: Frequency Distribution of Age ...... 45

2. Figure 2. Childhood and Police ...... 66

3. Figure 3. Percentage of Blacks and Non-Blacks Students who Learned to be Selective

Toward the Police as Children...... 67

4. Figure 4. Social Factors Black and Non-Black Students Identified as Teaching Them as Children to be Selective When Talking to the Police...... 68

5. Figure 5. What Would Encourage Your Cooperation with the Police?...... 69

6. Figure 6. Students‘ Desired Behavior for Witnesses ...... 71

7. Figure 7. Blacks Desired Behavior For Witnesses ...... 72

8. Figure 8. Non-Blacks Desired Behavior for Witness ...... 72

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1

Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

According to the United States Department of Justice (2005), homicide, the killing of a human being, has been identified as the leading cause of death for Black males between the ages of 18 to 24. In 2009, there were a total of 13,636 homicides:

48.1% of the victims were White, 48.0 % were Black, 2.64 % were considered other races, and the remaining 1.1 % of victims‘ races were unknown (United States Deptment of Justice, 2009). In 2008, when examining victims‘ race(s) and sex, there were a total of 14,180 where 48.2% were White male victims and 47.8% were identified as Black males (United States Department of Justice, 2008). Overall, Black males compared to all other racial groups represented a higher number of murdered victims in

2006, 2007, 2008 and 2009 (United States Department of Justice, 2006, 2007, 2008, and

2009).

The 2010 crime ranking for U.S. cities identified some of the most dangerous and safest places to live (Morgan, Morgan, & Boba, 2010). In Northern California, Oakland ranked as America‘s 5th most dangerous city to live while Compton in Southern

California ranked the 8th most dangerous city (Morgan et al., 2010). Just 70 miles east of

Sacramento, in Oakland, California, the city grabbed national media attention when 22 year old Oscar Grant III was videotaped on a subway platform as he was shot and killed in the early morning of January 1, 2009 by (BART) police officer Johannes Mehserle (Antony & Thomas, 2010). At the BART station, filled with passengers who witnessed the event, BART Officers were accused of trying to confiscate

2 bystanders‘ cell phones that recorded Mr. Grant‘s brutal murder (Antony & Thomas,

2010). However, the video recording managed to go viral on video sharing websites such as Youtube.com, where people could see the young unarmed African American man with his hands behind his back when shot by the White police officer (Antony & Thomas,

2010). It headlined many news outlets beyond Oakland, where it drew parallel comparisons to the 1991 police beating video of Rodney King Jr. (Antony & Thomas,

2010). Both events sparked the controversial issue around police brutalizing minorities and using excessive force. In response to the killing of Oscar Grant, the city of Oakland erupted in and protests of people, infuriated with the police actions (Killing for

Respect, 2009).

Since the tragic BART station incident, other crimes have occurred in Alameda

County and other surrounding cities (Killing for Respect, 2009). Unlike the national public attention and response to Mr. Grant‘s killing, among the more than 100 murders that took place in 2009 in Oakland and in other surrounding cities, such crimes did not gain the magnitude of public outcry that resulted in riots, large protests, and social pressures on the police to charge criminals for crimes they committed. This leads some to wonder why there appears to be less of an outward outrage for crimes affecting some

African American communities when not involving the police.

Controversy and even poor race relations between the police and African

Americans are no new phenomenon. Tension among the two groups has been embedded in parts of history and the American culture. In the late 1970s to the early 1980s rap and hip music emerge in the United States, where rappers became known as social reporters

3 composed of inner city youth voices, who rhymed about urban life, crime and injustices in the African American community (Richardson and Scott, 2002). In the late 1980s the popular rap group N.W.A (N*ggaz Wit Attitudes) released their second , ―Straight

Out of Compton‖ which reached platinum status twice (Emmett, 2006; Tsort, 2010). It brought the rap group to a legendary status in the rap industry and it also attributed to the group being under the investigation of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) because of the album‘s single ―F-ck tha Police‖ in which the artist rapped about police killing minorities, , and the misconduct of corrupt police officers (Emmett, 2006; see also Richardson & Kim, 2002; Tsort, 2010). Rappers then and even now were often portrayed as reporters of the social conditions in their communities. The NWA song ―F- ck the Police‖ was considered an anthem of the rap group and for some of its listeners at the time (Emmett, 2006).

In response to the July 2010 verdict for the death of Oscar Grant by ex- Bart police officer Mehserle, protesters of diverse racial and ethnic groups were present in , where some looted businesses and shouted and chanted ―F-ck tha

Police‖ when the Southern California jury convicted the ex-officer of only involuntary man slaughter (Rosynsky, 2010). Mr. Mehserle was sentenced to a two year prison term subtracting time already served (Rosynsky, 2010). Grant‘s mother, angry and saddened, spoke to groups of reporters outside the courtroom about her son being murdered; Mrs.

Grant asserted that the verdict reflected injustices in society, failure of the criminal justice system, and the need for more accountability for those who commit such crimes (Hing,

2010)

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Some of the residents of Oakland, reported in newspaper accounts and news segments that they believed the city had received bad publicity from this event (resulting in riots where the majority of the rioters were said to not be Oakland residents) (Killing for Respect, 2009). This opinion may have been magnified two months after Grant‘s murder, in March 2009 when four officers were shot and killed in Oakland by Lovelle

Mixon after a routine traffic stop (Killing for Respect, 2009). These violent events coupled with the high crime rate in Oakland, to some, have painted a very negative picture of the city which overshadows some of the enriched history, opportunities, and positive attributes that the city has to offer (Killing for Respect, 2009). I recall riding the

BART train to and from during the peak hours of December 31, 2009

(approximately one year after Mr. Grant‘s death). On the train I observed an abundance of police officers and citizens. For the majority of the ride, everyone was quiet and appeared on guard. As a native of the Bay Area and an African American, I have perceived a divide between the police and some African American communities over my life course since I was a young child and into my adulthood. Following the July 2010 verdict of ex-officer Merheles, I recall one Sunday evening listening to the Street Solider

Radio Show that is broadcast on 106.1 KMEL, where Dr. Edward Marshall and his team listened to and talked with callers about whether they agreed or disagreed with the

Merheles verdict. Focused on social issues and providing a weekly platform for youth,

Dr. Marshal asserted on the airwaves that there appears to be a double standard in the

African American community when it comes to a public outcry of crime and accountability. Believing that the African American community is affected by a no

5 snitching phenomenon, he said it‘s not about if we get killed, but who the killer is (Street

Solider Radio, 2010).

Statement of the Research Problem

I interpreted what Dr. Marshal said to mean that people in some African American communities may be silent about crimes committed by average citizens. I wondered to myself, ―Is what Dr.Marshall saying true? If so, to what degree?. My area of interest for this study is to explore whether African Americans have an uncooperative mentality with the police when it comes to solving crimes committed by average citizens, and whether they perceive those who do cooperate negatively.

Background of the Problem

According to the homicide trends, from 1976-2005 in the United States, it has been reported that the victim and offender often know each other 50 % of the time either as spouse, family member, boyfriend/girlfriend, or other acquaintance (United States

Department of Justice, 2011). When a person agrees to cooperate with the police, in some instances, they can be labeled as a ―snitch‖ (United States Department of Justice, 2009a).

In the Dictionary of Slang and Unconventional English, the word ―snitch‖ is referred as,

―to inform against‖ (Partridge & Beale, 1984). The word can be used as a noun or a verb.

Typically a witness is defined as a person who is present at an occurrence or a bystander.

Whereas a criminal informant can be described as a criminal who informs authorities about crime(s) he or she may have had some criminal involvement in, in exchange for a lenient punishment (Natapoff, 2004). Both (the witness and criminal informant) may be identified as a snitch while their behavior can sometimes be described as ―snitching‖,

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―ratting‖, ―flipping‖, ―informing‖ , ―cooperating‖, ―whistle-blowing‖, or ―turning state‘s evidence‖ ( Natapoff, p.3, 2004). As the meaning of some words and terms are socially constructed, the word snitch can have a negative connotation where the person who snitches or cooperates with the police can be seen as disloyal, unreliable, and engaging in betrayal (Natapoff, 2004). To tell on or inform against someone can reflect and reinforce earlier lessons taught in childhood. Known as ―tattle telling‖ even young children may be scorned by adults and peers when telling on other children‘s behavior (Subcommittee on Crime and Drugs, 2010). Children may be warned that no one likes a tattle teller and told when it‘s acceptable to tell on others. When involving crimes in a neighborhood where a person may live, he or she may not want to be associated with someone or be someone labeled as a ―snitch‖. Whether it is fear of being labeled a snitch or perceived repercussions, some people may be reluctant to report some criminal behavior to the authorities and have their own motivations for not doing so (Subcommittee on Crime and

Drugs, 2010).

In some African American communities, cooperating with police to solve crimes has been associated with intimidating possible witnesses with violence (United States

Department of Justice, 2009a). As reported on the Stop Snitching DVD that was released in early 2000, the audience was warned that ―snitches gets stitches‖ when they cooperate with the police and go against criminals (United States Department of Justice, 2009a).

The phrase ―snitches get stitches‖ can be interpreted as meaning that witnesses can expect to be physically harmed if they let the police know about criminals‘ behaviors.

Such phrases and beliefs can also be seen on some clothing apparel and heard explicitly

7 in some music lyrics while being known as a code of the streets in some urban communities (United States Department of Justice, 2009a). Such code can be viewed sortably as a code of ethics, where criminals expect or even coerce potential witnesses to not cooperate with the police. To some degree, African Americans and police relations can be conceptualize as an ―us‖ versus ―them‖ mentality, where the police were often perceived as an enemy, involved in destructing the community.

Historically, the police have operated as an oppressive force in the African

American community. As slave patrollers, upholding the status quo of White supremacy, the police were often involved in the harassing, brutalizing, and even of killing people of

African descent (Kurtis, 1999; see also Wadman & Allison, 1999, 2004; Williams &

Murphy, 1990; Wintersmith, 1974). Such history and current events may affect how cooperating with the police may not always be viewed positively. From previous research from Howell, Perry, and Vile (2004) supported by Brunson and Miller (2006), individuals‘ perceptions of the police can be impacted by their personal experiences and encounters with the police, and the vicarious experiences of others (See also Brunson,

2007; Weitzer, Tuch, & Skogan, 2008). Whether the police and the African American community relationship is affected by America‘s cultural history or African Americans personal or vicarious experiences, both groups continue to intersect in society due to the violence that is impacting the African American community and with the police having a sworn duty of protecting and serving members in society.

According to the U.S Census Bureau 2000 Brief, The Black Population: 2000,

African Americans account for only 12.9% of the general population. However, Black

8 males account for nearly half all of the homicide victims (in 2006, 2007, 2008 and 2009) and both Black males and Black females collectively represented as much as 38.2 % of the estimated number of prisoners under state or federal jurisdiction in 2009 (United

States Department of Justice, 2010). With social problems disproportionately effecting

African Americans such as a high murder rate, over populating the prison system while in low numbers on some college campuses compared to Whites, Asians and Hispanics, some may argue that there is a crisis in the African American community. Are we in danger of perishing away or being left behind?

Purpose of the Study

To expand on previous research about community policing and African

Americans, in this explorative study, the researcher aims to understand the factors that may discourage people from cooperating with the police. The researcher will explore if the reluctance to cooperate with the police and the no-snitching phenomenon have any association with a real or imagined fear of retaliation by criminals, distrust in the police, cultural influences, and experiences. To determine if there is any significance, the researcher will analyze beliefs and attitudes toward cooperating with the police among

African American and non-African American participants of this study for comparison purposes. The researcher will explore the history of African Americans and the police to examine their relationship with each other.

Justifications (Benefits of this study)

As culture is passed down from one generation to the next, so are the values and beliefs that support or discourage particular behaviors. From this research study, the

9 researcher hopes that this study will allow social workers and communities to all understand some of the perceptions toward the police and factors affecting the police‘s role in the African American community. People are assumed to be the products of their environment and their behaviors have consequences and implications for practice. To understand some of the values, beliefs, and norms around what encourage some people to cooperate with the police, it is my hope that with such knowledge gained we will better understand this issue, select appropriate interventions to support social justice, and promote public safety.

Furthermore, this issue, particularly in the social work profession, can be encountered in various client systems when working in micro, mezzo, and macro settings.

Social workers may assist individuals coping with personal violence as a survivor, witness, or perpetrator of a crime as well as assist communities and institutions coping with community violence.

Theoretical Framework

In an attempt to try to understand the perceptions toward cooperating with the police, three theories appear appropriate to examine ―snitching‖: conflict theory, operant conditioning theory and social learning theory. Conflict theory can be traced to the work of Karl Max and Max Weber with a focus on social class struggle, oppression of the non- dominant groups, and inequality of power relationships (Hutchinson, 2003). With the struggle among the classes, those with the least power are often exploited by those with power and privilege. Furthermore, those with the least power also experience social inequality, discrimination, and social injustice. Conflict theory can be expanded to the

10 history of African Americans in America. For instance, throughout history minorities were exploited and experienced institutionalized racism, discrimination and oppression which led to numerous fights for racial and social equality where the police were often at the forefront to reinforce the status quo of the dominant-group. Conflict theory can also be used to examine the relationship among members of the neighborhood where violence is present. Using this theory, some may say that there is an unequal distribution of power among criminals and non-criminals, leaving some neighbors in fear or even with feelings of helplessness about crime in their neighborhoods.

From the social behavioral perspective, human behavior is theorized and surrounded by the premise that behaviors are learned and when needed can be modified or unlearned. The assumption is that all behaviors are the outcome of one‘s interactions and social environment. American psychologists John B. Watson and B.F Skinner suggested in their operant conditioning theory that learned behavior can be supported or discouraged by the reward that follows the behavior (Hutchinson, 2003). Some behaviors will either continue or discontinue, be viewed negatively or positively, and receive reinforcement or punishment. Conclusively, the theory explains behaviors as being either strengthen or weaken by the consequence.

In comparison, in cognitive social theory, according to Albert Bandura, behaviors are socially constructed by the environment and one‘s beliefs, observations, expectations, and through imitation (Hutchinson, 2003). If behaviors are truly motivated by human needs to experience pleasure and avoid pain, both theories complement one another to agree that all human behavior is measurable and changeable (Hutchinson, 2003). In the

11 social learning theory, Albert Bandura (1977) asserts that through vicarious learning or modeling, we observe how other‘s behaviors are reinforced. This statement can be interpreted as we learn from our environment and experiences.

Definition of Terms

In this study there are several terms the researcher operationalize and define as the following: ―African Americans‖ or ―Blacks‖ refers to people who identify as African

American or Black and have descendants from Africa (U.S Census Bureau, 2000). These two terms, African American and Black, will be used interchangeable. Whites are in reference to people who have origins of European ancestry and considered the racial majority (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000a). The term ―minorities‖ refers to non-White racial and ethnic groups such as Blacks, Latinos/Hispanics, Asians, and Pacific Islanders. The term witness describes someone who observes an event (Martin & Astone, 1980). The term ―victim‘s witness‖ refers to someone who observes a person being harmed and/ or having his or her rights violated. ―Police‖ refers to a city or state law enforcement officer and would be used interchangeable with the term law enforcement (which ―is the field of crime prevention of criminal laws by investigation and apprehension of offenders, and preservation of peace‖ (Martin & Astone, p.156, 1980). ―Crime‖ is defined as an act that is forbidden by law where the person or persons can be punished if convicted in a court of law (Martin & Astone, 1980)

Assumptions

The researcher assumes that the proposed no-snitching mentality that discourages

African American from cooperating with the police may also be present in the some

12 capacity in different racial and ethnic communities. As the code of silence mentality or

―no snitching‖ culture encourages people to not cooperate with law enforcement to solve crimes, it is assumed that people have reasons why they will not cooperate with the police.

