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Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy
The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy Dr. Valerie Scatamburlo-D'Annibale University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario, Canada Abstract This article explores how Donald Trump capitalized on the right's decades-long, carefully choreographed and well-financed campaign against political correctness in relation to the broader strategy of 'cultural conservatism.' It provides an historical overview of various iterations of this campaign, discusses the mainstream media's complicity in promulgating conservative talking points about higher education at the height of the 1990s 'culture wars,' examines the reconfigured anti- PC/pro-free speech crusade of recent years, its contemporary currency in the Trump era and the implications for academia and educational policy. Keywords: political correctness, culture wars, free speech, cultural conservatism, critical pedagogy Introduction More than two years after Donald Trump's ascendancy to the White House, post-mortems of the 2016 American election continue to explore the factors that propelled him to office. Some have pointed to the spread of right-wing populism in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis that culminated in Brexit in Europe and Trump's victory (Kagarlitsky, 2017; Tufts & Thomas, 2017) while Fuchs (2018) lays bare the deleterious role of social media in facilitating the rise of authoritarianism in the U.S. and elsewhere. Other 69 | P a g e The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy explanations refer to deep-rooted misogyny that worked against Hillary Clinton (Wilz, 2016), a backlash against Barack Obama, sedimented racism and the demonization of diversity as a public good (Major, Blodorn and Blascovich, 2016; Shafer, 2017). -
Donald Trump Shoots the Match1 Sharon Mazer
Donald Trump Shoots the Match1 Sharon Mazer The day I realized it can be smart to be shallow was, for me, a deep experience. —Donald J. Trump (2004; in Remnick 2017:19) I don’t care if it’s real or not. Kill him! Kill him! 2 He’s currently President of the USA, but a scant 10 years ago, Donald Trump stepped into the squared circle, facing off against WWE owner and quintessential heel Mr. McMahon3 in the “Battle of the Billionaires” (WrestleMania XXIII). The stakes were high. The loser would have his head shaved by the winner. (Spoiler alert: Trump won.) Both Trump and McMahon kept their suits on—oversized, with exceptionally long ties—in a way that made their heads appear to hover, disproportionately small, over their bulky (Trump) and bulked up (McMahon) bodies. As avatars of capitalist, patriarchal power, they left the heavy lifting to the gleamingly exposed, hypermasculinist bodies of their pro-wrestler surrogates. McMahon performed an expert heel turn: a craven villain, egging the audience to taunt him as a clueless, elitist frontman as he did the job of casting Trump as an (unlikely) babyface, the crowd’s champion. For his part, Trump seemed more mark than smart. Where McMahon and the other wrestlers were working around him, like ham actors in an outsized play, Trump was shooting the match: that is, not so much acting naturally as neglecting to act at all. He soaked up the cheers, stalked the ring, took a fall, threw a sucker punch, and claimed victory as if he (and he alone) had fought the good fight (WWE 2013b). -
The Case of Donald J. Trump†
THE AGE OF THE WINNING EXECUTIVE: THE CASE OF DONALD J. TRUMP† Saikrishna Bangalore Prakash∗ INTRODUCTION The election of Donald J. Trump, although foretold by Matt Groening’s The Simpsons,1 was a surprise to many.2 But the shock, disbelief, and horror were especially acute for the intelligentsia. They were told, guaranteed really, that there was no way for Trump to win. Yet he prevailed, pulling off what poker aficionados might call a back- door draw in the Electoral College. Since his victory, the reverberations, commotions, and uproars have never ended. Some of these were Trump’s own doing and some were hyped-up controversies. We have endured so many bombshells and pur- ported bombshells that most of us are numb. As one crisis or scandal sputters to a pathetic end, the next has already commenced. There has been too much fear, rage, fire, and fury, rendering it impossible for many to make sense of it all. Some Americans sensibly tuned out, missing the breathless nightly reports of how the latest scandal would doom Trump or why his tormentors would soon get their comeuppance. Nonetheless, our reality TV President is ratings gold for our political talk shows. In his Foreword, Professor Michael Klarman, one of America’s fore- most legal historians, speaks of a degrading democracy.3 Many difficulties plague our nation: racial and class divisions, a spiraling debt, runaway entitlements, forever wars, and, of course, the coronavirus. Like many others, I do not regard our democracy as especially debased.4 Or put an- other way, we have long had less than a thoroughgoing democracy, in part ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– † Responding to Michael J. -
Our Conspiratorial Cartoon President During Almost Comically
