Specializing in Congress: Finding Your Niche

41 CHAPTER THREE Specializing in Congress: Finding Your Niche

CHAPTER THREE Specializing in Congress: Finding Your Niche

embers who build successful careers in Congress do so by becom- M ing specialists. Both the House and the Senate offer a seemingly limitless array of areas, or niches, in which to specialize. One of your most critical decisions is to identify and select the niche that is most appropriate to your goals, interests, and opportunities. This chapter can assist you in making that decision. It focuses on:

• Defining Niches • Picking a Niche • Constructing Niches – Committees – Leadership Positions – Caucuses – New Members’ Class Positions • Strategies for Effectiveness: Fitting Niches to New Members ✩ ✩ ✩ ✩ SETTING COURSE 42

The election of November 1994 marked the first time in 40 years the Republican Party controlled the United States House of Representatives, and the first time in a half of a century there was a Republican Congress and a Democratic president. As discussed in Chapter One, structural and procedural reforms were instituted that had a significant impact on the way Congress functions and the way its members operate. Our purpose here is to assess the niches available to new Members of the House and Senate, examine how you might mix and match the niches’ various components, and suggest the costs and benefits of pursuing different strategies, especially in light of these reforms.

DEFINING NICHES

Like all creatures, Members of Congress occupy niches within their congressional habitat. We define these niches as situations or sets of activities specially suited to the abilities and character of an individual Member of Congress; or the areas within the congressional habitat occupied by the Member. There is no question that niches exist. Rather, the question is whether the niche you choose will help you achieve your goals. Each congressional niche has several attributes. Some are highly visible; others almost invisible. Some carry national prestige; others involve hidden-hand channels of power. Some are known to the folks back home; others are not. Some Members need niches with great local visibility; others, perhaps with safer seats, venture into more politicized national arenas. Some Members want niches with high policy specialization; others prefer to focus on leadership. Some Members try for media attention; others opt for long-term committee or subcommittee develop- ment. This variety is possible because there are many more formal and informal positions in Congress than there are Members. Thus constructing one’s niche involves acquiring one or more positions and fashioning them into a comfortable and productive fit. That fit is rarely achieved during a Member’s first term. Before requesting membership on a committee or subcommittee, you must address several questions. Is the committee or subcommittee good for you? Are you good for the committee? For first-term Members of Con- gress, the answer is sometimes cloudy. Prime committee assignments are usually scarce and therefore difficult to obtain; most freshmen are lucky to get their second and third choices. Leadership positions that carry a 43 CHAPTER THREE Specializing in Congress: Finding Your Niche

modicum of real power are almost nonexistent. Experimentation, change, and adjustment are therefore the hallmarks of finding a comfortable niche within the institution. The remainder of this chapter examines what sort of considerations go into determining which niches fit best, where useful positions may be found, and how to go about achieving an appropriate personal mix.

PICKING A NICHE

With so many positions to fill, it is not difficult to find at least one that meets a need. If it does not meet your primary goal, then perhaps it meets a secondary goal; if it does not match your desired legislative impact, then it may provide constituency rewards. “It’s easy to be effective in a sense,” one freshman said. “Senior Members are spread thin. If you show up and stay, you can have an impact.” Members-elect should follow one of two general strategies in their first term. First, if you have a clear idea of your goals as a Member of Congress, move quickly to occupy the niche that will provide the achieve- ment of your goals. If it is your ambition to be a leader in your party, for example, seek out a niche where you can serve fellow party members. Second, if you do not know where or how you wish to specialize, avoid highly visible and risky ventures until you have a clear idea of your goals. It is better to spend a year or two exploring your options and learning the institution than to get locked into a poorly fitting niche. At some point early in your career, however, it is essential that you make hard choices. “You must specialize for two reasons,” one Member said. “First, it’s the only way that you can have influence in Congress, and second, it’s the only way other Members will take you seriously.” The critical step is making choices. Should you try for one of the power committees? Should you focus on a long-term specialization? Should you gamble on a key leadership post or the freshman class presidency? On a specific subcommittee or a general committee? The answers depend upon the three key factors discussed in the strategic planning section in the previous chapter and in Chapter Six: your personal interests, the interests of your district/state, and the political environment within which you are operating. If you know precisely where you want to go, or if your district or state has a few dominant interests, your best choices may be easy to identify. As one south Florida freshman said, “We know what’s important for our ✩ ✩ ✩ ✩ SETTING COURSE 44

district: crime and immigration. That’s why we went after Judiciary and International Relations. We’ve got heavy Cuban and Jewish populations and needed to represent their interests.” Another Member had a more forlorn view: “Listen, if you’re from my state, you don’t select the Agriculture Committee, you’re sentenced to it.” If your interests and those of your district/state are many and varied, or if the political environment is murky or in flux, you may wish to follow the wait-and-see approach. Chapter Six has information and worksheets specifically designed to help you find their niche by working through a strategic planning process for making critical decisions.