Limitations of This Study

As this research study will explore attitudes and beliefs that may or may not discourage people from cooperating with the police, the study does not go into depth fully about the history of the police in all minority communities. With some research detailing a history of how the police in America exercised as an oppressive force in society, the researcher does not explore societal causes for the increase of crime in the

African American community and the internal methods African Americans may have used to police crime in their communities when first enslaved in America in the 17th century through their fight for freedom and equality into the 21st century. The sample size of this study is only 70 people, all of which are students. This sample cannot be generalized to be representative of all African Americans and non-African Americans beliefs toward the police and the ―no-snitching‖ mentality. In an effort to understand perceptions and factors that may discourage as well as encourage individuals to cooperate with the police, this social issue will need to be examined more with a much larger and randomized sample of members from various ethnic and racial communities and socio- economic statuses. Furthermore, the researcher believes that more research should also include the study of the ―blue code of silence‖ or the ―no snitching‖ mentality among

13 police officers. This research should examine fellow police officers‘ perceptions of reporting officers‘ crimes and cooperating with authorities themselves.

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Chapter 2

LITERATURE REVIEW

The police have a role in the community to protect and serve citizens, but some people within diverse ethnic communities may be reluctant to cooperate with and trust the police particularly when reporting crimes. With an attempt to try to understand the complexities of the past and current relationships among the police and minority

Americans, it is important to examine the history of the police and African Americans in the United States.

Brief History of African Americans and the Police

Williams and Murphy (1990) describe the origins of the American police force as having developed and operated in society by supporting slavery, segregation, discrimination, racism, and prejudice toward minorities. The history of the police can be traced back to the 10th century in England where neighbors were responsible for protecting communities and neighborhoods (Wadman & Allison, 2004). It was an obligation for men to be assigned to a designated area to protect White citizens and, in the American South, to patrol the whereabouts of slaves (Wadman & Allison, 2004;

Williams & Murphy, 1990). During the colonial era (1499-1763), to protect themselves from the Indians and the French threats in warfare, colonists developed a community watch patrol (Wadman & Allison, 2004). In 1631, Boston, Massachusetts had the first night watch patrol (Vila & Morris, 1999). Miller (2000) asserted that policing duties were considered the responsibility of the community and police depended on citizens to help capture criminals. It was a shared responsibility to keep communities safe, where

15 locals would also be on the lookout for people‘s unlawful, immoral, and suspicious behaviors. The importation of convicts from England to the colonies, immigration, rapid population growth, and crime would all later impact cities and play a role in police reforms (Wadman & Allison, 2004; see also Vila & Morris, 1999; Williams & Murphy,

1990). Such reforms in police services would try to provide a better system to protect people and communities, and to ultimately improve law and order.

In the beginning, policing was perceived as a reactionary measure rather than preventative of crime and social disorder (Kurtis, 1997; Waxman & Allison, 2004). In

England, Sir Robert Peel introduced the Metropolitan Police Act in the 1820s. Its purpose was to allow the police to be viewed as professionals [where policemen were to be respected and taken seriously in the community] (Kurtis,1999; see also Miller, 2000;

Wadman & Allison, 2004). Peel‘s plan had four central themes: (1) The primary goal of the police force was to prevent crime and not just respond to it; (2) Police were to have a professional presence where watchmen or the police were to be uniformed while serving the public; (3) Communities were to assess and evaluate policing by the absence of crime, not the reaction of crime already committed; (4) And as representatives of the community, police were to have a professional demeanor reflecting respect, dedication, honesty, and education (Kurtis, 1997; Wadman & Allison, 2004).

As cities were growing in size and trying to effectively respond to social deviance, America adopted Peel‘s model for police in the 19th century (Wadman &

Allison, 2000; Kurtis, 1997). Boston, Massachusetts and , New York have been credited for first having modeled Peel‘s goal for public safety and social order

16

(Miller, 2000; see also Wadman & Allison; Miller, 2000). By the 1850‘s, both cities had in place both day-time and night-time patrol watchmen (Miller, 2000; see also Wadman

& Allison; Wilbur, 2000). Now trying to deter crime, they promoted public safety while aiming to manage social disorder; however, the North and South policing forces were different in nature and agenda (Kurtis, 1997; Vila & Morris, 1999; see also Wadman &

Allison, 2000; Williams & Murphy, 1990). In the North, policing could be seen as there to protect property, enforce liquor laws and to control (Irish) rioting, prostitution, and crime among non-Blacks; in contrast, in the South, police officers were more of an authoritative force, who protected Whites and upheld the caste system of the institutionalization of slavery (Kurtis, 1997; see also Miller, 2000;; Vila, & Morris,

1999; Wadman & Allison, 2004; Williams & Murphy, 1990; Wintersmith, 1974)

In Charleston, South Carolina when slaves arrived and were unloaded from the ships, slave patrollers were there to control and protect them only as the property and profits of Whites (Kurtis, 1997; see also Vila & Morris, 1999; Wadman & Allison, 2004;

William & Murphy, 1990). Slave patrollers (also known as patty-rollers or patrolmen) were to deter slaves from running away and reduce insurrections (Kurtis, 1999; see also

Steward, 1968; Wadmen & Allison, 2004; Williams & Murphy, 1990; Wintersmith,

1974). From 1704 to 1861, it was a system of violence and oppression fueled by racism, discrimination, fear, and even death where slave patrollers controlled, harassed, and mistreated Black slaves (Vila & Morris, 1999; see also Wadman & Allison, 2004). The slave patrolmen in the South either acted as the police when there was not one present or worked in conjunction with them to exercise power over Black slaves.

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As cited in Williams and Murphy (1990) and supported by Wadman and Allison

(1999) in Georgia, to discourage slaves from running away from plantations, White men between 16-30 years old had the responsibility of patrolling areas where slaves lived and worked, and they were authorized to ―search and examine all negro houses for offensive weapons and ammunition‖ and punish any slave (p.4). Wadman and Allison (2004) asserted that ―the violent racism of slave patrol and the separate and unequal treatment of

Blacks through slave codes became institutionalized in Southern policing‖ (p. 35). After the Civil War and the signing and passing of the 13th Amendment of the United States

Constitution which prohibited slavery, black codes, a series of oppressive laws that disenfranchised Blacks from fully participating in society, also kept Blacks from having the same rights and opportunities as Whites had in their new freedom (Stepto, 2002;

Wintersmith, 1974). To remain an underclass and controlled, the police were seen to uphold White authority among Blacks and reinforce the status quo (Kurtis, 1999; see also

Wadman & Allison, 2004; Wintersmith, 1974; Williams & Murphy, 1990). For example, a Black person could not testify in court against a White person. In contrast, it was uncommon for White people, in general, to be punished for mistreating, harming, or evening killing a person of African descent (Wintersmith, 1974).

Even after slavery was abolished, America into the 20th century continued to be shaped by poor race relations between the dominate class and minorities. As Blacks and other minorities continued to fight for social equality in America‘s policies, the police reinforced racism, discrimination and inequality in the criminal justice system, and in state and federal oppressive laws (Banks, 2004). When African Americans were harassed

18 and harmed by mob violence, the Ku Klux Klan or lynch mobs, the police did not act to protect Blacks (Miller, 2000; Wadman & Allison, 2004). As lynching was commonly used as a source of social control, in the South, lynch mobs and local law enforcement officers were commonly a part of the mob violence that terrorized Blacks (Wadman &

Allison, 2004). (See appendix for table of lynching victims from 1858-1935). It was an act of enforcing the social code and White supremacy, where lynching acted as a device of intimidation and showed that Whites had control (Wintersmith, 1974). While Blacks were trying to protect themselves and their families from White lynch mobs, officers would arrest Blacks for having firearms in their possession instead of the (White) perpetrators (Wintersmith, 1972).

Civil Rights Movement and the 20th Century

As African Americans and other minorities were fighting for equal participation and protection under laws that were already granted to Whites, civil rights leaders and organizations worked together to overcome social injustice to obtain social equality in

American society (Gordon, 2000). In the 1960s, during the Civil Rights Movement,

African Americans and other minorities fought for social equality and to not be treated as second class citizens; however, the police continued to be an oppressive force that reinforced the America‘s oppressive policies as well as harassed and harmed Black and other minorities in their journey to freedom (which sometimes resulted in rioting).

(Carson, 2005; see also Carson, 2005a; Carter, 1992). In 1961, in protest of African

Americans being denied the right to vote, known as ―Bloody Sunday‖, 600 non-violent civil rights marchers were attacked by police dogs, and sprayed with tear gas, and hit

19 with whips and clubs by the state troopers who would not let them march pass the

Edmond Pettus Bridge from Selma to Montgomery (Rathbone, p. 15, 2008). The protest ended with more than 70 of the marchers seriously injured (Rathbone, 2008). In 1966, in

Oakland, CA, Huey Newton and Bobby Seal started the for Self –

Defense (BPP) to protect Blacks from and later expanded to confront social issues such as , education, housing, legal rights and employment in the

Black community (Araiza, 2009; Street, 2009). The Black Panther Party was controversial and eventually became targeted by the Oakland Police Department and The

FBI Counter-Intelligence; they set out to destroy the BPP, African American civil rights leaders and organizations (Araiza, 2009). Then FBI Director, John Edgar Hoover sternly believed that ―the Black Panther Party, without a question, represents the greatest threat to internal security of the country‖ (PBS, 2002).

The Black Panthers had some of their offices bombed and raided (Araiza, 2009).

Members of the BPP were often harassed, threaten, and endured physical violence by the police; some BPP were even killed by police while others were falsely imprisoned

(Araiza, 2009). Some Blacks were killed or imprisoned as political fighters; only two police officers were ever charged and convicted of offenses against members of the Black

Panther Party (Stoke, Melendez & Reed, 2001). Before they could serve their prison sentences in 1980, the officers were pardoned by President Regan who said that ―it is a time to put this behind us and start a long overdue process of national healing and reconciliation‖ (Stoke et al., 2001, p. 281). These police officers were not punished for crimes they committed where they were instructed by The FBI and their police force to

20 destroy and neutralize the revolutionary Black Panther Party. Such incidents can serve as a reminder to African Americans (and other minorities as well) about justice being denied to them in a racist, corrupt criminal justice institution.

Issues of harassment and police brutality continued and became an issue of more debate and racial tension. For example, in the early 1990‘s Rodney King, an unarmed

African American man was filmed being beaten and kicked by the four White members of the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) as more than 20 other officers stood by observing the event (Banks, 2004; Martin, 2005). ―The Rodney Beating‖ received extensive media coverage, where such incident became the most known event for the police using excessive force that resulted in ―serious adverse effects for the police‖

(Martin, p. 2, 2005). The Los Angeles Police Department was accused of a cover up because they ignored complaints calls from George Holliday who recorded and offered the video to the police, and then Paul King (Mr. King‘s brother) who was also brushed off by the police when trying to make a police report ( Martin, 2005). It was not until Mr.

Holliday offered the video to a local Los Angeles television station that the event was brought to the publics‘ attention and their complaints were no longer ignored (Martin,

2005). The four officers went to trial and were first acquitted of all charges. This resulted in a large in Los Angeles (and a few smaller riots in other cities as well) which destroyed many businesses and left some innocent bystanders dead (Banks, 2004). Soon after the officers went to federal trial, where two of the officers were found guilty and sent to prison (Martin, 2005). For some people, the Rodney King case, an unarmed

Black man who was not resisting arrest, may have exemplified police using excessive

21 force toward minorities, failure of justice system to deal with , and supporting minorities‘ general mistrust toward the police (Walker,1999).

Trusting the Police

Some studies have supported the belief that some minorities, particularly, African

Americans, have negative experiences with the police and tend to be dissatisfied with the police in their communities (Bruson, 2007; Weitzer et al., 2008). In a qualitative study conducted by Brunson and Miller (2006), 40 young African American men living in a challenging community were interviewed about their perception and experience of the police, particularly in regards to harassment and misconduct. The purpose of this study was to see how the study participants saw themselves in the context of the police and to understand police and minority relations. In this study, Brunson and Miller (2006) reported that the young African American men viewed themselves as being targeted by the police. Brunson and Miller (2006) reported 83% of the respondents (n=33) said that they were harassed or mistreated by the police while 93% (n=37) said that they knew of someone who has been harassed or mistreated by the police. In further research, Brunson continued to study African Americans perceptions of and experience with the police.

In a separate study, Brunson (2007) studied young African Americans‘ views toward and experience with the police in their communities. Through interviewing 40 youth ages 13-19, Brunson (2007) found that vicarious information from neighbors, friends, and families, where they were informed about a third party experience with the police had affected participants‘ own perceptions, beliefs, and attitudes toward law enforcement. Among some of the study‘s participants, several people commented that

22 their expectation for protection from the police and the police responsiveness in their community was very low (Brunson, 2007). Of those surveyed 47.5% (n=19) believed that often people in their neighborhoods were harassed and mistreated by the police while

47.5% (n=19) also believed that the police sometimes worked hard to solve crimes in their neighborhoods (Brunson, 2007). Some of the study participants spoke of personal accounts of police violence, where they were victims of police misconduct. Brunson

(2007) asserts that some Blacks live in communities highly affected by crime and community policing can be viewed negatively due to citizens‘ perceptions and experiences with the police. Such factors may support some distrust in the criminal justice system and discourage people‘s willingness to come forward as witnesses and victims of crime.

Weitzer et al. (2008) explored the perceptions about the police among residents living in a majority Black city served by a predominately Black police department:

Washington, DC. Of the 4,636 surveyed, 2,640 were African Americans, 1,495 were non-Hispanic Whites, 176 were Hispanics, and 185 were identified as others while 140 people did not identify their race. Weitzer et al (2008) reported that 34% of Blacks compared to 15 % Whites believed that the police were verbally or physically abusive while 27 % of Black and 19% of whites believed that police were corrupt (―taking bribes or involved in the drug business‖) in their neighborhood (Weitzer et al., 2008, p. 412).

Their study used multivariate analysis of age, race and gender to determine residents‘ attitudes toward the police where young Black males were twice as likely to view police negatively compared to their White counterparts (Weitzer et al., 2008). Race has often

23 been an indicator of prevalent attitudes and negative encounters with the police (Weitzer et al., 2008). In accordance to age, young people have more contact with the police

(Weitzer et al., 2008). When analyzing race, age, and gender, young Black men held a less satisfactory view of the police and had experienced more negative encounters with the police compared to all other racial, gender and age groups (such as older Black men, young and old White men and women, and young Black women) (Weitzer et al., 2008).