Our Conspiratorial Cartoon President During Almost Comically Consequential Times December 2018, latest revisions June 12, 2020 "What we are before is like a strait, a tricky road, a passage where we need courage and reason. The courage to go on, not to try to turn back; and the reason to use reason; not fear, not jealousy, not envy, but reason. We must steer by reason, and jettison -- because much must go -- by reason." --- John Fowles, The Aristos (1970) I, Dr. Tiffany B. Twain, am convinced that we Americans could easily create a healthier, happier, fairer and more inclusive country that would give us greater cause for hope for a better future, and a country much more secure for its citizens. A main obstacle to this providentially positive potentiality is the strong opposition to such an eminently salubrious status by “conservative” rich people who want our economic and political systems to remain rigged astonishingly generously in their favor, so that they are able to gain an ever increasing monopoly on the profits made through the exploitation of working people and natural resources. A well-informed electorate is a prerequisite for ensuring that a democracy is healthy, and thereby offers all its citizens truly reasonable representation. This simple understanding makes both humorous and viscerally provocative a political cartoon by David Sipress that appeared in New Yorker magazine soon after the 2016 elections. In this cartoon, a woman ruefully observes to her male companion, "My desire to be well-informed is currently at odds with my desire to remain sane." Ha! Tens of millions of Americans find themselves in this predicament today, as the Donald Trump soap opera, crime saga, healthcare treachery, and interlude of authority abuses becomes increasingly dysfunctional, anxiety inducing and deadly -- and as Trump becomes more unhinged, sinisterly authoritarian and threatening to individual liberties, national security and our greatest American values. -
Covid-19 at Usc
AILY ROJAN DMONDAY, OCTOBER 26, 2020 | STUDENT NEWSPAPER OF THET UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA SINCE 1912 | VOL. 201, NO. 17 COVID-19 AT USC — Octoer 1117 Over the wee of ct 1117, the test positivity rate for exposed/symptomatic testing was 1% and for surveillance population testing was 0% among students. CURRENT TESTING NUMBERS EXPOSED/ SYMPTOMATIC TESTING SURVEILLANCE POPULATION TESTING STUDENTS STUDENTS EMPLOYEES EMPLOYEES NEGATIVE: 98 NEGATIVE: 9 NEGATIVE: 2,787 NEGATIVE: 284 POSITIVE: 1 POSITIVE: 0 POSITIVE: 0 POSITIVE: 1 Design by Samantha deNicola and Claire Wong | Daily Trojan Student-led community fridge provides accessible food Local eateries donate their donated and we are pleasantly sur- finding the right area to host the prised,” Kapsner said. “I was expect- fridge. When choosing a location, excess food to the USC ing to have to go between our dona- they prioritized businesses owned CHIP fridge in Koreatown. tions to stores to get stuff to refill the by Black people and people of color. fridge, but we really haven’t needed Ultimately, the Community By JESS ZELMER to do that much. The community is Health Involvement Project decid- Staff Writer very involved, which is nice.” ed to place its community fridge at Instead of taking a step back dur- Burgerlords, a vegan burger res- ProjectQ, a nonprofit in Koreatown ing this virtual semester, the stu- taurant in Chinatown, plans to do- that provides a safe space for dent-led USC Community Health nate excess food to the community LGBTQIA+ homeless youth. Involvement Project stepped up to fridge at the end of each week. -
Thesis “It's Just a Cross, Don't Shoot”: White Supremacy
THESIS “IT’S JUST A CROSS, DON’T SHOOT”: WHITE SUPREMACY AND CHRISTONORMATIVITY IN A SMALL MIDWESTERN TOWN Submitted by Kate Eleanor Department of Ethnic Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts Colorado State University Fall 2017 Master’s Committee: Advisor: Caridad Souza Co-Advisor: Roe Bubar Courtenay Daum Copyright by Kate Eleanor 2017 All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT “IT’S JUST A CROSS, DON’T SHOOT”: WHITE SUPREMACY AND CHRISTONORMATIVITY IN A SMALL MIDWESTERN TOWN This paper, guided by poststructuralist and feminist theories, examines public discourse that emerged in response to a controversy over whether a large cross should be removed from public property in a highly visible location in Grand Haven, Michigan. Situating the controversy within the context of the election of U.S. President Donald J. Trump, this thesis seeks to answer the inquiry: How do the events and discourse surrounding the controversy over a cross on public property in a small, Midwestern city shed light on the Trump phenomenon? A qualitative study using document data was conducted, using grounded theory method to analyze 152 documents obtained from publically accessible sites on the internet. Three conceptual frameworks, Whiteness, Christian hegemony, and spatiality were utilized in evaluating the data. Findings reveal a community that sits at the intersection of White and Christian privileges. So interconnected are these privileges that they create a system of “codominance,” in which they cannot be conceptually separated from one another, and together constitute the necessary criteria for full inclusion in the community. This qualitative study paints a compelling picture of the ways in which racial and religious privilege affect the underlying belief systems of many members of an overwhelmingly White, Christian community. -