CONSTRUCTING NICHES

There is a popular story on Capitol Hill that is attributed to several prominent senior Members and retold by many others. It recounts the lament of a senior Member traveling the halls of Congress, never quite able to recall the names of all his numerous colleagues. Not wishing to risk embarrassment, the Member fell upon the strategy of greeting all Members as “Mr. Chairman.” The task of accounting for the vast number and variety of committees, subcommittees, caucuses, groups, task forces, positions in new Members’ class organizations, and party organizations would, no doubt, challenge the best of the big six accounting firms. Additionally, the profusion of chairs, co-chairs, vice-chairs, and ranking Members on Capitol Hill is nearly overwhelming. Thus, almost from the outset, nearly every Member of the Senate and House holds at least one and generally several of these positions during his career. For the purposes of understanding party and committee organization, it is best to think of Congress as a four-party system rather than as a two-party system. Each party in each chamber has sufficiently different structures and procedures to warrant this division. Current Members construct their congressional niches from components that generally fall into one of four categories: committees and subcommittees; formal party structures; informal groups or caucuses; and the new Members’ class.

Niche Category 1: Committees

The reforms and changes early in the 104th Congress had a major impact on how the House of Representatives functioned. One of the most noticeable reforms occurred in the committee system and structure. The 45 CHAPTER THREE Specializing in Congress: Finding Your Niche

centralization undertaken by Speaker Gingrich dramatically altered the committee system. He effectively appointed all chairs of House Commit- tees by nominating them and getting them through on the party line vote. Proxy voting in House committees was banned, and term limits of six years were placed on all chairmanships, thus limiting their power. In addition, the Speaker effectively made all freshman committee assignments – something not done during the last 40 years; and he placed some on the high-powered committees such as Rules, Ways and Means, Appropria- tions, and Commerce – something previously almost unheard of. The GOP reforms mainly affect niche building through the number of committees and subcommittees, since the total number of seats available was reduced in the 104th Congress. Three committees were abolished, and subcommittees were reduced by 20 percent, leading to fewer seats for Members and thus fewer opportunities. Still, the most readily available and most important components of congressional niches come from the House and Senate committee systems.

Yes, There are Lots of Committees

At the beginning of the 104th Congress, there were 789 seats available on House standing (i.e. permanent) committees and more than 300 seats available on Senate standing committees. Thus, the “average” Represen- tative had 1.8 committee assignments and the “average” Senator had 3.3 committee assignments. Committee leadership positions were similarly bountiful. At the outset of the 104th Congress, there were 195 Special, Select, and Standing committees and subcommittees in the two chambers of Congress. Of that number, 20 committees and 66 subcommittees were in the Senate, and 20 committees and 87 subcommittees were in the House of Representatives. There were also four Joint Committees. Because no Member could chair more than one legislative subcommittee, 116 of the 258 House majority party members (45 percent) headed a committee or subcommittee. In the Senate, 46 of the 57 Senators of the majority party (80.7 percent) chaired their own standing committee or subcommittee. A similar number of minority Members were Ranking Members in the House and Senate. Thus, more than 300 Members occupied a committee or subcommittee chair or ranking position as part of their niche, easily making committee and subcommittee leadership the largest source of visibility and legislative impact in Congress.1 ✩ ✩ ✩ ✩ SETTING COURSE 46

No, All Committees Are Not Created Equal

While size does not necessitate complexity, the two frequently go together, and the committee systems of the House and Senate are no exception. New Members of Congress know that some congressional committees are more important than others. They may also know that you can’t be on whatever committee you like, or as many as you like. But relatively few people outside Congress appreciate the true complexity and variety displayed by the two committee systems. What do you need to know?

First, some committees are standing or permanent and others are not. The standing committees continue from Congress to Congress and generally have formally specified jurisdictions. Congress’s standing committees are clearly the most important. The fact that these panels exist from Congress to Congress is important to Members because seniority is one important criterion for advancement to a committee leadership position. All Members serve on at least one standing committee, but most House Mem- bers serve on two and nearly all Senators on at least three. Both chambers also establish temporary or select committees from time to time as the need arises. These committees address temporary problems or issues not requiring the attention of a standing committee. Their authority, which is typically limited to hearing testimony and writing reports, lapses at the close of each Congress or at a date specified in the enabling resolution, thus, the number of select committees fluctuates. Party leaders are empow- ered to appoint the members of such committees, but an effort is made to achieve a geographic and ideological balance. New Members stand a better chance of getting on a select/ad hoc committee than a standing committee. Note that there are also permanent select committees.