Howell, Perry and Vile (2004) studied the relationship between race and the evaluation of the police in cities that were majority Black and White. Howell et al (2004) found that White and Black perceptions of the police were different just as their police- community relations were different. As supported earlier in Weitzer et al. (2008), individual characteristics such as race, age, and gender were also found by Howell et al

(2004) to affect attitudes toward the police, along with people‘s encounters with the police. Demographic characteristics may play a role in people trusting the police and their willingness to cooperate with the police. In addition, how citizens perceive the police in the communities where they live in and/or frequent

Cooperating with Authorities

In a comparative ethnography study, Morris (2010) conducted research on 31 high school students from two low income communities, one at a predominately Black and the other at predominately White school. Morris (2010) reported that students had mistrust toward authorities and were reluctant to report conflicts at school and crimes in their neighborhoods. Both Black and White students in Morris‘s study reported that they were reluctant, fearful, and held a negative perception toward cooperating with school officials

24 and the police. They believed if they did cooperate, it would result in negative-feared consequences which they wanted to avoid. Morris (2010) concluded that the students thought cooperating with authorities would be more harmful than good. Morris (2010) considered this apprehension to cooperate with authorities to not be primarily a code on the streets in urban communities and a mentality that is only shared by African

Americans and individuals involved in criminal behavior. Instead, the students‘ reported reluctance toward cooperating with authorities, according to Morris (2010), reflected a sum of events and experiences that have affected some disadvantaged communities that have been institutionally marginalized. In response, Morris (2010) concluded that the students‘ developed distrust and sought to protect themselves when operating in such institutions.

As cited in Morris (2010), the United States government attempted to address crime and drugs in the 1980s by using informants‘ testimony. Informants could possibly receive a reduced sentence. However, informants and witnesses are not always viewed positively in society for helping authorities solve and prevent crimes (Natapoff, 2004).

To address this issue, the U. S Department of Justice (2009a) reported that stakeholders had gathered in Washington, D.C. to discuss the ―no snitching‖ practices that are effecting some communities and to try to ―identify anti-stop snitching-initiatives‖ to overcome the issue of witness intimidation (p.8). Law enforcement agencies, according to The FBI, can clear or close cases (offenses) by an arrest or exceptional means. It was reported by The FBI that in 2004 the national clearance rates for violent crime had decreased in major cities like Boston, Massachusetts (27%), Detroit, Michigan (37.4%),

25

Baltimore, Maryland (59.4%), and Washington, District of Columbia (D.C) (60%)

(United States Department of Justice, 2009a).

For the last decade, according to The FBI, there has been a steady decline in the clearance rates for solving homicide and other violent crimes in urban cities. The Police

Executive Research Forum (PERF) surveyed law enforcement agencies and gathered together with community leaders and organizers to discuss the code of silence phenomenon, its causes, influences, and how city police forces can approach this issue to protect and serve communities. From surveying local law enforcement officers across the nation, The Police Executive Research Forum reported that among the 88 law enforcement officers surveyed, the majority of the respondents 86% (n= 75) believed that there was some form of the code of silence that was present to effect their communities while 21% (n= 18) of those who specifically reported a code of silence in their specific community believed that the reluctance for people to cooperate with the police had been noticeably increased with messages in the media (United States

Department of Justice, 2009a). The PERF survey respondents reported that possible witnesses can receive threats (80%), explicit threat of violence (63%), actual physical violence (53%), or even property damage (45%) in an effort to discourage them from cooperating with the police (United States Department of Justice, 2009a). In response, then Police Chief Alec Griffin of The Richmond Police Department in California stated that violence and negative consequences for witness cooperation is rare, but that it is a reality that witnesses experience (United States Department of Justice, 2009c). Chief

Griffin also stated that he understood why people are sometimes reluctant and fearful to

26 cooperate with police as they may not constantly be protected once coming forward to report crime(s) (United States Department of Justice, 2009a). Although reporting crime is seen as morally and socially acceptable for some people, it can have some negative consequences for others. As some people may have a reluctance to cooperate with police, this can be present in some neighborhoods and communities more so than others.

The Police Research Forum suggests that the dissemination of a stop snitching message that encourages people to not report crimes may have grown from public distrust in the police and messages in the media (United States Department of Justice, 2009a). With a history of injustices in the African American Community, some believe there are injustices in the criminal justice system that remain in existence today, that support people to be distrustful toward the police and to not aid them in solving crimes. In response, some cities across the country are recognizing and trying to address this issue that is affecting citizens in different communities (United States Department of Justice,

2009a). However, it may remain a challenge with messages from popular culture and the media.

Messages in the Media

The code of silence is present in different sources of the media to depict a culture where individuals are to remain silent about known crimes and criminal behaviors

(United States Department of Justice, 2009a). Such messages have been shown in films, the documentary Stop Snitchin, clothing apparel, and heard in music (United States

Department of Justice, 2009a). In Dorchester, Massachusetts a young entrepreneur

Antonio Enniss produced t-shirts in the shape of a stop sign imprinted with ―stop

27 snitching‖, where some of the t-shirts designs had pictures of bullet holes and the color red signifying blood (Becker, 2006) In Boston, Massachusetts, ten year old Trina

Persad, was murdered while playing in her neighborhood park (which was named after a young boy who too was struck by bullets intended for a rival gang member) (Ballou,

2009). During the trial inside the city court room, supporters of the defendants wore

―stop snitching‖ t- shirts. Such t-shirts appeared as visual reminders and sent messages to witnesses to not cooperate with authorities and leave them fearful and intimidated

(Rothstein, 2005; United States Department of Justice, 2009a). On trial, for the murder of ten year old Trina Persad, murder suspect Joseph Cousin‘s own mother also wore the t- shirts imprinted with ―stop snitching‖ messages which prosecutors and the Boston Mayor believed affected witnesses testimony. The case ended in a mistrial (Rothstein, 2005).

After meeting with his city mayor, prosecutors, and mothers of homicide victims, the young entrepreneur, father, and community activist Asida decided that it was no longer worth it to sell the t-shirts (Jan, 2006). He stopped selling the shirts and replaced them with ―Start Peace‖ t-shirts (Jan, 2006). Although shoppers can no longer find the controversial popular t-shirts in Asida‘s store or on his website, such t-shirts are still available from other clothing merchandisers. In addition, the same messages are present in music and other parts of the culture to be heard out loud and clear.

Kubrin (2005) analyzed 403 songs on platinum rap to quantify reoccurring themes of urban street codes and beliefs. Kubrin (2005) found that 70.3% of the songs advocated respect, 79.7% referred to the willingness to fight or use violence,

75% referred to material wealth, 82.8% advocated for retaliation, 73.4% for

28 objectification of women and 87.5% for nihilism (which ―is the belief that all values are baseless and that nothing can be known or communicated‖) (p.368). Nihilism is often associated with extreme pessimism and a radical skepticism that condemns existence

(Kubrin, 2005). To capture nihilism while coding, Kubrin (2005) looked for evidence of such things as a bleak outlook on life, perceived or real sense of powerlessness, frustration and despair, fear of death and dying, and resignation or acceptance of death.

Kubrin (2005) asserted that popular culture, especially music, can be a devise that transmits messages to its listeners to reinforce, reflect, or even advocate for street code norms and justice in the inner city to affect the culture, one‘s identity, and involvement in violence. Kubrin‘s (2005) research did not infer that rap music or causes violence, but that music reflects a way of life for some artists and the artists‘ listeners.

As music can be considered a socialization device, it can allow listeners to visual images the artist is singing or rhyming about.

Kubrin‘s (2005) research also reported how social order and social identity are represented by musicians in their lyrics, rhyming about not snitching and retaliation for those who disobey the cultural norms of the street or disrespect the artist. In the DMX song Party UP, the rapper poetically rhymed ―And I don't know who the fuck you think you talkin‘ to/No more talking-put him in the dirt instead/You keep walkin‘-lest you end up red/Cause if I end up Fed, y‘all all end up Dead‖ ( Kurbin, 2005, P. 374). In Tupac‘s song Only Fear of Death, he rhymes that ― My next door neighbor having a convo with undercovers/ Put a surprise in the mailbox, hope she get it/ Happy Birthday bitch, you know you shouldn‘t a did it‖ (Kubrin, 2005, p. 374). Such lyrics are describing the

29 outcome of cooperating with the police. These lyrics also reinforce the fears to discourage people from cooperating with police if one values his or her life. Although these are just lyrics written and rapped in a song (and sometimes filmed into a ), the messages are real explicit and people understand that the threat exists in some urban communities. It can impact children and adult perceptions about cooperating with the police.

According to the Recording Industry of America, next to rock music, rap and is also a top genre of music, with most of its listener between the ages of 15 to

40. The Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation surveyed 1008 parents of children ages 2-17 across the United States and reported that 43% (n= 433) of the parents were very concerned and believed that the messages in the media (to include music and television) may contribute to violent behavior among youth (Rideout, 2007). In a separate study of

1,100 youth between the ages of 16-24 conducted also by the Henry J. Kaiser Family

Foundation, among the 75 %(n=825) of youth who reported watching Music Television

(MTV) every week, 20% (n=165) of these youth viewed MTV at least an hour a day while 58% (n= 478.5) tuned in at least once a week. Depending on age, parental advisory, and availability of the different forms of media, there is an expected variation in the frequency and exposure to violence, drugs, and sex in the media that people are exposed to on the television and through music. According to The Council on

Communication and Media (2009), American children listen to music 1.5 hours to 2.5 hours per day.

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As rap and hip hop music is popular in America and in other parts of the world, it is important to point out that although ―rap‖, ―hip hop‖ and ―gangsta rap‖ music may appear to be the same genre of music (and these terms can sometimes be used interchangeably); however, ―rap music‖, ―hip hop‖ and ―gangsta rap‖ are all unique

(Richardson and Kim, 2002). Rap music can be described as a form of music using beats and ―speaking rhythmically‖ (Richardson and Scott, 2002). Grand Master Flash and

Kool Herc have been credited for the development of rap music in the late 1970, where the music was party oriented (Richardson & Kim, 2000). In the early 1980s, Grand

Master Flash and the Furious Five released one of rap music‘s classic song ―The

Message‖, which rhymed about hardship and survival in the inner city (Richardson &

Kim, 2000, p.176). On the other hand, gangsta rap, appeared to emerge in the late 1980s and early 1990s as musical group such as Ice T., N.W.A., and Too-Short rhymed more explicitly with often violent lyrics; their musical expression became a battle of political controversy (Richardson & Kim, 2002). Hip hop is usually described in terms of culture, personal style and other forms of entertainment (Richardson & Kim, 2002). As a multi- billion dollar industry, rap music has listeners from different racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic backgrounds (Richardson & Kim, 2002).

As a way to market their music, musical artists often make music videos which give their songs a visual story. Rich, Woods, Goodman, Emans, and Durant (1998) studied 518 music videos from Black Entertainment Television (BET), Country Music

Television (CMT), Music Television (MTV), and Video Hits-1 (VH-1). Rich et al.

(1998) found the content to have gender and race differences in acts of violence,

31 aggression, and victimization. From the videos, compared to White males, 75% of the victims were Black males (n=30) while 29% of the music depicted Black males (n=63) as aggressors (Rich el al, 1998). African Americans only represent a small percentage

(12%) of the United States population, yet they have been over-represented as aggressors and victims in music videos (Council on Communication and Media, 2009). When controlling race and only ―analyzing gender differences in aggression and victims in music video (n=360), when measuring aggression, 91.3 % of Black males (n=63) and 8.7

% of Black females (n=6) were identified as being aggressive while 96.8% of Black

Males (n=30) and 3.2 % of Black Females (n=1) were identified as being victims (Rich el al, 1998). Other studies on the content analysis on music videos conducted by Gruber et al (2005) and Smith and Boyson (2003) were believed to validate findings of Rich el al

(1998) cited in the Council on Communications and Media publication ( 2009). As the representation of Blacks in the media does depict negative images of violence, stereotypes can develop. However, inside and outside the entertainment business, violence does have real casualties and consequences.

Over the years, rap musical lyrics have continued to validate violence. Some rap artists rhyme about their own real or others life, distrust in the police and members of their communities, criminal behavior and dying at a young age (Richardson & Scott,

2002). As death is a normal event to occur in the life cycle, some may not find it uncommon for the news and music media to report a story about a rapper being killed and the crime unsolved. In the 1990s, for example, two of most influential and popular rappers and The Notorious B.I.G., were murdered in the public‘s eye.

32

Today, more than a decade after their murders, neither case has been solved. On

September 1996, in Las Vegas , Nevada as rapper Topic Shakur sat as a passenger in gridlock on the Vegas strip after a sold out Mike Tyson fight, he was shot several times, and died several days later (Lindon, 1999). In March 1997, rapper Notorious BIG

(Christopher Wallace) was shot and killed as he was a passenger in his vehicle after leaving his crowded record release party at the Peterson Automotive Museum in Los

Angeles, California (Lindon, 1999). Both musicians‘ lives had not been without controversy, especially regarding their musical lyrics that spoke of violence and dying.

Before their deaths and even after, some would say it was kind of ironic or forth shadowing of their albums, musical singles, and videos to describe dying at a young age.

Several months before his death, Tupac‘s album ―All Eyez on Me‖ ( released-1996) went platinum 9x and the song ― I Aint Mad at Cha‖, depicted some of his life struggles, and him having peace at death when he entered into the after life (Tsort, 2010 ). It was not until after his death that the musical video ―I Aint Mad at Cha‖ was released: in which in the video that imitated life and death, Tupac was killed and then played as a ghost of himself, who was accompanied by other musical pioneers such as Billy Holiday,

Jimi Hendrex, Marvin Gaye (who also died prematurely). The Notorious BIG

(Christopher Wallace) released his first studio album Ready to Die (1994) while his last and 2nd studio album Life After Death (1997) was released shortly after his death (Tsort,

2010).

As both rappers lives and lyrics may have been controversial when they were alive, today some may agree the controversy now surrounds how they died and the

33 reluctance of some witnesses to come forward to help the police solve their murders.

Yafeu Fula, 19 years old and a friend of Tupac Shakur, was riding in a separate car behind him at the time of the drive by shooting; he was identified as a possible witness who was willing to cooperate with the police, but was later found dead in New Jersey

(Coleman and Millner, 1996). Law enforcement believed the two murders were unrelated

(Coleman and Millner, 1996). In the documentary Biggie and Tupac directed by Nick

Broomfield, it showed the Notorious BIG under the FBI Surveillance before he was killed (Broomfield, 2005 ). His mother Volleta Wallace ponders during her interview with the director Bromfield about why The FBI was following her son, and if so, she wonders where they were when he got shot (Broomfield, 2005). In contrast, if The FBI were not there when he was shot, she wondered why surveillance stopped at that moment when her son was killed (Broomfield, 2005). In 2002, the family of the rapper Notorious

BIG claimed that the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD), the same police department where officers were filmed beating an unarmed Rodney King a decade before, was involved in a cover up of the rapper‘s death and so they filed a wrongful death suit (Kim, 2010). The case ended in a mistrial where the judge believed that the police was withholding evidence and ordered the city to pay the family $ 1.1 million in sanctions for legal fees (Kim, 2010).

Summary

As of today the Notorious B.I.G., Tupac Shakur, and many other young Black men‘s and women murders have not been solved. Violence continues to affect the

African American community. As music is a device for people to poetically express

34 themselves, some rappers tell stories about social conditions in their community

(Richardson & Kim, 2000). Some rap artists rhyme or speak candidly about abiding by a ‗no-snitching‖ mentality, which will give them street creditability or ward off feared or expected consequences from them cooperating with the police (Kubrin, 2005). Like rappers and adults, Morris (2005) demonstrated that children also take into account the perceived reward or punishment of their behavior, and they determine if the risk is worthy of their cooperation with authority figures such as the police.