Race, Trump, and Time
Controversies in the Making: Race, Trump, and Time Debra Thompson Associate Professor Department of Political Science University of Oregon [email protected] John Meisel Lecture Series in Contemporary Political Controversies Queen’s University Introduction It seems fitting to begin with a controversy. Last July, HBO announced that D.B. Weiss and David Benioff would follow their hit series, Game of Thrones, with a new drama entitled Confederate. It will be set in an alternate timeline in which the southern states did not lose the Civil War, but rather seceded from the Union and formed “a nation in which slavery remains legal and has evolved into a modern institution.”1 The series, they claim, would chronical the events leading up to the “Third American Civil War,” following characters on both sides of the Mason-Dixon Demilitarized Zone, including slave hunters, freedom fighters, journalists, abolitionists, and the executives of a slave-holding conglomerate. In short, the new series will ask, “What would the world look like … if the South had won?”2 Shocking nobody other than the white executives of HBO, who had to put down the piles of money they were holding in order to defensively posture that we should all “reserve judgement 1 Emily Yahr, “‘Game of Thrones’ creators announce new show set in a world where slavery still exists,” Washington Post, July 19, 2017, available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/arts-and- entertainment/wp/2017/07/19/game-of-thrones-creators-announce-new-show-set-in-a-world-where- slavery-still-exists/?utm_term=.8ba0ba16b409 2 Ta-Nehisi Coates, “The Lost Cause Rides Again,” The Atlantic, August 4, 2017, available at: https://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2017/08/no-confederate/535512/ 1 until there is something to see,”3 the backlash was immediate. -
Views with Most of the Key Players, Including the President
Bob Woodward Two-Time Pulitzer Prize-Winning Journalist and Associate Editor of the Washington Post Bob Woodward gained international attention when he and Carl Bernstein uncovered the Watergate scandal in 1973. Since then, Watergate’s theme of secret government has driven Woodward’s tough but fair and non- partisan reporting. He pulls back the curtain on the inner workings of Washington; revealing in meticulous detail what’s really going on in the halls power. Have the lessons of Watergate been forgotten? Is the media doing its job? Woodward offers a historical perspective as only he can. Woodward has written about the last nine U.S. presidents and chronicled how the power of the presidency has evolved. He is author of 19 bestselling books – 13 were #1 – more than any contemporary nonfiction writer. His bestseller, Fear: Trump in the White House, is the deepest dive ever made into the first months of any American president. Woodward’s 20th book, Rage, goes behind the scenes of the Trump presidency like never before. Currently associate editor for The Washington Post where he’s worked since 1971, Bob Woodward has won nearly every American journalism award including two Pulitzers. Former CIA director and Secretary of Defense Robert Gates wished he’d recruited Woodward into the CIA, “He has an extraordinary ability to get otherwise responsible adults to spill [their] guts to him…his ability to get people to talk about stuff they shouldn’t be talking about is just extraordinary and may be unique.” Therein lays the genius talent of Bob Woodward. No one else in political investigative journalism has the clout, respect, and reputation of Woodward. -
Rich Dad Poor
Rich Dad Poor Dad will… • Explode the myth that you need to earn a high income to become rich • Challenge the belief that your house is an asset • Show parents why they can’t rely on the school system to teach their kids about money • Define once and for all an asset and a liability • Teach you what to teach your kids about money for their future financial success Robert Kiyosaki has challenged and changed the way tens of millions of people around the world think about money. With perspectives that often contradict conventional wisdom, Robert has earned a reputation for straight talk, irreverence and courage. He is regarded worldwide as a passionate advocate for financial education. R o b What The Rich Teach Their Kids About Money – “The main reason people struggle financially is because they e That The Poor And Middle Class Do Not! have spent years in school but learned nothing about money. r The result is that people learn to work for money… but never t learn to have money work for them.” T . – Robert Kiyosaki K i y Rich Dad Poor Dad – The #1 Personal Finance Book of All Time! o “Rich Dad Poor Dad is a starting point for anyone looking to gain control of their s financial future.” – USA TODAY a k i www.richdad.com ™ $16.95 US | $19.95 CAN Robert T. Kiyosaki “Rich Dad Poor Dad is a starting point for anyone looking to gain control of their financial future.” – USA TODAY RICH DAD POOR DAD What The Rich Teach Their Kids About Money— That The Poor And Middle Class Do Not! By Robert T. -
Book Review: Rage by Bob Woodward Page 1 of 3