Second, some committees can draft and report legislation to the floor and others cannot. Congressional committees typically perform three formal tasks: they collect information (typically through hearings); they report findings (typically through printed committee reports); and they draft and report legislation. All committees of Congress have the authority to collect information 47 CHAPTER THREE Specializing in Congress: Finding Your Niche

and to report their findings. But many committees – typically the select, special, and joint committees – do not receive and cannot draft or report legislation. The right to receive, draft, and report legislation is at the heart of committee power in Congress. Not surprisingly, the most powerful and important committees of Congress are those that combine standing status with legislative capacity. It is membership on these committees that is most prized and that becomes the centerpiece of most Members’ niche in Congress.

Third, some committees preclude membership on other committees and others do not. Both chambers formally recognize that some committees are more important than others. House Democrats and Republicans have established three similar categories of committees in party rules. Democrats call their categories exclusive, major, and non-major; Republicans refer to them as exclusive, non-exclusive, and exempt committees. Members on exclusive committees generally may serve on no other committee. Democratic Members on major committees may serve on one additional committee, but it must not be an exclusive committee. Republican Members who serve on non-exclusive committees may serve on one other non-exclusive committee. And Demo- cratic Members may serve on two non-major committees but on no others. As of the 104th Congress, these categories contained very similar sets of committees (see Figure 3-1). The Republican categories, however, reflect Member demand and thus can change from one Congress to the next. There are several exceptions to these party rules. Democratic Members may serve on only one major committee except for Members elected to the Judiciary or International Relations Com- mittees. In addition, no Democratic Member may serve on two committees with legislative jurisdiction except those on the House Oversight Committee and the Standards of Official Conduct Committee. Democratic Ranking Minority Members of exclusive or major committees may not serve on any other committee. The limitations on the number and types of committees to which a Member may belong are only party regulations. In certain circum- stances, they can be changed by the leadership and the party caucus or conference. ✩ ✩ ✩ ✩ SETTING COURSE 48

House Republican and Democratic Committee Rankings*

Republican Democrat

Exclusive Exclusive Appropriations Appropriations Commerce Commerce** Rules Rules Ways and Means Ways and Means

Non–Exclusive Major Agriculture Agriculture Banking and Financial Services Banking and Financial Services Budget Economic and Educational Economic and Educational Opportunities Opportunities International Relations International Relations Government Reform and Oversight Judiciary Judiciary National Security National Security Resources Science Small Business Transportation and Infrastructure Transportation and Infrastructure Veterans’ Affairs

Exempt Non-major Budget Government Reform and Oversight House Oversight House Oversight Select Intelligence Standards of Official Conduct Resources Science Small Business Veterans’ Affairs

*Note: Blanks in either column mean the committee is categorized differently by the two parties. ** The Commerce Committee is an “Exclusive” committee for all members first serving on the committee in the 104th Congress and subsequent Congresses. It will be considered a “Major” committee for those serving on the committee prior to the 104th Congress. Source: Standing Rules of the Democratic Caucus and Republican Conference.

Figure 3–1 49 CHAPTER THREE Specializing in Congress: Finding Your Niche

Senate standing committees are grouped differently than are standing committees in the House, although the purpose of distin- guishing between committees (to limit the power of individual members and to indicate the amount of work required by each committee) is the same as it is in the House. They typically are referred to as “major” and “minor.” (See Figure 3-2 for a list.) Formally, Senators are allowed to serve on only two major committees and one minor committee. Nonetheless, this rule is widely violated through exceptions that are themselves written into the Senate rules. Furthermore, the Ethics, Indian Affairs, Joint Library of Congress, Joint Printing, and Joint Taxation committees do not count against these limits. In addition, Senators are also normally restricted in the number of subcommittees on which they can serve – again formally, three major committees and two minor committees with Appropriations exempt.

Fourth, some committees have limited tenure (i.e. rotating memberships) and others do not. A handful of House and Senate committees rotate their memberships. As a result, there is no possibility of establishing a long career or of gaining more than limited seniority on such panels. They include the Senate Select Committees on Intelligence (no more than eight consecutive years) and the House Budget, Intelligence, and Standards of Official Conduct Committees (no more than three of five consecutive years). The Senate Budget Committee does not have the same restriction. Each of these committees has designated members from other committees of the House or Senate in addition to leadership representation and “members at large.” Tenure limitations on these committees are intended to achieve the obvious goal of ensuring turnover on these panels, although for slightly different reasons. This fact was re-emphasized in the 104th Congress with the reforms that were instituted in the “Contract With America.” Chairmanships of committees and subcommittees, and even the Speakership were limited to three and four terms, respectively.