Throughout history, African Americans and the police have a very unique history; the police and even the federal government have been involved in committing crimes against Blacks (Banks, 2004; See also Antony & Thomas, 2010; Araiza, 2009; Banks,

2004; Martin, 2005). Captured on film, there have been several national stories broadcasting police using excessive force toward minorities. Some African Americans may believe that justice has still been denied, and that the police should not be trusted but avoided. Brunson‘s (2007) research demonstrated that from others‘ vicarious experiences, African Americans held low expectations for being protected by the police and having the police respond appropriately to disturbances in their community.

Individuals who experienced negative personal encounters with the police, or had perceived or became knowledgeable about others being harmed and mistreated by the police may struggle to believe the slogan that police officers are ―to protect and serve all communities‖. African Americans‘ interactions and perceptions of cooperating with the police can be described as a disparity or conflict between what is the norm in the Black community and the norm outside of the Black community. Maybe it is two extremes in

35 comparison to other races. In the following sections, the researcher examines both

African Americans and non-African Americans attitudes and beliefs to understand their perception toward cooperating with the police.

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Chapter 3

METHODS

Purpose

The researcher of this study targeted participants who are students at California

State University, Sacramento and 18 years old and older. The primary focus of analysis was to examine African Americans attitude toward cooperating with the police to solve crimes; secondarily, for comparison purposes, the researcher also recruited non-Black adults on campus to explore how Blacks and non-Blacks perceived crime being accounted for in the African American community. The researcher also explored participants‘ feelings, experiences, and beliefs toward the ―no snitching‖ mentality to see how they perceived those who cooperate with the police and what would influence their cooperation with the police. The researcher would like to study the extent to which attitudes and expectations differ among non-Blacks.

Study Design

This is a quantitative exploratory study. The study will investigate and report on a social problem that has been understudied. Very few empirical research studies are available that report about African Americans perception toward cooperating with the police and the social factors that may influence them to assist the police to solve crimes.

The benefits for using an explorative and quantitative approach are that it allows the researcher to quantify the relationship among variables and generalize statistical findings in the study (Rubin & Babbie, 2008).

37

Sampling Procedures

According to the Office of Institutional Research, over the last three years (2008.

2009, 2010) African Americans have consistently accounted for only 7% of the total student body at California State University, Sacramento. To obtain a representative sample of African American participants for this study the researcher has used non- probability sampling, availability sampling methods, to select participants from specific departments and classes. As college is a place to become culturally aware of one‘s self and others while ultimately, pursing one‘s career and interests, students are expected to enroll in elective courses which may also be part of their major requirements; therefore, the researcher decided to target upper and lower division courses in the History and

Ethnic Studies Departments. [Note: As of Fall 2009, the Office of Institutional Research identified African Americans having the following top 5 undergraduate and graduate majors: Management (n=183), Psychology (n= 153), Criminal Justice (n=141),

Communication Studies (n= 116) and Nursing (n= 95)]. The researcher decided to not survey students from these specific departments due to the assumption (1) some of these classes may have 2 or more sections (2) The distribution of a small number of black students in several course sections would possibly yield classes with few black students in such classes. As a result this would have left the researcher to sample many courses sections, engaging in a large amount of over-sampling. Instead, the researcher obtained permission from ethnic studies and history professors and the division of social work human subject committee approval to survey students in these specific departments. The

38 surveying of students was conducted in the spring 2011 semester between the 2nd -4th week of school. This period of time is prior to the university‘s census date of February

18, 2011, which is the deadline where students can petition departments for a late registration and when the university begins to count the student official enrollment.

Data Collection Procedures

Since this is a quantitative exploratory study, the researcher has developed a survey asking about personal experiences of participants, perceptions about cooperating with the police, and demographic information all of which will be confidential. The questionnaires were administered to each class at a designated time agreed upon by the professor and the researcher. All surveys were completed at this time, and were not taken out of the classroom and later returned.

Instrument

Participants were given a 23 question survey to complete. Levels of measurement of this instrument are nominal, ordinal, interval and ratio. A likert scale was used to ask about the likelihood for a specific behavior and assess beliefs toward the police, accountability of solving crimes, the impact of rap music, and reluctance for some Blacks living in violent communities to cooperate with the police. Demographic information such as ethnicity, marital status, and gender reflected nominal data collected. Ordinal data such as education level and questions about attitude and opinion were also part of the survey.

39

Data Analysis

The researcher inputted, analyzed, and summarized the data collected using the

PASW 18 (formerly Statistical Package for the Social Science) software The researcher analyzed the quantitative data with descriptive statistics to summarize the relationship among variables to obtain responses in frequency distributions. To measure the association of variables, cross tabulations were used to compute bivariate measurements between two variables at a time. For this study, the researcher is exploring perceptions toward cooperating with the police and its culture, and surveying groups of students, who are predominately Black. Descriptive statistics allows for percentages to summarize the relationships between variables or the sample‘s characteristics (Marlow, 2004; Rubin &

Babbie, 2008). The researcher used frequency distributions to report and ―describe the number of times the various attributes of a variable are observed in the [study] sample‖

(Rubin & Babbie, 2008, p 487). Bivariate statistics measures the relationship of two variables to see if there is an association. Cross tabulation or contingency table is a bivariate statistic that can allow a researcher to ―compare groups of unequal size‖ to calculate percentages within groups and subgroups of the sample (Marlow, 2004, p. 248).

For example, suppose the researcher computes and reports the percentage of the total number of all students who cooperated with the police and then sub divide by race the percentage of students who cooperated and didn‘t cooperate with the police to get the percentage that corresponds to the subgroup and the total group of the study‘s sample.

Cross tabulation, expands from the frequency distribution, to illustrate more details about who is part of the sample and their responses. Multivariate analysis is the measurement of

40 association of 3 or more variables such as age, sex, and gender and will not be computed in any analysis of this study.

Human Subjects

Initially, the researcher of this study wanted the survey to also include questions about whether or not students‘ have ever witnessed a crime, knew of any victims of homicide, the number of homicide victims they knew and their relationship to them. In addition, the researcher wanted to know, based upon the participants‘ knowledge, if there were any witnesses to the violent crime and how often the crime(s) were solved. Due to the human subject committee disapproval –deeming such questions as at risk, the survey was revised to where those questions were omitted and the survey was later approved to be distributed to students. The protection of human subjects application, including a revised survey, was submitted and approved by the Division of Social Work IRB

Committee as minimal risk. As discussed with each professor, the researcher and professor made it clear that the survey was voluntary and that students did not have to complete it and that there was not going to be any penalty or inducement from either party regardless of the students‘ participation in the study or not. No survey participant was asked any personal identifiable information such as name or phone number. Before completing the survey, each survey participant was given an informed consent form to read and sign indicating they understood the study‘s purpose, research procedures, risks, benefits, and confidentiality. Participants were also given both the researcher and thesis advisor contact information and a list of resources to promote self-care in case any type

41 of unresolved or triggered emotion had arise. All forms preceded the survey and were explained verbally to the participants by the researcher.

Limitations of the Study

As descriptive statistics only describe the sample, inferential statistics allow the researcher to use the data from the sample to make inferences about the larger or general population which is done by the support of statistical tests that compute the data‘s significance in relationship to variables (Rubin & Babbie, 2008). Due to the descriptive analysis and non random sampling, the findings are limited and can only be representative of the sample surveyed, and not generalized to the larger population. As this is an exploratory study about Black and non-black perceptions of cooperating with the police and possible issues in some black communities, the researcher is trying to explore this issue and report findings to describe data, which may support further research and research themes. Furthermore, this study does not go into details into about why African Americans experience a high rate of homicide and crime in their communities. Although socioeconomic status often plays a role in where people live and maybe even how they perceive their local police services, students were not asked about their income.

42

Chapter 4

FINDINGS

Demographics

In this explorative study, 70 students were surveyed at Sacramento State

University. The researcher hypothesized that African Americans have an uncooperative attitude about the police when it comes to solving crimes committed by average citizens, and perceive witnesses who cooperate with the police negatively. For comparison purposes, the researcher compared Black and non-Blacks survey responses to determine if the respondents opinions about issues in the African Americans community and police, expectations and experiences, varied by race. Among the 70 students surveyed by the researcher, 55.7 % (n= 39) of participants identified as female and 44.3% (n=31) of the participant identified as male. In tables 1, 2, 3 and 4 below, the participants‘ demographics such as race and ethnicity, sex, and age group are summarized. All, but three individuals reported their race and ethnicity. Therefore, when computing some cross tabulation analysis with race and ethnicity as the independent variable, the maximum sample size is 67 instead of 70 participants (when all participants answered the specific question).

As summarized in table 1 among the 67 students, their race and ethnicities were identified as the following: 67.1 % (n= 45) were African Americans/Blacks, 8.6% (n= 6) were Asian/ Pacific Islanders, 10.0 %( n=7) were Whites, 1.4 % % (n=1) were Native

Americans, 8.6% (n=6) were Latino/Hispanics and 2.9% (n=2) identified their race as

―other‖ (without being specific). As summarized in table 3, African Americans/ Black

43 women accounted for 40% of the students surveyed while there was only one person who identified as Native American. From deductive thinking, in table 2 (The frequency distribution of Sex) each student reported their sex, which was 31 males and 39 females.

This a total of 70 students surveyed. By comparing table 2 to table 3 (Cross Tabulation of

Race, Ethnicity and Sex) where there were 30 males and 37 females, who identified both their race and ethnicity and sex, the data reveals that the three respondents who did not report their race and ethnicity in table 1, did in fact answered the question regarding their sex. These three people consist of one man and two women. As demonstrated in table 2 and 3, there were more women than men who participated in this study.

Table 1

Race and Ethnicity

Race Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent Valid African 45 64.3 67.2 67.2 American/Black Asian/Pacific 6 8.6 9.0 76.1 White 7 10.0 10.4 86.6 Native American 1 1.4 1.5 88.1 Latino/ Hispanic 6 8.6 9.0 97.0 Other 2 2.9 3.0 100.0 Total 67 95.7 100.0 Missing System 3 4.3 Total 70 100.0

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Table 2

Frequency Distribution of Sex

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Male 31 44.3 44.3 44.3 Female 39 55.7 55.7 100.0 Total 70 100.0 100.0

Table 3

Cross Tabulation of Race, Ethnicity, and Sex

Sex Race and Ethnicity Total Male Female African American/Black 18 27 45 Asian/Pacific 2 4 6 White 5 2 7 Native American 1 0 1 Latino/ Hispanic 3 3 6 Other 1 1 2 Total 30 37 67

Frequency distribution of age. Age was not equally distributed among the participants. The age range was from 18- 42 years old. The majority of the students surveyed, 71.4% (n=50), were between the ages of 18-24 while 17.1% (n=12) of the students were between 25-31 years old and 11.4% (n=8) were between 34-42 years old.

The mean age was 24.36 and the standard deviation was 5.81. The median for age was

22.5. The following distribution of age is summarized below in figure 4.

45

Figure 1. Histogram: Frequency Distribution of Age

Parenthood. Table 4 displays the responses of the students when surveyed about being a parent or guardian to a child. Among all the students surveyed, 78.6% (n= 55) reported that they were not parents while 21.4 % (n=15) of the students indicated that they were parents.

Table 4

Frequency Table of Parenthood

Response Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent Valid Yes 15 21.4 21.4 21.4 No 55 78.6 78.6 100.0 Total 70 100.0 100.0

46

Marital status. As the majority of the survey participants in this sample indicated above in Table 4 that they were not parents, 78.6% (n=55) of the students surveyed also identified their marital status as single. Please see Table 6 (Cross Tabulation of Marital

Status and Parenthood) below which displays that students who identified as a parent are predominately single in this sample. In summary, among the students 78.6% (n=55) were single, 10.0% (n=7) were married, 8.6% (n=6) identified as not being married or single, but having a live in partner, while 1.4% (n=1.4) indicated that they are divorced.

Table 5

Frequency Table of Marital Status

Frequency Percent Valid Cumulative

Percent Percent Valid Single 55 78.6 79.7 79.7 Married 7 10.0 10.1 89.9 Live in 6 8.6 8.7 98.6 Partner Divorced 1 1.4 1.4 100.0 Total 69 98.6 100.0 Missing System 1 1.4 Total 70 100.0

47

Table 6

Cross Tabulation of Martial Status and Parenthood

Marital Status Live in Single Married Divorced Parenthood Partner Total Yes 9 4 1 0 14 No 46 3 5 1 55 Total 55 7 6 1 69

Highest level of education completed. As the university requires students to have at least completed a GED Program or obtained a High School Diploma in order to enroll in courses to obtain a degree, all the respondents met this basic requirement. As displayed in table 7, the highest level of education completed was reported as the following: 52.9% (n=37) indicated that they had a GED or High School Diploma, 41.4

% (n= 29) had an AA/AS Degree and 5.7 (n=4) had already completed at least a bachelor‘s degree program.

Table 7

Frequency Table of Highest Education Level Completed

Cumulative Education Level Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent GED or High School Diploma 37 52.9 52.9 52.9 AA/AS Degree 29 41.4 41.4 94.3 Bachelor Degree 4 5.7 5.7 100.0 Total 70 100.0 100.0

48

Academic major. Although the researcher surveyed students enrolled in ethnic studies courses at Sacramento State University, the majority of the students did not identify as having an ethnic studies major. Instead, as summarized below in Table 8,

54.2% (n=38) of the students indicated that their major was either Criminal Justices,

Government, Psychology, Ethnic Studies, or Social Work, while 45.5% ( n=32) of the students‘ majors were classified as ―other‖ by the researcher. Such majors classified as

―other‖ occurred in less frequency and consisted of majors such as Accounting, Film, and

Nursing i.e. Please see Table 30 All Students Majors in the appendix.

Table 8

Frequency Table of Academic Major

Cumulative Majors Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent CRJ 11 15.7 15.7 15.7 GOVT 10 14.3 14.3 30.0 PSYC 7 10 10.0 40.0 ETHN 5 7.1 7.1 47.1 SWRK 5 7.1 7.1 54.2 OTHER 32 45.7 45.7 100 Total 70 100.0 100

Measuring the Level of Agreement

In this section, the researcher examined the likelihood for people to cooperate with the police as well as some of their beliefs about the police and the no snitching phenomenon in African American communities. The researcher hypothesized that

African Americans are resistant to aid the police to solve crimes and view witnesses who cooperate with the police negatively. To analyze data, the researcher computed several

49 statistical tests where race and ethnicity was the predictor variable. For comparison purposes, race and ethnicity are collapsed and summarized as two independent variables:

African Americans/ Blacks and Non- Blacks (Asians/ Pacific Islander, Latino/Hispanics,

Native Americans, and Whites). When using the likert scale, students rated their responses which corresponded to a number between 5 (highest rank) to 1 (lowest rank).

The following five questions measured the participants‘ likelihood to cooperate with the police and their opinions about issues involving the police and music‘s influence in the

African American community. Using descriptive statistics, the data is summarized into three tables. For each research question, there is a chart for the computed mean, the median, and standard deviation, a frequency table, and a table displaying the chi-square test.

