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Diari De Les Idees Diari de les idees Núm. 29 Especial eleccions americanes (7-11 de novembre 2016) RESUM D’IDEES Pour comprendre Trump, il faut revoir “Citizen Kane”. Le chef-d'œuvre d'Orson Welles est le film préféré du candidat républicain. Mais en a-t-il bien saisi toutes les implications? Jean-Marie Pottier, Slate.fr, http://www.slate.fr/story/127457/pour-comprendre-trump- il-faut-revoir-citizen-kane If Hillary Clinton could just admit she's a terrible candidate, people might vote for her instead of Donald Trump. Mark Steel, http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/hillary-clinton-just-admit-terrible- president-candidate-donald-trump-vote-voting-times-election-a7395921.html Why millennials’ age demographic is not the defining trait for how they’ll vote - When it comes to understanding the voting bloc, it turns out to the 18-to-34 age bracket has limited value – it’s the ethnic makeup that can be a determining factor. Mona Chalabi, ―Why millennials‘ age demographic is not the defining trait for how they‘ll vote‖, The Guardian, https://www.theguardian.com/us- news/2016/sep/30/millennials-voting-bloc-demographics-2016-election I don’t know how we go forward from here. Is America a failed state and society? It looks truly possible. I guess we have to pick ourselves up and try to find a way forward, but this has been a night of terrible revelations, and I don’t think it’s self-indulgent to feel quite a lot of despair. Paul Krugman, Our Unknown Country, New York Times http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/projects/cp/opinion/election-night-2016/the- unknown-country?smid=fb-share Would Bernie Sanders have done better against Trump than Clinton? Many people thought Sanders would do worse because of his very progressive ideology. But perhaps ideology isn’t as important a factor in voters’ minds. Given Trump’s victory, being an outsider may have trumped an ideology that some might see as extreme. Harry Enten, FiveThirtyEight, http://fivethirtyeight.com/live-blog/2016-election-results- coverage/?ex_cid=extra_bannerhttp://fivethirtyeight.com/live-blog/2016-election- results-coverage/?ex_cid=extra_banner 1 At times, politics seems focused on tangible questions: Who can manage the economy, or how should we tax different groups? At other times, it seems to hinge more on symbols. Symbolic politics is emotion-laden and often grounded in questions of group status; as a result, it is often zero- sum. To make sense of this election, I’ve found myself returning frequently to a chapter by David Sears on symbolic politics. From a wall on the Mexican border to discussions of “deplorables,” from email security to paying for college, so many of the issues that have been foremost in our minds have been less realistic policy proposals and more symbols of group status. The question before us is how do we translate such a symbolic campaign into the concrete guidelines for governance. Dan Hopkins, FiveThirtyEight, http://fivethirtyeight.com/live-blog/2016-election- results-coverage/?ex_cid=extra_banner Hillary Clinton, like it or not, est une ploutocrate. Une représentante du monde libéral et capitaliste contemporain. Hillary, sociologiquement et politiquement, était déphasée, et singulièrement devant le populisme. Claude Askolovitch, La mort de la ploutocratie, Slate.fr, 9 de novembre 2016, http://www.slate.fr/story/128240/hillary-clinton-nous-abandonne-face-donald-trump Et voilà comment on en est arrivé à un résultat que les experts en tout et en rien n’ont pas vu venir, car eux-mêmes vivent dans une bulle. Tout comme ils ont été incapables de prévoir le Brexit, ou quelques années plus tôt la victoire du non au traité constitutionnel européen en 2005, il était inconcevable à leurs yeux qu’un homme aussi détestable que Donald Trump puisse l’emporter. Toutes proportions gardées, c’est la même cécité qui les conduit à ne rien comprendre au phénomène Le Pen en France, lequel n’est pas sans analogie avec l’effet Trump. Face à la colère qui conduit nombre de citoyens déboussolés à se tourner vers le FN, ils se contentent encore trop souvent de condamnations morales, sans prendre en compte un mouvement de fond qui se joue des barrières de la diabolisation. Jack Dion, Pourquoi ils n‘ont rient compris au phénomène Donald Trump, Marianne, 9 de novembre 2016, http://www.marianne.net/pourquoi-ils-n-ont-rien-compris-au- phenomene-donald-trump-100247707.html Donald Trump is an unlikely populist. The Republican nominee for U.S. president inherited a fortune, boasts about his wealth and his many properties, shuttles between his exclusive resorts and luxury hotels, and 2 has adopted an economic plan that would, among other things, slash tax rates for rich people like himself. But a politician does not have to live among people