Fifth, a handful of committees include Members from both chambers but most do not. There are four committees composed of Members from both the House and Senate: Library of Con- gress, Printing, Taxation, and Joint Economic. Joint committees ✩ ✩ ✩ ✩ SETTING COURSE 50

Senate Committee Categories

Major (Type “A”) Committees: Senators are limited to two assignments. Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry Appropriations Armed Services Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Commerce, Science and Transportation Energy and Natural Resources Environment and Public Works Finance Foreign Relations Governmental Affairs Judiciary Labor and Human Resources Minor (Type “B”) Committees: Senators are limited to one assignment. Budget Rules and Administration Small Business Veteran's Affairs Aging Intelligence Joint Economic Exempt (Type “C”) Committees Ethics Indian Affairs Joint Library of Congress Joint Printing Joint Taxation Source: Standing Rules of the U.S. Senate. Figure 3-2 Senate Committee Categories 51 CHAPTER THREE Specializing in Congress: Finding Your Niche

do not have legislative jurisdiction. In some instances, House and Senate rules stipulate that certain standing committees must be represented on a joint committee. For example, the Joint Commit- tee on Taxation must have representatives from the House Ways and Means Committee and the Senate Finance Committee. Mem- bership on the Joint Library of Congress and Joint Printing Committees is drawn exclusively from the Committee on House Oversight and the Senate Committee on Rules and Administra- tion. Membership on joint committees is not usually offered to new Members, but there have been exceptions. During each Congress or session the chairmanship of the joint committees rotates between House and Senate Members.

Committee Assignments

“It’s the most important decision you can make. If you’re on a good committee, you’ll enjoy legislating and accomplish something. If you’re on a bad committee, you won’t enjoy it here.”2

– Rep. Charles E. Schumer (D-NY)

House and Senate committees represent, along with the party appara- tus, the key structural components of Congress. Not surprisingly, therefore, they are often the key to successful congressional careers, to successful policy-making, and to the process of constructing a Member’s niche. One of the first steps towards constructing a niche and becoming an effective Member is obtaining the appropriate committee assignment (see Figure 3-3). The committee and subcommittee structure provides each Member with the opportunity to take part in specialized areas of legislation. The two political parties have separate organizations for appointing Members to committees. These organizations also provide for the election of party, committee, and some subcommittee leaders. The process for receiving a committee assignment has three formal steps: (1) party recommendation, (2) approval by party caucus, and (3) after the roster of committee assignments for the new Congress is created by each party in each chamber, vote on the floor of the appropriate chamber for (pro forma) acceptance. The first step of this process (party recommendation) is by far the most important and is outlined below, first for the House and then the Senate. ✩ ✩ ✩ ✩ SETTING COURSE 52

The Committees on Committees

The Senate Democratic Steering and Coordination Committee and its chair are appointed by the Minority Leader. The committee has approximately 25 Members, as determined by the Democratic Conference.

The Senate Republican Committee on Committees is appointed by the conference chair, the Majority Leader sits as an ex-officio member, and it has nine Members.

The House Democratic Steering Committee is composed of the Minority Leader, the caucus chair and vice chair, Whip, chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC), one co-chair and two vice-chairs appointed by the Minority Leader, four chief deputy whips, a Member of the freshman class, 12 regionally elected Members, 10 Members appointed by the Minority Leader, and Ranking Members of the Appropriations, Budget, Rules, and Ways and Means Committees.

The House Republican Steering Committee is composed of 21 Members: the Speaker (who chairs this committee), the Majority Leader, the Whip, the Policy Committee Chair, the Chair of the National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC), the conference chairman, the Chairmen of the Appropriations, Budget, Rules and Ways and Means committees, one Member of the sophomore class, three Members of the freshman class, and one Member elected from nine geographic regions that are similar in number of Republican Conference members. With the exception of the Speaker and Majority Leader, each elected member receives one vote.

Source: Steven S. Smith and Christopher J. Deering, Committees in Congress, 2d ed. (Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 1990): 69. Updated for 104th Congress.

Figure 3-3

House Committee Assignments: Democrats

All Democratic Members of the House are automatically members of the Democratic Caucus. The Caucus nominates its candidate for Speaker, elects the Minority Leader, the Caucus Chair, and other party officers. The Caucus also elects the Ranking Minority Members of committees, the subcommittee Ranking Minority Members of the Appropriations and Ways and Means Committees, and approves the party committee chairs after the Democratic Steering Committee makes its recommendations. As discussed in Chapter Two, an organizational caucus is held following the election in November to accomplish these tasks. 53 CHAPTER THREE Specializing in Congress: Finding Your Niche