Likelihood to cooperate with the police. As displayed in Table 9, when examining all Black and non-Black students‘ responses together, the mean was 3.75, the median was 4.0, and the standard deviation was 1.1. Meaning-that on average the respondents reported that they are likely to cooperate with the police if they witnessed a crime. As displayed in Table 10, when examining race and the responses, 57.8% (n= 26) of Blacks and 70% (n=14) of Non-Black indicated that they are likely or extremely likely to cooperate with the police. Only 15.5% (n=7) of Blacks and 10% (n=2) of Non-Blacks reported that they were unlikely or extremely unlikely to cooperate with the police. The chi square allows the researcher to see if there is a statistically significant relationship between the two variables. Table 11 shows that there is no significance since the p-value

50 is .821.Overall, the students frequently reported that they are likely to cooperate with the police if they witnessed a crime.

Table 9

Central Tendency and Dispersion for Students Likelihood to Cooperate with Police

Valid 70 Missing 0 Mean 3.7571 Median 4.0000 Std. Deviation 1.13490 Minimum 1.00 Maximum 5.00

Table 10

Likelihood for Blacks vs. Non Blacks Witness to Cooperate

Likelihood to cooperate if personally witnessed a crime . Extremely Extremely Unlikely Unlikely Neutral Likely likely (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) Total Blacks 4.4% 11.1% 26.7%( 26.7% 31.1% 100% (n=2) (n=5) n=12) (n=12) (n=14) (n=45)

Non- 10.0% 20.0% 30% 40% 100% 0% Blacks (n=2) (n=4) (n=6) (n=8) (n=20) Total 2 7 16 18 22 65

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Table 11

Chi-Square Tests

Value Degree Asymp. Sig. of (2-sided) Freedom Pearson Chi-Square 1.534a 4 .821 Likelihood Ratio 2.115 4 .715 Linear-by-Linear 1.059 1 .303 Association N of Valid Cases 65 * Note: 5 cells (50.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is .62. (Chi-square=1.54, df =4, p .821)

Accountability of crimes committed against Blacks by the police. As displayed in Table 12, when students were surveyed about there being accountability to solve crimes committed against Blacks by the police, the mean was 2.76, the median was

3.00 and the standard deviation was 1.11. The average scores corresponded with the respondents believing that sometimes there‘s accountability to solve crimes committed against Blacks by the police. Among the students surveyed, 36% (n= 16) of the African

Americans and 45% (n= 9) of the non-Blacks student believed that sometimes their accountability to such crimes committed by the police. Whereas only 30% of Blacks

(n=13) and 20% of (n=4) of Non-Blacks believed that rarely these types of crime hold police accountable while 11.0% (n=5) of Blacks and 0% of non-Blacks believed that the police are always held accountable. The Chi square test in Table 14 reveals there is no statistical significance in the difference of these responses of the two groups. The p-value was .229 which is greater than 0.05.

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Table 12

Central Tendency and Dispersion for How Students Perceived Crimes Committed

Against Blacks by the Police

N Valid 69 Missing 1 Mean 2.7681 Median 3.0000 Std. Deviation 1.11335 Minimum 1.00 Maximum 5.00

Table 13

Black Victim(s) and Crimes Perpetuated by the Police

Believe there's accountability to solve crimes committed against blacks by the police Very Never Rarely Sometimes often Always (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) Total Blacks 14.0% 30.0% 36.0% 9.0% 11.0% 100.00% (n= 6) (n=13) (n=16) (n=4) (n=5) (n=44)

Non- 10% 20.00% 45.0% 25.0% 0% 100.00% Blacks (n=2) ( n=4) (n=9) (n=5) (n=0) (n=20)

Total 8 17 25 9 5 64

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Table 14

Chi Square Test

Value Degree Asymp. Sig. of (2-sided)

Freedom s Pearson Chi-Square 5.627a 4 .229 Likelihood Ratio 6.915 4 .140 Linear-by-Linear .116 1 .734 Association N of Valid Cases 64 Note : a. 4 cells (40.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 1.56. (Chi-square = 5.627, df = 4, p .229)

Accountability of crimes committed against Blacks by average citizens. When surveyed about their perception regarding there being accountability to solve crimes against Blacks by average citizens, for all students the computed mean was 2.85, median was 3.0 and the standard deviation was .93. as summarized in Table 15. Only 9.7% (n=7) of the African Americans 20% (n= 4) of the non- Blacks surveyed believed accountability very often or always existed to solve crimes committed against Blacks by average citizen. Among the students surveyed, 42.0% (n=19)of Blacks and 55% (n=11) of non-Blacks believed that these non-police crimes are sometimes held accountable for solving the criminal case. There were 40% (n=18) of Blacks vs. 20% (n=4) of Non

Blacks who believed that there is rarely accountability. The chi square analysis in Table

17 shows that there is no statistical significance.

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Table 15

Central Tendency and Dispersion for How Students Perceived Crimes Committed

Against Blacks by Average Citizens

N Valid 70 Missing 0 Mean 2.8571 Median 3.0000 Std. Deviation .93693 Minimum 1.00 Maximum 5.00

Table 16

Black Victim(s) and Crimes Perpetuated by Average Citizens

Believe there's accountability to solve crimes committed against blacks by average citizens.

Sometime Very Never Rarely s Often Always Total Blacks 2.0% 40.0% 42.0%( 7.0% 9.0% 100% (n=1) (n=18) n=19) (n=3) (n=4) (n=45)

Non- 5.0% 20.0% 55.0% 15.0% 5.0% 100% Blacks (n=1) (n=4) (n=11) (n=3) (n=1) (n=20) Total 2 22 30 6 5 65

55

Table 17

Chi-Square Test

Asymp. Sig.

Value df (2-sided) Pearson Chi-Square 3.787a 4 .436 Likelihood Ratio 3.855 4 .426 Linear-by-Linear .366 1 .545 Association N of Valid Cases 65 a. 6 cells (60.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is .62. (Chi square =3.727, df =4, p .436)

Mentality among African Americans to not cooperate with the police. As far as the police or non- police citizens being held accountable for crimes they commit, can affect peoples‘ perception toward the police. When students were surveyed about the ―no snitching‖ mentality that discourages African Americans from cooperating with police, the majority of the participants responded that they do agree that there is an attitude and reluctant behavior toward the police, existing in some African American communities.

Below Table 18 shows the mean was 4.13, the median was 4.0 and the standard deviation was .72. In Table 19, it displays that 87% (n=39) of the Black students and 79% (n=15) of Non-Black students surveyed agreed or strongly agreed that the mentality that exists, in the African American Community, encourages Blacks to not cooperate with the police.

The Chi Square test in Table 20 shows that there is no statistical significance in this assumption since the calculated p-value is greater than .05 and we fail to reject the null hypothesis of no association.

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Table 18

Central Tendency and Dispersion for How Students Perceived Blacks Cooperation with the Police

N Valid 69 Missing 1 Mean 4.1304 Median 4.0000 Std. Deviation .72585 Minimum 2.00 Maximum 5.00

Table 19

Cross Tabulation of Blacks’ vs. Non-Blacks’ Belief of a Snitching Mentality among

Blacks

Believe there's a mentality among African Americans/Blacks to not cooperate with the police.

Neither Agree Strongly Disagree or disagree Agree Agree Total 2.0% 11.0% 51.0% 36.0% 100%

Blacks (n=1) (n=5) (n=23) (n=16) (n=45)

0% 21.0% 47.0% 32.0% 100% non-Blacks (n=0) (n=4) (n=9) (n=6) (n=19)

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Table 20

Chi Square Test

Asymp. Sig. (2- Value df sided) Pearson Chi-Square 1.460a 3 .692 Likelihood Ratio 1.677 3 .642 Linear-by-Linear Association .228 1 .633 N of Valid Cases 64 a. 3 cells (37.5%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is .30. ( chi square = 1.460, df = 3, p .692)

Messages in music advocating the “no snitching” mentality. As people learn from what they see and hear, music can be described as a socialization device to reflect one‘s culture. As displayed below in Table 21, when students were surveyed about their perception about messages in music to encourage African Americans to not report crimes to the police, the calculated mean was 3.6, the median was 4.0 and the standard deviation was 1.18. Among all the students surveyed, Table 22 displays that 61.0% of the students believed that the messages in music encourages African Americans to not report crimes.

When analyzing the responses by race and ethnicity, 66.0% of Blacks and 47.0% of non-

Blacks students agreed that rap/hip hop music discourages African Americans/Blacks from cooperating with the police. Table 23 displays the chi square shows test where there is no statistically significant relationship among these two variables. Besides music, there are other cultural and social factors that can affect peoples‘ attitudes and beliefs toward the police.

58

Table 21

Central Tendency and Dispersion for How Students Perceived Rap Music Encourage

African Americans to Not Report Crimes to the Police

N Valid 69 Missing 1 Mean 3.6522 Median 4.0000 Std. Deviation 1.18602 Minimum 1.00 Maximum 5.00

Table 22

Cross Tabulation for Blacks vs. Non-Blacks Perception Toward Rap Music

Believe there are messages in rap music that encourages African Americans/Blacks to not report crimes to the police

Neither Disagree Agree or Agree Total Disagree Blacks 17.0% 16.0% 66.0% 100% (n=8) (n=7) (n=30) (n=45)

non-Blacks 100% 10.0% 42.0% 47.0% (n=19) (n=2) (n=8) (n=9)

Total (n) 15.6% 23.4% 61% 100% (n=10) (n=15) (n=39) (n=64)

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Table 23

Chi Square Test

Value df Asymp. Sig. (2-sided) Pearson Chi-Square 7.273a 4 .122 Likelihood Ratio 8.341 4 .080 Linear-by-Linear Association .057 1 .812 N of Valid Cases 64 a. 5 cells (50.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 1.48. (Chi square = 7.273, df= 4, p-value = .122)

Perception Toward Cooperating with the Police

Factors to discourage African Americans/Blacks to help the police. As displayed in Table 24, among the students surveyed, 40.0% (n=17) of Blacks and 15%

(n=3) of non-Blacks believed that fear of retaliation from perpetuators of crimes keeps people from assisting the police. Only 4.5% of Blacks (n=2) compared to 30% (n= 6) of the non-Blacks believed that the fear of being labeled a snitch deter others from cooperating with the police. There were 33.0% (n=14) of Blacks and 25.0 % (n=5) of non-Black students who believed the mistrust of police was one of the strongest factors why people were reluctant to cooperate with the police. For Black and Non-Black students the remaining factors they believed discouraged cooperation with the police were that the belief that ―it‘s none of my business (9% vs. 15%), mistrust of whites (4.5% vs. 30.0%), other reasons (7.0% vs. 15.0%) and no reason (2.0% vs. 0%). Overall, fear of retaliation from individuals who committed the crime and the police appears to be the commonly perceived factors that discourage African Americans from cooperating with the police to solve crimes. To understand the students perception more about influences

60 on people‘s behavior, in the next section the researcher explore how students characterize potential witnesses who would cooperate with the police.

Table 24

Cross Tabulation Table for the Strongest Factors Blacks vs. Non-Blacks Believed to

Discourage African Americans from Cooperating with the Police

Race and Ethnicity Strongest Factors Identified Blacks Non- Blacks Fear of retaliation from perpetuators of crime 40.0% (n= 17) 15.0% (n=3) Mistrust of police 33.0% (n=14) 25.0% (n=5) Belief that ―It‘s none of my business‖ 9.0% (n=4) 15.0% (n=3) Other 7.0% (n=3) 15.0% (n=3) Fear of being labeled a ―snitch‖ 4.5% (n=2) 30.0% (n=6) Mistrust of Whites 4.5% (n=2) 0% (n=0) No Reason 2.0% (n=1) 0% (n=1) Total 100% (n=43) 100% (n=20)

Victim’s witness vs. snitch. In Table 25, both African Americans and non-

Blacks did not perceive ―victims‘ witness‖ and ―snitch‖ to be synonymous. Among the students 68.2 % of African Americans and 75% of non-African Americans reported that both words did not have the same meaning. Only 11.2% of the Blacks and 10% of the

Non-Black students surveyed reported that they did not know if ―victims‘ witness and

―snitch‖ were synonymous. As one Black student put on his survey, that he did not know if ―victim‘s witness‖ and ―snitch‖ meant the same thing‖- he defined snitch as

―volunteering information (when) no one is asking you‖. Below in Table 26, students were asked to identify an attribute or ascribed role for how they perceived witnesses who cooperate with the police.

61

Table 25

Cross Tabulation Table for Understanding the Meaning of Victims’ Witness and Snitch

Interpret "victims‘ witness" and "snitch" to have the same meaning

Yes No Don‘t Know Total Blacks 20.5% 68.2% 11.2% 100% (n= 9) (n=30) (n=(5) (n=44)

non-Blacks 15.0% 75.0% 10% 100% (n=3) (n=15) (n=2) (n=20)

Total 12 45 7 66

Perceptions toward witnesses. The researcher hypothesized that people who cooperate with the police to solve crimes are often viewed negatively by others. When surveying students, the researcher found that they perceived witnesses who cooperate with the police positively which this data is summarized in Table 26. Among the students, 43% (n=19) of responded that witnesses are upstanding citizens while Blacks 42

% (n=8) of the non-Blacks agreed. In contrast, 30% (n=13) of the Black students believed witnesses were courageous while 26 % (n=5) of the non-Black students indicated the same. Only 5% (n=2) of Blacks and 5% (n=1) Non-Black students viewed witnesses as a hero. In addition, in regards to some of the more negative and unfavorable assessment,

4% of Blacks and 10% of non-Blacks indicated that they think of a witness as either being a coward, an uncle Tom, a traitor or disloyal. Among the responses indicated as

―other‖ a criminal justice major student specifically stated that ―doing the right thing‖

62 comes to mind when someone cooperates with the police. Two Black students specifically stated that ―It depends‖. Among these two responses one said it depends ―on the nature of the crime‖ while the other student said ―It depends. I‘m sure the person may display many of these characteristics. How do we know if their intentions are good?‘. Where intentions are good or bad, personal or communal, there are reasons why someone would cooperate with the police. The researcher later surveyed student about what they believe were the significant reasons for people may choose to cooperate with law enforcement officers.

Table 26

Cross Tabulation for How Black and Non-Black Students Characterized Witnesses Who

Cooperate with the Police

Characteristics Identified Blacks Non- Blacks Valid Upstanding citizen 43.0% (n=19) 42.0% (n=8) Courageous/Brave 30.0% (n=13) 26.0% (n=5) Other 18.0% (n=8) 16.0% (n=3) Hero 5.0% (n=2) 5.0% (n=1) Coward 2.0% (n=1) 5.0% (n=1) An Uncle Tom 2.0% (n=1) 0% (n=0) Traitor/Disloyalty 0% (n=0) 5.0% (n=1) Total 100% 100%

Significant reasons why people would cooperate with the police. As the police can benefit from citizens involvement in assisting them to keep communities safe, the researcher surveyed students about what they believed was one the most significant reasons why someone would choose to cooperate with police. As summarized in Table

63

27, 56% (n=25) of Blacks and 55% (n=11) of non-Blacks students believed cooperating with the police can be expected if ―the person has some type of personal relationship with the victim(s) or victims‘ family while only 2% (n=1) of Blacks reported ―other‖ but often did not identify what ―other‖ meant. Wanting to promote public safety was ranked 2nd among 31% (n=14) of Blacks and 20% (n=4) of non-Black students. There were no

Blacks while only 5% (n=2) non-Blacks students who cited ―nothing‖ as a reason.