USApp – American Politics and Policy Blog: Book Review: Rage by Bob Woodward Page 1 of 3 Book Review: Rage by Bob Woodward Rage by Washington Post veteran Bob Woodward documents the first three-and-a-half years of Donald Trump’s presidency. Drawing from 17 interviews Woodward secured with Trump, the book ends with a discussion of the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic. The book is an impressive piece of contemporary history, yet Robert Ledger and Peter Finn find that it is sometimes hard to fully penetrate the rambling material garnered from the interviews with Trump. Rage. Bob Woodward. 2020. Simon & Schuster. Bob Woodward’s latest book on the presidency of Donald Trump, Rage, is a departure from its predecessor, Fear, in so far as it–perhaps surprisingly–was written with the cooperation of the president. Over the course of 17 interviews, Woodward charts Trump’s opinions on a wide range of topics, including the development of the coronavirus pandemic. In fact, the book is remarkably current for a piece of political history; the last interview was completed this past summer. Woodward is one of the best-known political journalists and writers in the US. He assured his place in American history with his key role in investigating the Watergate scandal of the 1970s, which helped bring down the presidency of Richard Nixon, alongside Carl Bernstein at The Washington Post. Woodward has written several books on nine US presidents and his judgement on their performance carries a weight and significance rarely matched by other writers. Woodward makes clear his view that Trump marks a significant break from his predecessors in style and outlook. -
Michael Herbert – the New Evangelicals: How Donald Trump Revealed the Changing Christian Conservative Base In
The New Evangelicals: How Donald Trump Revealed the Changing Christian Conservative base Michael J. Herbert Bemidji State University Political Science Senior Thesis Bemidji State University Dr. Patrick Donnay, Advisor April 2017 1 Abstract I analyze how Donald Trump, who many see as an uncertain standard bearer of Christian values, given his colored personal life and various tortured exchanges on the Bible, became the champion of Christian conservatives. Using Pew data from a January 27th, 2016 survey, I analyze how the Republican presidential candidate went from the lowest rankings of religious association just 10 months prior, to winning the highest white evangelical support since George W. Bush in 2004. More research will be conducted on how the specific group known as evangelical voters has changed, as well as what other variables such as economic, gender equality, and international policy played within the demographic that assisted in voting for president elect Donald Trump. This project will contribute to understanding the results of the 2016 presidential campaign, and specifically the behavior of the white evangelical vote. Although Donald Trump did not show significance in numerous religious variables, control variables such as Republican identity were a strong indicator for supporting Trump as a potentially great president upon his election. By analyzing changing and complex evangelical voting trends, along with the changing influence of religion on American society, I believe Donald Trump’s election win revealed a major section of the U.S. electorate’s true message: to be represented regardless of a candidate’s personal background in an increasingly secular American society. Introduction On January 27th, 2016, the Pew Research Center released a survey of 2,009 Americans concerning religion and politics. -
^The Peninsula E I KOREA ECONOMIC INSTITUTE Covering the Economic and Foreign I 7 ! I -H —J JPP Policies That Impact the Korean Peninsula U 1 I C3 Lj '1
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 09/25/2020 2:34:42 PM What Woodward’s Book “Rage” Tells us about U.S.- Korea Relations September 24, 2020 ^The Peninsula E I KOREA ECONOMIC INSTITUTE Covering the economic and foreign I 7 ! i -h —j JPP policies that impact the Korean peninsula U 1 I c3 lj '1 - By Mark Tokola At least in U.S. media outlets, the main Korea story to emerge from Bob Woodward’s new book “Rage” is the correspondence between President Trump and Kim Jong-un, which is characterized as faintly ridiculous. I’ll set aside the question of whether Kim Jong-un’s letters read better in Korean, and particularly within North Korean rhetorical tradition. The language of the letters may not be that extraordinary. Perhaps odder are President Trump’s efforts to mirror the floridness of the language. For President Trump to be impressed by being called “Excellency” also shows a remarkable lack of experience with reading diplomatic correspondence, in which it is a commonplace title not only for heads of government but for all ambassadors. The more serious problem is that the letters have been made public. Exposing letters between heads of governments may close off one form of confidential communication at a time when we need all the channels of communication we can get. You get the impression, reading the whole book, that Woodward thought it a scoop to reveal how close the U.S. Government was to believing that we were to going to war with North Korea toward the end of 2017.