The Democratic Steering Committee has the responsibility for nominating Members to committee assignments and recommending committee Ranking Members, except for the Budget Committee, where the chair is nominated only from those already slated to serve on the committee. In addition, the Minority Leader makes recommendations to the Caucus for the Ranking Members of the Rules and House Oversight committees. The Steering Committee conducts secret ballot elections for the selection of Ranking Members. Under present caucus rules, the Steering Committee consists of the Minority Leader, caucus chair and vice chair, Whip, chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC), one co-chair and two-vice chairs who are appointed by the Minority Leader, the four chief deputy whips, a Member of the freshman class, 12 Members elected from 12 equal geographic regions, 10 Members appointed by the minority leader, and the Ranking Members of the Appro- priations, Budget, Rules, and Ways and Means committees.3 Incumbents who wish to change committees have priority over new Members, but they must start at the bottom of seniority ranking in their new committee assignment. Thus, with the exception of a move to an exclusive committee, Members of the House do not switch committees in large numbers. Following each election, the Democratic Steering Committee nominates Members for all of the standing committees (except the Rules Committee, and Committee on House Oversight, whose members are nominated by the Minority Leader). Requests for committee seats must be made through the members of the Democratic Steering Committee and usually through the Member representing the zone within which the Member’s state is grouped. Members also may be considered for nomination to a committee by presenting a letter to the Steering Committee signed by that member and at least 50 percent of that Member’s state delegation.4 The Steering Committee deliberations are closed. While the vast majority of assignments are completed quietly and without controversy, balloting for all committee vacancies may take as long as one month. Once the Democratic Steering Committee has determined its recommendations, they are presented to the full Caucus. The Caucus first votes on the Steering Committee’s recommendations for Minority leaders. The Ranking Members of the standing committees are nominated by the Steering Committee in much the same fashion as Members are nominated. Nominations for Ranking Minority Members need not follow seniority, but there have been only a handful of violations since the seniority rule was relaxed in the early seventies. However, in the 104th Congress, seniority ✩ ✩ ✩ ✩ SETTING COURSE 54

was once again the norm in selecting committee Ranking Members.5 The full Caucus then votes, by secret ballot, on the nominee for Ranking Member. If he or she is rejected, the Steering Committee must resubmit a nomination within five days. The Steering Committee’s nominees for committee seats are considered en masse by the full Caucus. The entire Democrat membership of the Budget Committee (other than the leadership Member, who is appointed by the Minority Leader) is elected at the start of each Congress. The committee Ranking Member is elected from among all members nominated to the committee. The Steering Committee nominates two Members each from the Appropria- tions and Ways and Means committees, and the rest of the committee is filled with Democrats from other committees. Effective in the 105th Congress, no more than two-thirds of the Democratic Members nominated to the Budget Committee may have served as Members of the Budget Committee during the past Congress. Democratic Caucus rules also impose six year term limits for Budget Committee Members. Subcommittee assignments are determined by individual committees. The Democratic Members of a committee meet after the Caucus has approved their assignments to determine the subcommittee party ratios and choose subcommittee Members and Ranking Members. This is accomplished through a process called “bidding.” Democratic Members of a committee, in order of their seniority on the committee, have the right to bid for the subcommittee Ranking Member slot. This bid is subject to a vote by the other Members of the committee caucus. If a bid is rejected, the next senior Member can try for the position, and so on down the line. Everybody is assigned, through bidding, one subcommittee seat before anyone is allocated a second slot. The entire Democratic Caucus votes on each nomination for ranking Member on the Appropriations and Ways and Means subcommittees.

House Committee Assignments: Republicans

The Republican Conference is the Republican counterpart to the Democratic Caucus. Composed of all the Republican Members of the House, the Conference is the chief instrument of the current majority party in the House, and determines both the Caucus rules and, within limits, the House rules as well. As discussed in Chapter Two, the Conference also holds an organizational meeting following the elections in November. At this organizational meeting, the eight top leadership posts are filled by election. These include the Chair, Vice Chair, and Secretary of the 55 CHAPTER THREE Specializing in Congress: Finding Your Niche