However, it is not clear if this can be interpreted as meaning ―nothing‖ would encourage a witness to cooperate or that there‘s ―nothing‖ needed for witness to cooperate. Among the ―other‖ responses, some students elaborated specifically about what they thought was the most significant reason why someone would cooperate with the police. One White student cited ―good citizenship‖, a criminal justice major student said it ―feels like the right thing‖ while a Black student reported that cooperating with the police ―depends on the crime‖.

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Table 27

Significant Factors Perceived by Black and Non-Black Students to Encourage Witnesses to Cooperate with the Police

Most Significant Reasons Identified by Students For personal The person has Wanting to Nothing Other Total gains from the some type of promote

police personal public safety. (e.g. money, relationship with reduce time in the victim(s) or prison/jail) victims' family. Blacks 11.0% 56.0% 31.0% 0% 2.0% 100.%

(n=5) (n=25) (n=14) (n=0) (n=1) (n=45)

non- 10.0% 55.0% 20.0% 5.0% 10.0% 100% Blacks ( n=2) (n=11) (n=4) (n=1) (n=2) (n=20)

18 1 3 65 Total 7 36

Personal Experiences Involving the Police

Personal experiences cooperating with the police. Earlier in the survey the research asked students how they characterized witnesses and to identify significant reasons for witnesses‘ cooperation with the police. When surveyed students about their individual experience with the police, the majority of the respondents indicated they have not cooperated with the police. As displayed in Table 28, 80% (n=36) of Blacks and 70%

(n=14) of non –Blacks students reported that they have not cooperated with the police.

There were no Blacks who declined to answer the question in the survey while there was

65 only 5% (n=1) non-Blacks who declined to say if they had ever cooperated with the police.

Table 28

Cross Tabulation Table for Black and Non-Black Students Experience of Cooperating with the Police

Cooperated with the police to solve a crime

Yes No Decline to say Total Blacks 20.0% 80.0% 0% 100% (n=9) (n=36) (n= 0) (n= 45)

non-Blacks 25.0% 70.0% 5.0% 100% (n=5) (n=14) (n=1) (n=20)

Total 14 50 1 65

Childhood and the police. As displayed in Figure 2, 69% (n=48) of the respondents indicated that as children they learned to be selective about when and under what circumstances they should talk to the police. Among all students surveyed 28.6%

(n=20) indicated that they did not learn to be selective while 2.9% (n=2) declined to say.

As summarized in Figure 3, when analyzing race as an independent variable, 71 %

(n=32) Blacks and 60 %( n=12) of Non-Blacks indicated that they learned to be selective in their interactions with police while 26.7 % (n= 12) Blacks and 35 % (n=7) Non-Black said that they did not learn this behavior as child. When analyzing Black and non-Black responses that indicated that subjects learned as children to be selective toward the police,

66 for both groups, their family and peers were often cited as the strongest environment/social influence for learning such behavior. As summarized in Figure 4,

Blacks and non-Blacks indicated the following environmental/social influences impacted their interaction with police: There were 67% (n=21) of the Blacks vs. 69.2% (n=9)of the non-Blacks who reported family, parents, siblings, and cousins, 9.7 % (n=3) of Blacks and 7.7% (n=1)of non-Blacks reported peers, 6.5% (n=2) of the Blacks vs. 7.7% (n=1) of non-Blacks reported neighborhood, 9.7% (n=3) of the Blacks and 0% of non-Blacks said

African American history, while 0% Blacks and 7.7% (n=1) of non-Black students reported ―other‖.

Figure 2. Childhood and Police

67

80

70

60

50 Yes (71% Blacks vs. 60% non- Blacks 40 No (27% Blacks vs. 35% non- Blacks) 30 Decline to say (2% Blacks vs. 20 5% non-Blacks)

10

0 Blacks Non-Blacks

Figure 3. Percentage of Blacks and Non-Blacks Students who Learned to be Selective

Toward the Police as Children.

68

80 Family. (67.7% Blacks 70 vs. 69.2% non-Blacks)

60 Peers (9.7% Blacks vs 7.7% non-Blacks)

50 Neighborhood.(6.5% Blacks vs. 7.7% non- 40 Blacks) African American 30 History.(9.7% Blacks vs. 0% non-Blacks) 20 Other. (0% Blacks vs. 7.7% non-Blacks) 10 Not Applicable. (6.5% Blacks vs. 7.7% non- 0 Blacks) Blacks Non-Blacks

Figure 4. Social Factors Black and Non-Black Students Identified as Teaching Them as

Children to be Selective When Talking to the Police.

Perceived factors contributing to personally cooperating with the police. As shown below in Figure 5, Blacks and non-Blacks both indicated having a personal relationship with the victim or victims‘ family and wanting to promote public safety as some of the strongest reasons why they would cooperate with the police to solve a crime.

There were no Blacks while 5.3% (n=1) non-Black who indicated that they would not cooperate at all. Figure 5 also shows that 2.3% Blacks and 15.8% non-Black respondents indicated ―other‖ motivators. (See the discussion below).

69

60 Personal gains from the police (4.5% Blacks vs. 5.3% non- Blacks) 50 Having some type of relationship with the victim(s) or victims' family (50% Blacks 40 vs. 42.1% non-Blacks)

Wanting to promote public safety.(43.2% Blacks vs. 31.6% 30 non-Blacks)

I wouldn't cooperate at all (0% Blacks vs. 5.3% non-Blacks) 20

Other (2.3% Blacks vs 15.8% 10 non-Blacks

0 Blacks Non-Blacks

Figure 5. What Would Encourage Your Cooperation with the Police?

Desired behavior for witnesses. As the majority of the students surveyed agreed that there is a ―no snitching‖ mentality in the African American community (see Table

19), the researcher asked students what they would like a person to do who witnessed their family member or close friend harmed. Below in Table 29, it summarizes that

84.3% (n=59) of all the students surveyed reported that they would like for the witness to cooperate with the police while 2.9 % (n=2) reported they wanted the witness to do

70 nothing, and 11.4% (n=8) of the student indicated ―other‖. There was one student who wrote ―tell me‖ as the desired alternative rather than wanting the witness to cooperate with the police or doing nothing at all. Such statement can be inferred to reflect a belief system where some citizens who are aware of crimes against others or even experienced violations themselves, try to rectify criminal incidents without the police while others may choose or desire witnesses to cooperate with police for assistance and to reach a suitable resolution.

Table 29

Frequency Table for Desired Behavior from Witnesses

Frequency Percent Valid Cumulative

Percent Percent Cooperate with the police 59 84.3 85.5 85.5 Nothing 2 2.9 2.9 88.4 Other. 8 11.4 11.6 100.0 Total 69 98.6 100.0 Missing 1 1.4 Total 70 100.0

71

If a close friend or family member was harmed and there was a witness, what would you like the witness to do?

Cooperate with the police. (85%) Nothing. (3%) Other. (12%)

3% 12%

85%

Figure 6. Students‘ Desired Behavior for Witnesses

Examining Blacks and Non-Blacks desired behavior for witnesses. As displayed in Figure 7 and Figure 8, more than 80% of both Blacks and Non-Black racial groups would like for a witness who observed their family member or close friend being harmed to cooperate with the police. In Sum, 11% of Blacks and 15% of non-Blacks students indicated ―other‖ as an alternative. In addition, only 5% of Black and no member of the non-Black group indicated that they would like for the witness to do nothing.

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Blacks Desired Behavior Non-Blacks Desired For Witnesses Behavior for Witness Cooperate with the police. (84%) Cooperate with the police. (85%) Nothing. (11%) Nothing. (0%) Other.(5%) Other. (15%)

5% 11% 0% 15%

84% 85%

Figure 7. Blacks Desired Behavior Figure 8. Non-Blacks Desired

For Witnesses Behavior for Witness

73

Chapter 5

DISCUSSION

Discussion of the Findings

Citizens, since the early development of watchmen and the police, are expected to join forces with law enforcement to deter crime and support law and order to make their communities safe to live in (Wadman & Allison, 2004; see also Miller, 2000).

America‘s Police system has undergone several reforms to respond to deviant behaviors and crimes in communities. From neighborhood watchmen to slave patrollers, the police duties have often changed based on the social policies and laws they operate under

(Wadman & Allison, 2004; see also Vila & Morris, 1999; Williams & Murphy, 1990).

Historically, the police have been an oppressive force in the African American community and have been involved in controversial behaviors attributed to racism, discrimination, and/or bad judgment (Antony & Thomas, 2010; see also Araiza, 2009;

Williams & Murphy, 1990). However, the police remain a governing body that is to protect and serve all communities. African Americans compared to Whites and Hispanics represents a smaller percentage of the American populations, but are disproportionally affected by homicide (United States Department of Justice, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009). As the court of law may find some of these violent crimes justifiable, some cases may remain unsolved due a lack of evidence, no available witness, or a witness unwilling able to come forward and cooperate with the police. The ―no-snitching‖ mentality in the

African American community has been getting attention in the media, where some may recognize it as a culture, a street code or even a belief system that discourages people

74 from assisting the police to solve crimes and restore safety to communities (United States

Department of Justice, 2009a; see also Ballou, 2009; Becker, 2006).

As demonstrated in this research, the police and African Americans have a history of conflict, where televised police brutality and vicarious or personal experiences impact people‘s perception and interactions with the police. When rap music began in the late

1970s and 1980s, rappers rhymed about the social conditions in their immediate and outer

African American community (Richardson & Kim, 2000;see also Richardson and Scott,

2002). To date, rap and hip hop music has become one of the most popular genres of music with diverse listeners and diverse topics rhymed to a beat. Some rap lyrics have become controversial: artists explicitly rhyme about violence in their community, advocating for respect, and warn its audience about the danger of cooperating with the police( Kubrin, 2005). Rap artists and average citizens have been victims of homicide and other violence and affected by the ―no-snitching‖ mentality that discourages witnesses from cooperating with the police to solve crimes.

The researcher initially hypothesized that African Americans have an uncooperative attitude toward assisting police to solve crimes, and they view people who do cooperate negatively. When students were asked, to what extent, they agreed that there is a mentality in the African American community that discourages African

Americans from cooperating with police, 87 % of the Black students and 79.7% of the non-Black students agreed or strongly agreed that this mentality exists. However, according to the researcher‘s findings, the hypothesis that African Americans have more of an uncooperative attitude toward the police or perceive witnesses negatively compared

75 to other races has been rejected. More than 50% of the Black students and 70% of the non-Blacks students reported that they are either likely or extremely likely to cooperate with the police if they witnessed a crime. There was only 26.7% of the Black students and 20.0% of the non-Black students who reported that their behavior is neutral while only 15.1 % of the Black students and 10% of the non-Black students reported that they are unlikely or extremely unlikely to cooperate with the police. When students were asked to identify descriptive words for people who cooperate with the police, the majority of students perceived witnesses who cooperate as being upstanding citizens or displaying courage and bravery while there were only 4% of Black students and 10% of non-Black students who identified cooperative witnesses as a coward, an uncle Tom, or being a traitor/disloyal.

As the researcher attempted to examine if Black and Non-Black students perceptions toward accountability to solve crimes committed against Blacks differ based upon the respondents‘ race and ethnicity, and if the perpetrator of the crime was a police officer or an average citizen, the respondents‘ responses were often rated as ―sometimes‖.

The neutral response toward accountability does not appear to be influenced by respondents‘ race, but by some other variable(s) that the researcher did not identify or measure. However, when comparing students‘ responses to the likelihood of cooperation with the police if they witnessed a crime to the responses about ever having cooperated with the police, 80% of the Black students vs. 70% of Non-Black students reported that they have not cooperated with the police to solve a crime. It is unclear to the researcher

76 whether any of the students were ever asked or not asked to cooperate with the police, and then chose not to cooperate.

As social learning is modeled in close contact, through vicarious learning or role modeling, human beings can observe and be told about experiences that can impact their behavior and perception to avoid unwanted events and pain. Among the students surveyed, 69% of the students reported that their families were the number one environmental influence that taught them as children to be selective about when and under what circumstances they should talk to the police. Unsurprisingly, families are typically the source of support and hold certain familial expectations based on the family‘s experiences, expectations, and beliefs. Among the students surveyed, their families compared to their peers appear to be a stronger teaching force regarding how to interact with the police. As less than 10% of the Black students and 10% of the non-

Black students indicated ―other‖ environmental influence without specifying, there were some students who specified their responses. One Black student reported that ―I don‘t recall. However, I‘m sure it was a latent attitude I grew up with‖. The researcher wonders if selectivity toward the police is to be described in terms of a ―latent attitude‖ that is taught to this student or maybe even other students as well. If so, what supports and reinforces this attitude? Did families sit these students down as young children to tell them to be selective about when and under what circumstances to talk to the police?

Or did the families discuss with these students the reasons why they should be selective toward the police? If so, was the reason based on the families‘ environment and neighborhood, African American history, or some unknown factors that were not

77 captured in the survey or reported by students. The researcher wonders if possibly students who did report their families as the source of learning to be selective toward police, collapsed all the other factors, e.g., African American History, distrust of Whites and neighborhoods, into one category to just identify their family as the primary source for their knowledge.

Although 75.7% of the students reported that they have not ever cooperated with the police and 68.6% of the students learned to be selective toward the police, the majority of the students indicated that there were certain factors that would encourage their cooperation with the police if they witnessed a crime. There did not appear to be a stronger reluctance among Blacks to cooperate with the police, where 0% of the Black students compared to 5.3 % of the non-Black students indicated that they would not cooperate as a witness. Consistently, Black and non-Black students reported having a relationship with the victim(s) or victim‘s family, and wanting to promote public safety as some of the most common and consistent reasons why themselves and others would being willing to cooperate with the police. The researcher found from examining students‘ surveys that indicated ―other‖ that would encourage them to cooperate with the police, several students specifically reported that it depended on the nature of the crime.

One criminal justice major student stated that cooperation would be ―helping the situation‖ while another criminal justice student said, ―I‘m studying to be a police officer so it would sort of be my responsibility to help‖. One Latino student said, ―All the above‖ would encourage his or her cooperation while one black student said their curiosity would be a motivator. For some students, willingness to cooperate with the

78 police depended on the nature of the crime; it is unclear whether students are likely to cooperate if the crime is either a non-violent offense or just involving someone they knew as a victim.

Overwhelmingly, 85% of all the students surveyed indicated that they would like for witnesses to cooperate with the police if individuals witnessed the students‘ family member or close friend being harmed. The researcher wondered if what the students would like witnesses to do is consistent with what they expect witnesses to do. Among some of the Black students who selected ―other‖ and specifically identified what they preferred from a witness, several wanted the witness to cooperate with them, not the police. One Black student said ―whatever they‗re able to {do}. It may be a situation where everyone knows who did it but believe in street justice.‖ while another Black student and one White student agreed that it ―depends‖. One Latino student said the witness should ―cooperate if he believes it‘s safe‖. One response from an Asian student was that the witness should do ―nothing unless they‘re absolutely sure of the nature‖.

Such student appear to be weighing the reward or punishment to see if it‘s in the best interest of the witness to cooperate with the police, which goes back to operant condition.

Behaviors are typically shaped by their outcome, and often what others may perceive as being acceptable to do.

In Retrospect

The researcher recognizes that before asking students if they have ever cooperated with the police, it would have been beneficial to ask if they were ever asked to cooperate with the police and if they trusted the police. Knowing such information would have

79 allowed the researcher to examine and interpret student responses with more understanding of the respondents‘ reality and their reported responses regardless if they have or have not cooperated with the police or declined to answer.