of modest means, or even tout policies that would boost their incomes, to articulate their grievances and gain their support. Win or lose, Trump has tapped into a deep vein of distress and resentment among millions of white working- and middle-class Americans. Michael Kazin, Trump and American Populism, Foreign Policy, October 6 2016 https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/2016-10-06/trump-and-american- populism?cid=soc-fb-rdr 3 Pour comprendre Trump, il faut revoir “Citizen Kane”. Le chef-d'œuvre d'Orson Welles est le film préféré du candidat républicain. Mais en a-t-il bien saisi toutes les implications? Jean-Marie Pottier, Slate.fr, http://www.slate.fr/story/127457/pour-comprendre-trump- il-faut-revoir-citizen-kane OUVERTURE AU NOIR – TRUMP TOWER Un travelling vertical balaie le gratte-ciel de bas en haut. La caméra pénètre, par une fenêtre, dans le bureau d'un Donald Trump très vieilli. Tenant à la main les résultats de la présidentielle 2016, il s'effondre en lâchant un seul mot, sa bouche filmée en gros plan: «SAD!». D'outre-tombe, Donald Trump serait sans doute flatté que son futur biopic commence par ce genre de scène imitant le prologue de son film préféré: Citizen Kane. Le milliardaire a fait part à de nombreuses reprises de son goût pour le premier long métrage d'Orson Welles, élu à plusieurs reprises meilleur film de tous les temps par un panel de critiques. On ne parle pas là d'un titre lâché pour faire cinéphile en pleine campagne présidentielle, mais d'une affection durable pour le cinéaste et sa vision «captivante» et «énigmatique»du pouvoir. Dès 2005, Trump en faisait part à un de ses biographes, dans des termes peu châtiés qui ont déclenché le courroux de la famille Welles: «J'adorais Orson Welles. Il était complètement paumé. Un véritable chantier. Mais songez à ses femmes. Songez à ses réussites. Il était cet immense génie qui n'a jamais réussi passé 26 ans. Il est devenu totalement impossible. Il pensait que tout le monde était un crétin, était ceci, était cela; quand on lui donnait un budget, il le multipliait par vingt et détruisait tout.» «Citizen Trump» Si Trump aime autant Citizen Kane, c'est bien sûr parce qu'il s'est reconnu dans son héros Charles Foster Kane, et qu'on l'y a reconnu. Dès septembre 1987, alors que couraient déjà des rumeurs sur une candidature à la présidentielle, Newsweek publiait une longue enquête titrée «Citizen Trump» où l'on pouvait lire que «aux yeux de ses ennemis –et il en a en abondance–, son flirt avec la politique confirme leurs pires soupçons: ils le voient comme un Citizen Kane qui aurait traversé l'écran, un tycoon arrogant dont l'ambition insatiable le pousse à convoiter le pouvoir politique». Le personnage de milliardaire imaginé par Welles était nourri de plusieurs personnalités réelles, dont le magnat de la presse William Randolph Hearst, qui représenta quatre ans New York au Congrès et échoua, en 1904, à obtenir l'investiture du Parti démocrate pour la présidentielle. Hurst a inspiré Kane, et Trump ressemble à Hurst: «Ils sont tous les deux des outsiders, qui cherchent à se faire élire à travers des partis établis, expliquait récemment le spécialiste des médias W. Joseph Campbell. Ils affirment parler au nom d'une classe laborieuse défavorisée ou négligée. [...] Ils sont tous les deux décrits comme inaptes aux hautes fonctions politiques et ils inspirent des critiques véhémentes.» 4 Pas étonnant, donc, que les parallèles sautent aux yeux à la revision de Citizen Kane, et notamment de la fausse bande d'actualités qui ouvre le film, «News on the March»: «Voici un homme qui aurait pu être président. Qui a été plus aimé, haï et a fait parler de lui que n'importe qui de notre époque.» Trump comme Kane ne sont pas partis de zéro, mais sont des héritiers. Kane est connu pour ses journaux, mais possède aussi «des épiceries, des fabriques de papiers, des complexes immobiliers, des usines, des forêts, des paquebots», tout comme Trump a apposé son nom sur une grande variété de produits. Kane affirme qu'il «est, a été et ne sera qu'une chose: un Américain», tout comme Trump n'a que ce mot à la bouche. S'agissant des personnalités publiques, Kane commence souvent par «dénoncer», puis par «soutenir», comme Trump avec Hillary Clinton. «Peu de vies privées auront été autant publiques» que celle de Kane, comme celle de Trump. Et entre la Trump Tower et le complexe immobilier de Mar el-Lago, le candidat républicain a ses propres Xanadu. Poursuites et scrutin truqué Un des ses biographes a raconté que, un jour qu'il regardait Boulevard du crépuscule dans son avion, Donald Trump s'était penché sur son épaule pendant un monologue de Norma Desmond («Ces idiots de producteurs! Ces imbéciles! [...] Ont-ils oublié à quoi ressemble une vedette? Je vais leur montrer.
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