Conference, the chairs of the Policy Committee and Campaign Commit- tee, and the Whip. The eighth is the Republican candidate for Speaker of the House (who is guaranteed victory when the GOP is the majority party). He also chairs the Republican Steering Committee. The Republican Steering Committee recommends Republican Mem- bers of the House to the Republican Conference for assignment to committees. The two exceptions to this rule are the Rules Committee and the Committee on House Oversight. Here, the Speaker nominates members to serve on these committees. Applications for a standing committee seat are considered one committee at a time. In those instances where a seat is contested, a vote is taken by secret ballot with each Member casting an amount of votes equal to the number of Republican Members from his constituent group. Current Republican rules also give extra votes to the Speaker (5) and the Majority Leader (2) in order to increase their influence within the committee. This continues until one individual receives a majority. When Members of equal seniority are to be added to a committee, lots are drawn to establish the order in which they will be added. Usually when the Steering Committee makes its recommendations for committee assignments to the full conference, it nominates one Member to be the chair of the committee. Exceptions here include the Rules and House Oversight committees, where the Speaker makes the nominations for the chair. The Speaker also nominates one member of the Budget Committee to serve as the leadership Member on this committee. This need not be the Member with the greatest seniority on that committee. The full Conference votes on these recommendations by secret ballot for chair and routinely approves them. At the beginning of the 104th Congress, Speaker Gingrich effectively appointed all committee chairs. His nominations went relatively unchallenged by the Republican Conference and passed with ease. Many times the norm of seniority was by-passed when nominating committee chairs. As of the 104th Congress, no Member could chair a committee for more than three consecutive Congresses. The number of Members and Republican/Democratic ratios for committees change with each new Congress. The majority party determines the committee sizes and party ratios, with some input from minority party leaders. The ratios generally reflect party divisions in each chamber, but the final decision rests with the majority party leadership. At the organizational meeting of the Republican Conference, a resolution usually will be adopted directing the Speaker to negotiate committee membership ratios and sizes on a case-by-case basis. Nonetheless, the policy of the ✩ ✩ ✩ ✩ SETTING COURSE 56

House majority party has been to establish a firm working majority on important committees and, as a result, the ratios on some House committees have traditionally had a disproportionate number of majority party members; today these include Appropriations, Rules, and Ways and Means. In contrast, inter-party accommodation is usually practiced in the Senate. In general, however, committee sizes and partisan ratios will reflect the overall composition of each chamber and the relative importance of each committee. Subcommittee assignments are handled in a less structured way by Republicans. The chair assembles the subcommittee requests of the Republican Members of this committee, and then makes the assignments. He or she generally will not assign anyone a second subcommittee choice until each Republican has received one slot. The chair of the standing committee is an ex-officio member of all subcommittees to which he or she is not regularly assigned. In the 104th Congress, all subcommittee chairs were named by the full committee chair. The subcommittee chairs’ terms were also limited to three Congresses.

Senate Committee Assignments: Democrats

In the Senate, the Democratic Steering and Coordination Committee, with approximately 25 Members, makes up a roster of committee assignments for the Democrats. The number of Democrats serving on this committee may vary from Congress to Congress. Service on the committee can be decisive in winning preferred assignments. The party conference and the Minority Leader appoint the members of this committee, and the Minority Leader appoints its chair. After committee rosters are set by the Steering Committee, they are voted on by the full Democratic Senate membership. Since the 1950s, Democrats usually have limited (through a procedure known as the “Johnson rule”) each Member to one seat on one of the top four committees – generally Appropriations, Armed Services, Finance, and Foreign Relations, although the last is less popular today than in the past. The Commerce, Science and Transportation Committee is occasionally counted as one of the top “four” committees if no seats are available on the actual top four. 57 CHAPTER THREE Specializing in Congress: Finding Your Niche

Criteria Mentioned by House Democratic Steering and Policy Members Making Nominations to Standing Committees (in order of frequency): Electoral needs of the Member. Slot previously held by Member of state delegation. Slot previously held by Member of the same region. A team player who supports party or leadership. Has appropriate policy views. Seniority. Failed to receive another request. Responsible legislator. Policy expert. General ability and maturity. Personal experiences. Ideology. Endorsements from groups or Members. Previous political experience. Personal interest. Acceptable to committee chair. Served on committee as temporary assignee, should be converted.

Source: Steven S. Smith and Christopher J. Deering, Committees in Congress, (Washington) Figure 3-4

Senate Committee Assignments: Republicans

In the Senate, the Republican Party conference chair appoints the members of the Republican Committee on Committees. For the 104th Congress, there were nine Senators on this committee. The panel also includes the Majority Leader as an ex-officio Member. Senate Republicans on the committee assignment panel strictly apply an informal seniority rule when two or more Republicans compete for a particular committee assignment. In recent years, Senate Republicans have followed many Democratic reforms in the Senate committee system. ✩ ✩ ✩ ✩ SETTING COURSE 58

For example, Senate Republicans were quick to initiate their own “Johnson rule” that prohibited a single Member from holding a position on more than one major committee prior to all other party members being assigned to a major committee. As in the House, Senate Republicans can serve as chair of a committee or subcommittee for no more than six years. After the committee develops a committee roster, the Republican Conference does not vote on the proposed roster, but follows a strict seniority rule. Thus, newly elected Senators are assigned to committees last.