In hindsight, the researcher recognizes some of the benefits and challenges of using a likert scale in this research study. As some students indicated that they were neutral or did not agree or disagree, without interviewing such student respondents, the researcher had no inclination of what factors contributed to their neutral stance and what factors could have influenced students to not be neutral. When using a likert scale, sometimes it is important for the researcher to see the degree of variation of people‘s beliefs and for the survey participants to not feel that they are being pressured to choose from limited responses on a survey. However, having students not rank their beliefs and behaviors, would have allowed students to determine if they more often than not, held a particular opinion toward issues in the African American community and in regards to their own behavior and expectation of others.

Reliability and Validity

In the context of research studies, reliability has to do with if the measuring tool is consistent (Marlow, 2004). The researcher used internal consistency reliability to determine that the survey was reliable. Validity is regarding the content on the measuring tool (Marlow, 2004). It determines whether the tool is measuring what is is attempting to measure. Overall, the researcher believes that the research question was addressed.

However, some survey questions could have been formulated differently so that the participants could not be neutral in their answers. As all the students‘ individual

80 responses are confidential, the researcher wonders if the survey was given to students in their natural community instead the classroom, would their responses remain the same.

Social workers recognize how the environment can influence peoples‘ behaviors and thoughts. Education level and careers can influence the opportunities people have and where they live. It can also reflect some of their values, beliefs and ideologies about society. As some of the most common majors among the 70 students surveyed were criminal justice, government, psychology, ethnic studies, and social work, the researcher wonders if this led to any partiality in the data findings since most of these majors are either in the helping profession or reinforcing law and order.

Implications for Practice

To enhance the quality of living with the inclusion of social equality and opportunity, as a profession, social work, strives to promote social justice and social change; through advocacy, empowering and assisting marginalized, vulnerable populations, social workers‘ mission is to bring ― attention to the environmental forces that create, contribute to and address problems in living‖ (NASW Code of Ethics, 2008, p.1; see also Lynch& Mitchell, 1995). It is my hope that the researcher bought attention to the ―no-snitching‖ mentality that may be shared by both African Americans and non-

African Americans to academia research. Social workers assist both victims and perpetrators of crimes and communities affected by violence and other conflicts. As social workers, we always need to understand the personal and cultural history of our clients and understand the systems that they operate in. African Americans have experienced a very turbulent and violent history in America. Today, the violence

81 manifests to where community violence and other crimes impacting the quality and interactions in the community to impact health (Hororwitz, McKay, & Marshall, 2005).

Whether some researchers may describe it as a crisis in the African American community

(Allen-Merses & Burman, 1995) or the violence as a myth to exist in the community

(Stark, 1993), the issue of violence and the killing of thousands of African American men cannot be ignored to be accepted as being normal until it just goes away without anyone acting to improve conditions and lives in the community.

Some communities have more of a positive relationship and welcomed experiences with the police. We need to recognize the importance of working together not only in the event when crime is present and to solve criminal cases, but as well as to prevent crime and hold the police and citizens accountable for their actions in order to promote public safety for everyone. As there are no easy solutions to put in place, the stakes are large where there are needed interventions on the personal, communal, and political levels. As public safety began among neighbors combating crime, the police still need communities‘ involvement to obtain and maintain safety. We can look at other urban cities and communities to see what they are using to support a healthy relationship among the police and minorities, and how effective these measures are in deterring and solving crimes as well as bringing these communities together.

Limitations

If further research is conducted, it would be beneficial to expand from only surveying students, to include a larger randomized sample of a community. This will allow researchers to get a clearer picture to examine, explain and statistically support the

82 findings to determine if there are social factors that may affect people to cooperate with the police. Variables should include socio-economic demographics, race and ethnicity, and individuals‘ life experiences to see if there is a correlation between variables. Future research should examine the internal methods some African Americans use to compact crime in their community. Such information can be resourceful to community organizers, the police, and citizens to take note on to discuss and synthesize how they can work together to reach a common goal of safety and support accountability among both the police and citizens.

Conclusion

As a social worker, I realize that the environment in which children and adults live in can affect their behavior. As people mature into adulthood, values once taught by family and other instrumental figures in their lives can change or remain the same. For whatever our belief system is, we will ultimately one day be faced with a dilemma and depending on the choice we choose- it can either show that we have integrity or denounce our character. Courage and fighting against social and political power structure has been some of the principles African American history has been built upon to allow minorities‘ freedoms and the opportunity for full participation in American society. And I believe that courage and support will also be needed to fight the social conditions and tragedies affecting a community that has shaped some of the very policies today giving minorities rights. In all, a community gives its member a sense of belonging and a feeling of looking out for not only one another‘s best interest, but also the group‘s best interest as a whole.

Whether violence or the ―no-snitching‖ mentality involves the police or non-police

83 citizens, it does not benefit the African American community (or any other community for that matter) that it is present in. It is my hope that the violence and silence will stop to encourage more healthy communities where families and individuals can live in and strive beyond.

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APPENDICES

85

APPENDIX A

Homicide Victims in the United States from 1930-1990

Table: Homicide Victims, 1930-1990 Year Total Blacks

1930 10,331 4,490 1

1940 8,329 4,556 1

1950 7,942 4,340

1960 8,464 4,358

1970 16,484 8,834

1980 24,278 10,283

1990 24,932 12,144

1- Includes Blacks and other non-Whites. Source: Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1993. Encyclopedia of African American Culture and History.

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APPENDIX B

Lynching Victims in the United States from 1868-1935

Table: Lyching Victims, 1868-1935

Year Black Year Black

1868 291 1907 58 1869 31 1908 89 1870 34 1909 69 1871 53 1910 67 1882 49 1911 60 1883 53 1912 61 1884 51 1913 51 1885 74 1914 51 1886 74 1915 56 1887 70 1916 50 1888 69 1917 36 1889 94 1918 60 1890 85 1919 76 1891 113 1920 53 1892 161 1921 59 1893 118 1922 51 1894 134 1923 29 1895 113 1924 16 1896 78 1925 17 1897 123 1926 23 1898 101 1927 16 1899 85 1928 10 1900 106 1929 7 1901 105 1930 20 1902 85 1931 12 1903 84 1932 6 1904 76 1933 24 1905 57 1934 15 1906 62 1935 18 Note: Figures not available for 1872-1879 and 1881. The number of blacks lynched annually was less than 10 during the period of 1936 to 1970. No lynching occurred in 1880, 1952 to 1954, 1956, 1958, 1960, 1962 and 1965-1970. Source: Statistics, Colonial Times to 1970. Encyclopedia of African American Culture and History.

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APPENDIX C

All Students Majors

Table 30

Frequency of All Majors Reported by Students

Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid ACCY 2 2.9 2.9 2.9 BIO 2 2.9 2.9 5.7 BIO-CHEM 1 1.4 1.4 7.1 CHDV 3 4.3 4.3 11.4 COMS 4 5.7 5.7 17.1 CRJ 11 15.7 15.7 32.9 ENGL 1 1.4 1.4 34.3 ETHN 5 7.1 7.1 41.4 Film st 1 1.4 1.4 42.9 GEOL 1 1.4 1.4 44.3 GOVT 10 14.3 14.3 58.6 HLSC 1 1.4 1.4 60.0 JOUR 1 1.4 1.4 61.4 KINS 1 1.4 1.4 62.9 Media 2 2.9 2.9 65.7 MGMT 4 5.7 5.7 71.4 NURS 4 5.7 5.7 77.1 PSYC 7 10.0 10.0 87.1 RPTA 1 1.4 1.4 88.6 SOC 3 4.3 4.3 92.9 SWRK 5 7.1 7.1 100.0 Total 70 100.0 100.0

88

APPENDIX D

Lyrics for The Message by Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five

Artist: Grand Master Flash and the Furious five Song: The Message Album: The Message Year: 1982

It's like a jungle sometimes it makes me wonder How I keep from going under It's like a jungle sometimes it makes me wonder How I keep from going under

Broken glass everywhere People pissing on the stairs, you know they just don?t care I can't take the smell, I can't take the noise no more Got no money to move out, I guess I got no choice Rats in the front room, roaches in the back Junkie's in the alley with a baseball bat I tried to get away, but I couldn't get far 'Cause a man with a tow-truck repossessed my car

Chorus: Don't push me cause I'm close to the edge I'm trying not to lose my head, ah huh-huh-huh [2nd and 5th: ah huh-huh-huh] [4th: say what?] It's like a jungle sometimes it makes me wonder How I keep from going under It's like a jungle sometimes it makes me wonder How I keep from going under

Standing on the front stoop, hangin' out the window Watching all the cars go by, roaring as the breezes blow Crazy lady livin' in a bag Eatin' out of garbage pails, she used to be a fag-hag Said she danced the tango, skipped the light fandango The Zircon Princess seemed to lost her senses Down at the peepshow, watching all the creeps So she can tell the stories to the girls back home She went to the city and got Social Security She had to get a pimp, she couldn't make it on her own

89

[2nd Chorus]

My brother's doing bad on my mother's TV Says she watches too much, it?s just not healthy ?All My Children? in the daytime, ?Dallas? at night Can't even see the game or the Sugar Ray fight The bill collectors they ring my phone And scare my wife when I'm not home Got a bum education, double-digit inflation Can't take the train to the job, there's a strike at the station Neon King Kong standin' on my back Can't stop to turn around, broke my sacroiliac A mid-range migraine, cancered membrane Sometimes I think I'm going insane, I swear I might hijack a plane

[3rd Chorus]

My son said: ?Daddy, I don't wanna go to school Cause the teacher's a jerk, he must think I'm a fool And all the kids smoke reefer, I think it'd be cheaper If I just got a job, learned to be a street sweeper I?d dance to the beat, shuffle my feet Wear a shirt and tie and run with the creeps Cause it's all about money, ain't a damn thing funny You got to have a con in this land of milk and honey" They pushed that girl in front of the train Took her to the doctor, sewed her arm on again Stabbed that man right in his heart Gave him a transplant for a brand new start I can't walk through the park, cause it's crazy after dark Keep my hand on my gun, cause they got me on the run I feel like a outlaw, broke my last glass jaw Hear them say: ?You want some more?" livin' on a seesaw

[4th Chorus]

A child is born with no state of mind Blind to the ways of mankind God is smiling on you but he's frowning too Because only God knows what you?ll go through You?ll grow in the ghetto, living second rate And your eyes will sing a song of deep hate The places you play and where you stay Looks like one great big alley way

90

You'll admire all the number book takers Thugs, pimps, pushers and the big money makers Driving big cars, spending twenties and tens And you wanna grow up to be just like them, huh, Smugglers, scramblers, burglars, gamblers Pickpockets, peddlers even panhandlers You say: ?I'm cool, I'm no fool!? But then you wind up dropping out of high school Now you're unemployed, all non-void Walking ?round like you're Pretty Boy Floyd Turned stickup kid, look what you?ve done did Got sent up for a eight year bid Now your manhood is took and you're a Maytag Spent the next two years as a undercover fag Being used and abused to serve like hell 'Til one day you was found hung dead in your cell It was plain to see that your life was lost You was cold and your body swung back and forth But now your eyes sing the sad, sad song Of how you lived so fast and died so young

[5th Chorus]

Source: http://www.metrolyrics.com/the-message-lyrics-grandmaster-flash.html

91

APPENDIX E

Lyrics for Fuck the Police by NWA

Artist: NWA Song Lyrics for ―‖ Album: Year: 1988

Right about now NWA court is in full effect. Judge Dre presiding in the case of NWA versus the police department. Prosecuting attourneys are MC Ren and Eazy muthafuckin E. Order order order. Ice Cube take the muthafuckin stand. Do you swear to tell the truth the whole truth and nothin but the truth so help your black ass?

Why don't you tell everybody what the fuck you gotta say?

Fuck tha police Comin straight from the underground Young nigga got it bad cuz I'm brown And not the other color so police think They have the authority to kill a minority

Fuck that shit, cuz I ain't tha one For a punk muthafucka with a badge and a gun To be beatin on, and throwin in jail We could go toe to toe in the middle of a cell

Fuckin with me cuz I'm a teenager With a little bit of gold and a pager Searchin my car, lookin for the product Thinkin every nigga is sellin narcotics

You'd rather see me in the pen Then me and Lorenzo rollin in the Benzo Beat tha police outta shape And when I'm finished, bring the yellow tape To tape off the scene of the slaughter Still can't swallow bread and water I don't know if they fags or what

92

Search a nigga down and grabbin his nuts And on the other hand, without a gun they can't get none But don't let it be a black and a white one Cuz they slam ya down to the street top Black police showin out for the white cop

Ice Cube will swarm On any muthafucka in a blue uniform Just cuz I'm from the CPT, punk police are afraid of me A young nigga on a warpath And when I'm finished, it's gonna be a bloodbath Of cops, dyin in LA Yo Dre, I got somethin to say

Fuck the police (4X)

M. C. Ren, will you please give your testimony to the jury about this fucked up incident.>

Fuck tha police and Ren said it with authority because the niggaz on the street is a majority. A gang, is with whoever I'm stepping and the motherfuckin' weapon is kept in a stash box, for the so-called law wishin' Ren was a nigga that they never saw

Lights start flashin behind me But they're scared of a nigga so they mace me to blind me But that shit don't work, I just laugh Because it gives em a hint not to step in my path

To the police I'm sayin fuck you punk Readin my rights and shit, it's all junk Pullin out a silly club, so you stand With a fake assed badge and a gun in your hand

But take off the gun so you can see what's up And we'll go at it punk, I'ma fuck you up

Make ya think I'm a kick your ass But drop your gat, and Ren's gonna blast I'm sneaky as fuck when it comes to crime But I'm a smoke em now, and not next time

93

Smoke any muthafucka that sweats me Or any assho that threatens me I'm a sniper with a hell of a scope Takin out a cop or two, they can't cope with me

The muthafuckin villian that's mad With potential to get bad as fuck So I'm a turn it around Put in my clip, yo, and this is the sound Ya, somethin like that, but it all depends on the size of the gat

Takin out a police would make my day But a nigga like Ren don't give a fuck to say

Fuck the police (4X)

Police, open now. We have a warrant for Eazy-E's arrest. Get down and put your hands up where I can see em. Just shut the fuck up and get your muthafuckin ass on the floor. [huh?]>

and tell the jury how you feel abou this bullshit.>

I'm tired of the muthafuckin jackin Sweatin my gang while I'm chillin in the shackin Shining tha light in my face, and for what Maybe it's because I kick so much butt

I kick ass, or maybe cuz I blast On a stupid assed nigga when I'm playin with the trigga Of any Uzi or an AK Cuz the police always got somethin stupid to say

They put up my picture with silence Cuz my identity by itself causes violence The E with the criminal behavior Yeah, I'm a gansta, but still I got flavor

Without a gun and a badge, what do ya got? A sucka in a uniform waitin to get shot, By me, or another nigga. and with a gat it don't matter if he's smarter or bigger

94

[MC Ren: Sidle him, kid, he's from the old school, fool]

And as you all know, E's here to rule Whenever I'm rollin, keep lookin in the mirror And there's no cue, yo, so I can hear a Dumb muthafucka with a gun

And if I'm rollin off the 8, he'll be tha one That I take out, and then get away And while I'm drivin off laughin This is what I'll say