Desperately Seeking the Right Committees

You should start working on obtaining the best possible committee assignments the day after the election. The first steps are to learn where the openings are and plot strategy, study the jurisdictions of each committee, and talk with other Members about the working atmosphere of the various committees and the operating styles of the chairmen. Each Member will also wish to stress why a committee is important to them (see Figure 3-4). There is little time to waste because the selection process begins working immediately after the organizational party caucus meetings. As for specific actions, Democrats have advised Members-elect to discuss their committee assignment preferences with their regional representative on the Steering Committee, with the Democratic leadership, with the dean of their state delegation, and with other Members from their state. Committee assignment requests should then be communicated to the Steering Committee staff, which prepares a list of all requests for the committee before its first meeting in January, and to the Member’s regional representative, who has responsibility for placing the Member’s name in nomination for assignment to the committees he or she has selected. Veteran Members also recommend talking to the ranking member of the committee to which you want to be assigned. Similarly, Republicans should contact the Steering Committee, their party leadership, their elected Republican on the Steering Committee, and other Members who might be in a position to help. Most first-termers have some idea of the vacancies early on, and frequently start the lobbying process right after the election. House Democratic Members-elect should obtain copies of any Democratic Study Group (DSG) “Special Reports” that pertain to committee vacancies and the committee selection process as soon as possible. For either party, even one defeat or retirement of a senior Member can create a major reshuffling of committees. Most first-termers also know they will not get the choice 59 CHAPTER THREE Specializing in Congress: Finding Your Niche

committees. As one freshman recalled, “I learned the day after the election that – despite my brilliant background as a tax lawyer and whatnot – I could forget Ways and Means, because there was a gentleman from New Jersey seeking it, and our regional representative was from New Jersey, and that is the way the world works, so I rapidly forgot it.” As of the 104th Congress, though, this trend changed. Unprecedented numbers of freshmen were placed on high-profile and major committees. For example, Republican freshmen were placed on the Rules, Ways and Means, Appro- priations, and Commerce committees. Clearly, freshmen who know what is going on at the higher levels stand a greater chance of filling the new committee, subcommittee, policy, and leadership vacuums. Thus, it is important to pay some attention to senior Members. Although the Steering Committees generally try to give freshmen at least one of their preferences, the decision depends on just what that preference is. If a first-termer asks only for Ways and Means, Rules, and Appropriations, the odds are that he or she will be thrown into whatever committee is left open after all other slots are filled. Thus, the entire “niching” process must include a good dose of reality. Yet, even when the niche is open, Members have to win at least some minimal acceptance to fill it. In the committee process, that acceptance involves a rather lengthy lobbying campaign. According to one first-term Republican, “I actively sought both of the committees I serve on. I wrote letters to the Committee and lobbied hard. I didn’t get my choice in the vote. I learned that at 4 p.m., and the conference was going to vote on the assignments at 5. In that time, I engineered a three-way trade and got Minority Leader [Bob] Michel to agree to it at a quarter-to-five. Essen- tially, I wouldn’t give up.” It is clearly a time-consuming process, requiring endless contacts and meetings. For Members who hope to take a quick vacation after the election, this process suggests a delay until December. Getting to Wash- ington, meeting party leaders, and making early lobbying efforts may be the best way to win a preferred committee assignment. According to former Rep. (now Governor) Thomas Carper, “I got the committees I wanted, but I almost lost out on one because I didn’t start earlier.” Although there are certain traditional procedures, the committee assignment process is fairly flexible. Many variables enter the picture and change the rules. But it is better to enter the process as well prepared as possible, and the new Member who knows what to expect and acts accordingly is way ahead of the game. This is especially true in 1996, when new – Member orientation and party organizational meetings in the House begin 10 days after the election. ✩ ✩ ✩ ✩ SETTING COURSE 60

Niche Category 2: Leadership Positions

Party organizations in the two chambers have evolved significantly during the last two decades to become more inclusive. This evolution is aimed at promoting the broadest possible participation in decisions affect- ing the party. It developed for several reasons. First, party leaders believed that the old apprenticeship, “seen and not heard,” was a waste of freshmen talent and energy. Second, leaders responded to implicit and explicit threats by younger Members demanding an expanded role. And third, leaders used positions and participation as a means of rewarding Members for support in leadership elections. This strategy also led to the creation and parceling out of larger numbers of “leadership” positions to Members of the party. In 1992, for example, the House Democrats created three Deputy Whips where there had been only one. These positions generally fall into four categories: 1) top leadership positions elected by the full caucus or conference; 2) zone or regional whips elected by Members of state or multi – state delegations; 3) elective or appointive positions to several party committees; and 4) membership positions on the various party committees. Once totaled, these positions reveal how virtually every Member of both chambers holds some sort of party position or membership on a party committee. It hardly need be added that, as with committees, these positions are not equally important. But the expanded structure offers even the newest Members an opportunity to participate in some fashion. Let’s look briefly at each party in turn.