Fuck the police (4X)

The jury has found you guilty of bein a redneck, whitebread, chickenshit muthafucka. Wait, that's a lie. That's a goddamn lie. I want justice! I want justice! Fuck you, you black muthafucka!>

Fuck the police (3X)

Source: http://www.lyricsdepot.com/n-w-a/fuck-tha-police.html

95

APPENDIX F

Lyrics for Ready to Die by The Notorious B.I.G. (feat. Puff Daddy)

Artist: Notorious BIG Feat. Puff Daddy Song: Ready to Die Album: Ready to Die Year: 1994

Yeah... Yeah... (You ready motherfucker?) (We gon' kill your ass)

As I grab the glock, put it to your headpiece One in the chamber, the safety is off release Straight at your dome homes, I wanna see cabbage Biggie Smalls the savage, doin your brain cells much damage Teflon is the material for the imperial mic ripper girl stripper the Henny sipper I drop lyrics off and on like a lightswitch Quick to grab the right bitch and make her drive the Q-45, glocks and tecs are expected when I wreck shit Respect is collected, so check it I got techniques drippin out my buttcheeks Sleep on my stomach so I don't fuck up my sheets, huh My shit is deep, deeper than my grave G I'm ready to die and nobody can save me Fuck the world, fuck my moms and my girl My life is played out like a jheri curl, I'm ready to die

As I sit back and look when I used to be a crook Doin whatever it took from snatchin chains to pocketbooks A big BAD motherfucker on the wrong road I got some drugs tried to get the avenue sold I want it all from the Rolexes to the Lexus gettin paid, is all I expected My mother didn't give me what I want, what the fuck? Now I got a glock, makin motherfuckers duck Shit is real, and hungry's how I feel I rob and steal because that money got that whip appeal Kickin niggaz down the steps just for rep Any repercussion lead to niggaz gettin wet

96

The infrared's at your head real steady You better grab your guns cause I'm ready, ready { From: http://www.elyrics.net/read/n/notorious-big-lyrics/ready-to-die-lyrics.html }

I'm ready to die! (Nah we ain't gon' kill your ass yet) (We gonna make you suffer)

In a sec I throw the tec to your fuckin neck Everybody hit the deck, Biggie bout to get some wreck Quick to leave you in a coffin, for slick talkin You better act like CeCe, and keep on walkin When I hit ya, I split ya to the white meat You swung on like you slumber right you fell to the conrete Your face, my feet, they meet, we're stompin I'm rippin MC's from Tallahassee, to Compton Biggie Smalls on a higher plane Niggaz say I'm strange deranged because I put the 12 gauge to your brain Make your shit splatter Mix the blood like batter then my pocket gets fatter after the hit, leave you on the street with your neck split down your backbone to where your motherfuckin cheek drip The shit I kick, rip it through the vest Biggie Smalls passin any test, I'm ready to die!

I'm ready (Time to go, we gonna put you out your misery motherfucker) Niggaz definitely know what time it is The Notorious one in full effect for ninety-three! Suicidal, I'm ready!

(Now I lay me down to sleep) Yeah (Pray the Lord my soul to keep) (If I should die before I wake) (I pray the Lord my soul to take) (Cause I'm ready to die)

(All y'all motherfuckers come with me if you want to)

(Biggie Smalls the biggest man) (Rockin on and on in ninety-three, Easy Mo Bee)

97

(Third Eye, and the rest of the Bad Boy fam) (I don't wanna see no cryin at my funeral)

Source: http://www.azlyrics.com/lyrics/notoriousbig/readytodie.html

98

APPENDIX G

Lyrcis for I Aint Mad at Cha by Tupac (feat. Danny Boy)

Artist: Tupac Song: I aint mad at cha. Album: All Eyez on Me Year: 1996

Change... Shit, I guess change is good for any of us Whatever it takes for any of ya'll niggas to get up out tha hood Shit, I'm with ya I ain't mad at cha got nothin' but love for ya do your thing boy

Yeah, All the homies that I ain't talked to in awhile I'm a send this out to y'all know what I mean ? Cuz, I ain't mad at cha heard all of y'all tearing up shit out there Kickin' up dust givin' a mutha-fuck Yeah, niggas Cuz, I ain't mad at cha

Now, we were once two niggas of the same kind quick to holla at a hoochie with the same line You were just a little smaller but you still rolled Got stressed the [?Wide Eight?] and hit the hood stroll remember when ya had a Jerry Curl ? Didn't quite learn On the block With ya glock trippin' of Sherm Collect calls to the tip Sayin' how ya changed

99

Oh you a Muslim now No more dope game Heard you might be coming home Just got wanna go to the Mosque Don't wanna chase tail It seems I lost my little homie He's a changed man Hit the penn Now, no sinnin' is the game plan When I talk about money All you see is the struggle When I tell ya, I'm livin' large you tell me, its trouble Congratulation on the wedding I hope your wife know She got a playa for life And that's no bullshitin' I know we grew apart You probably don't remember I usta fiend for your sister But never went up in her And I can see us after school We'd bomb on the first mutha-fucka with tha wrong shit on And now, the whole shits changed and we don't even kick it got a big money scheme And you ain't even with it Knew in my heart You were the same mutha-fucka bad Go toe to toe when it's time to roll You got a brothas back And I can't even trip cause i'm just laughin' at ya You tryin' hard to maintain And go ahead Cuz, I ain't mad at cha

Chorus -- Danny boy oooowwwwww I ain't Mad at Cha

100

(I ain't Mad at Cha) I ain't Mad at Cha

We used to be like distant couzins fightin', playin' dozins whole nieghborhood buzzin' Knowin' that we was wasn't Usta catch us on the roof or behind the stairs I'm gettin' blitz reminiscin' On all the time we shared Beside Bumpin' n' Grindin' Was nothin' on our mind In time we learned to live a life of crime Rewind us back To a time Was much to young, to know I caught a felony lovin' the way the guns blow And even thou we seperated You said that you wait Don't give nobody no coochie While I'll be locked up state I Kiss my mama good bye Wipe, the tears from her lonely eyes Said, that I'll return But I gotta fight The bitch that ride Don't shed a tear cuz, mama I ain't happy here I'm through trails and no more smiles for a couple a years They got me goin' mad I'm knocking brothas on their backs in my cell Thinkin' hell I know one day I'll be back As soon as I touch down I told my girl i'll be there so prepare

101 to get fucked down The homies wanna kick it But I'm just laughin' at ya Cuz, you is a down ass bitch and I ain't mad at cha

Chorus -- Danny boy I ain't Mad at Cha (I ain't Mad at Cha) I ain't Mad at Cha (but your a down ass bitch, and I ain't Mad at Cha)

Well guess who's moving up ? this niggas ballin' now Bitches be callin' to get it Hookers keep fallin' down He went from nothin' to alot Ten Karets the spot He went from a nobody nigga to the big man on the block He's Mister local celebrity Addicted to move a key most hated by enemy Escaping the luxury See, first you was our nigga But you made it So the choice is made Now we gotta slay you while you faded In the younger days So full of pain while the weapons blaze Gettin' so high off the bomb Hopin' we can make it To the better dayz Cuz, crime pays And in time You'll find a rhyme That'll blaze you'll feel the fire from the niggas in my younger dayz So many changed on me So many tried to plot that I keep a glock

102 beside my Haaand When will it stop ? 'Till god return me to my essence Cuz, even as a adolecents I refuse to be a convalescent So many questions, And they ask me if i'm still down I moved up out of the ghetto So I ain't real now ? They got so much to say But I'm just laughin' at ya You niggas just don't know But I ain't mad at cha

Chorus -- Danny boy oooowwwwww I ain't Mad at Cha (I ain't Mad at Cha) I ain't Mad at Cha (Hell naw, I ain't mad at Cha) I ain't Mad at Cha (and I ain't Mad at Cha) I ain't Mad at Cha (I ain't Mad at Cha) I ain't Mad at Cha nooooo I ain't Mad at Chaaaaahhhhh

Source: http://wikilyrics.net/song/4593/2Pac-(Tupac-Shakur)---I-Aint-Mad-At- Cha-Lyrics

103

APPENDIX H

Lyrics for Only Fear of Death by Tupac

Artist: Tupac Song: Only Fear of Death Album: Are U Still Down?( Remember Me) Year: 1997

Pssst... psssssst... aiyyo Are you afraid to die, or do you wanna live forever Tell me, which one

They wanna bury me, I'm worried -- I'm losin my mind Look down the barrel of my nine and my vision's blurry Fallin to pieces, am I guilty? I pray to the Lord but he ignores me unfortunately cause I'm guilty Show me a miracle, I'm hopeless -- I'm chokin off marijuana smoke, with every toke it's like I'm losin focus Fallin to sleep while I'm at service, when will I die? Forever paranoid and nervous because I'm high Don't mention funerals I'm stressin, and goin nutty And reminiscin bout them niggaz that murdered my buddy I wonder when will I be happy, ain't nothin funny Flashbacks of bustin caps, anything for money Where am I goin I discovered, can't nothin save me My next door neighbor's havin convo with undercovers Put a surprise in the mailbox, hope she get it Happy birthday bitch, you know you shouldn'ta did it Everybody's dyin am I next, who can I trust? Will they be G's, and they look at me before they bust? Or will they kill me while I'm sleepin, two to the head while I'm in bed, leakin blood on my satin sheets Is there a heaven for a baller? I'm gettin suspicious of this bitch the line busy everytime I call her Now she's tellin me to visit, who else is home? I check the house before I bone, so we all alone After I nut I hit the highway, see ya later To all the players watch the fly way a nigga played her The bitch is tellin all her homies -- that I can fuck her like no other now them other bitches wanna bone me I'm under pressure gettin drunk, somebody help me I drink a fifth of Hennesey I don't think it's healthy I see my enemies they creepin, don't make me blast

104

I watch the five-oh's roll, the motherfuckers pass by me like they know me, smilin as they laugh I put up my middle finger then I dash Niggaz don't like me cause I'm Thuggin, and every day I'm a hustler lookin to get paid

They wanna bury me, I'm worried -- no need to lie I pray to God I don't scream when it's time to fry Nowhere to rest I'm losin homies, ain't that a bitch When I was rich I had clout, now a nigga's lonely I put the pistol to my head, and say a prayer I see visions of me dead, Lord are you there? Then tell me am I lost cause I'm lonely I thought I had friends but in the end a nigga dies lonely Nowhere to run I'm in terror, and no one cares A closed casket at my funeral and no one's there Is there a future for a killer? I change my ways But still that don't promise me the next day So I stay Thuggin with a passion, forever blastin I'm bustin on these motherfuckers in my madness They wonder if I'm hellbound... well Hell can't be worse than this, cause I'm in Hell now Don't make me hurt you I don't want to, but I will Seen motherfuckers killed over phone bills Never will I die, I'll be back Reincarnated as a motherfuckin mack I love it cause in heaven there's no shortage on G's I'm tellin you now, you motherfuckers don't know me

"Only fear of death.." "You ghetto niggaz" "Only fear of death is comin back reincarnated" [repeats continously w/ variations]

Hahaha, I ain't scared to die I ain't scared to die To my homies in heaven

I ain't scared to die Do you wanna live forever? Are you scared, to die? Or will you scream, when you fry?

I don't fear death

105

My only fear of death is comin back, reincarnated This is dedicated to Mental, R.I.P. And Big Kill, R.I.P. And all you other O.G.'s, who go down I don't fear death

Source: http://www.azlyrics.com/lyrics/2pac/onlyfearofdeath.html

106

APPENDIX I

Lyrics for Party Up (Up In Here) by DMX

Artist: DMX Song: Party Up (Up in Here) Album: …And Then There was X Year: 1999

Uhh.. UH! .. WHOO! [Chorus:] [DMX] Y'all gon' make me lose my mind up in HERE, up in here Y'all gon' make me go all out up in here, up in here Y'all gon' make me act a FOOL up in HERE, up in here Y'all gon' make me lose my cool up in here, up in here [DMX] If I gotsta bring it to you cowards then it's gonna be quick, aight All your mens up in the jail before, suck my dick and all them other cats you run with, get done with, dumb quick How the fuck you gonna cross the dog with some bum shit? Aight There go the gun click, nine one one shit All over some dumb shit, ain't that some shit Y'all niggaz remind me of a strip club, cause everytime you come around, it's like (what) I just gotta get my dick sucked And I don't know who the fuck you think you talkin to but I'm not him, aight slim? So watch what you do Or you gon' find yourself, buried next to someone else and we all thought you loved yourself But that couldn't have been the issue, or maybe they just sayin that, now cause they miss you Shit a nigga tried to diss you That's why you layin on your back, lookin at the roof of the church Preacher tellin the truth and it hurts

[Chorus]

[DMX] Off the chain I leave niggaz soft in the brain cause niggaz still want the fame, off the name First of all, you ain't rapped long enough to be fuckin with me and you, you ain't strong enough

107

So whatever it is you puffin on that got you think that you Superman I got the Kryptonite, should I smack him with my dick and the mic? Y'all niggaz is characters, not even good actors What's gon' be the outcome? Hmm, let's add up all the factors You wack, you're twisted, your girl's a hoe You're broke, the kid ain't yours, and e'rybody know Your old man say you stupid, you be like, "So? I love my baby mother, I never let her go " I'm tired of weak ass niggaz whinin over pussy that don't belong to them, fuck is wrong with them? They fuck it up for real niggaz like my mans and them who get it on on the strength of the hands with them, MAN

[Chorus]

[DMX] I bring down rains so heavy it curse the head No more talkin - put him in the dirt instead You keep walin - lest you tryin to end up red Cause if I end up fed, y'all end up dead Cause youse a soft type nigga Fake up North type nigga Puss like a soft white nigga Dog is a dog, blood's thicker than water We done been through the mud and we quicker to slaughter The bigger the order, the more guns we brought out We run up in there, e'rybody come out, don't nobody run out Sun in to sun out, I'ma keep the gun out Nigga runnin his mouth? I'ma blow his lung out Listen, yo' ass is about to be missin You know who gon' find you? (Who?) Some old man fishin Grandma wishin your soul's at rest but it's hard to digest with the size of the hole in your chest

[Chorus]

[DMX] Hold up! ERRRRRRRR! One.. two.. meet me outside meet me outside, meet me outside

108

All my Ruff Ry-DERS gon' meet me outside meet me outside, meet me outside All my big ball-ERS gon' meet me outside meet me outside, meet me outside All my fly lad-IES gon' meet me outside meet me outside, meet me outside All my street street peoples meet me outside meet me outside, outside motherfucker X is got y'all bouncin again Bouncin again, bounce-bouncin again Dark Man X got ya bouncin again Bouncin again, bounce-bouncin again got y'all bouncin again Bouncin again, bounce-bouncin again (Swizz Beatz) Ruff Ryders got y'all bouncin again [DMX] Bouncin again, bounce-bouncin again Dark Man keep you bouncin again Bouncin again, bounce-bouncin again Dark Man keep you bouncin again Bouncin again, bounce-bouncin again All my streets they bouncin again Bouncin again, we're bouncin again Swizz Swizz Beatz we bouncin again Bouncin again and we bouncin again Double R keep it comin, ain't nuttin y'all Ain't nuttin y'all can do, now.. [BOOM]

Source: http://www.azlyrics.com/lyrics/dmx/partyup.html>

109

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