House Democrats. The House Democratic Party structure is easily the largest of the four in Congress. In addition to the Minority Leader, Minority Whip and a number of Deputy Whips, Caucus Chair and Vice-Chair, Steering Committee Vice-Chair, and Chair and Vice-Chair of the Campaign Committee, the Democratic leadership team includes the following:6

• Fifteen deputy whips • Three whip task force chairs • Sixty-three at-large whips • Eighteen assistant whips • Twenty-eight positions on the Steering Committee • Fifty-nine positions (including six co-chairs and three members of the Oversight Subcommittee) on the Campaign Committee 61 CHAPTER THREE Specializing in Congress: Finding Your Niche

• Nine positions on the Rules Committee • Twenty-one positions on the Budget Committee

Except for the designated freshman slot on the Policy Committee (which assists the leadership in the establishment and implementation of the party’s policy and legislative agenda), most new Members can only hope to gain a position on the Campaign Committee. Nonetheless, inter- ested Members have numerous opportunities to move into and up this enormous leadership structure early in their careers.

House Republicans. House Republicans also have a large party organization, although it is not nearly as large as that of the Democrats. The House Republican leadership structure includes eight top elected positions – Speaker, Majority Leader, Whip, Chief Deputy Whip, Conference Chairman, Policy Committee Chairman, Republican Conference Vice-Chair, and Conference secretary. In addition, the leadership structure includes:

• Two chief deputy whips • Three deputy whips • Two assistant deputy whips • Three regional whips • Five strategy whips • Twenty positions on the Steering Committee • Three positions on the Policy Committee • Twenty-one positions on the Research Committee • Fifty-four positions on the Campaign Committee • Four positions on the Rules Committee • Fourteen positions on the Budget Committee

As with the Democrats, Republican freshmen are allowed a representative on the Steering Committee.

Senate Democrats. Not surprisingly, Senate Democrats and Repub- licans have much smaller party organizations than their House counterparts, even though both parties have expanded their organizations some- what in recent years. The Democrats, in particular, have spread top positions more widely. ✩ ✩ ✩ ✩ SETTING COURSE 62

A Typology of Congressional Caucuses

Type Number Examples Party Conservative Democratic Forum (Boll Weevils) Concerns Conservative Opportunity Society Democratic Study Group House and Senate Wednesday Groups Class clubs Personal Congressional Arts Caucus Interest Congressional Crime Caucus Military Reform caucuses Constituency, Congressional Black Caucus National Congressional Hispanic Caucus Congressional Caucus for Women’s Issues Vietnam–Era Veterans Caucus Constituency, Congressional Sunbelt Caucus Regional Tennessee Valley Congressional Caucus Senate Western Coalition Constituency, Export Task Force District/State Irish caucuses Congressional Rural Caucus State/district Congressional Automotive Caucus Industry Congressional Steel Caucus Travel and Tourism Caucuses

Source: Susan Webb Hammond, “Congressional Caucuses in the Policy Process,” in Lawrence C. Dodd and Bruce I. Oppenheimer, eds., Congress Reconsidered , 5th ed. (Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 1993): 353. Updated for 104th Congress, Congressional Research Service Issue Brief, August 5, 1996. Figure 3-5 A Typology of Congressional Caucuses

Senate Democrats elect their two principal leaders, their floor leader and their Whip, and several other posts. For Democrats, their Minority Leader also serves as chair of the Policy Committee and chair of the Democratic Caucus. Democrats also have a Conference Secretary, Chief Deputy Whip, Steering Committee Chair, and Campaign Committee Chair and Co-chair. The party structure also includes: 63 CHAPTER THREE Specializing in Congress: Finding Your Niche

• Four deputy whips • Four assistant deputy whips • Twenty positions on the Policy Committee • Twenty-four positions on the Steering Committee • Twenty-four positions on the Campaign Committee

Senate Republicans. Senate Republicans elect all of their top positions, including the chairs of the various party committees. As majority party, they also control the President Pro Tempore position, which by tradition, is awarded automatically to the senior Member of the majority party. Their organization structure includes the Majority Leader, an Assistant Majority Leader (i.e. whip), Conference Chair and Secretary, and Chairs of the Policy Committee, Committee on Committees, and Campaign Committee. The party structure also includes:

• Twenty-two positions on the Policy Committee • Fourteen positions (approximately) on the Committee on Commit- tees (Steering Committee) • Nineteen positions on the Campaign Committee.

Small numbers ensure that less senior Members of the two Senate parties advance more quickly than their House counterparts. Indeed, relatively junior Members may advance into even the highest posts of leadership. Lyndon Johnson became the Democratic Whip after only two years in office, and Majority Leader after only four. George Mitchell was the most junior Member of the three contestants for the Majority Leader’s position when he won in late 1988. Senator Tom Daschle became co-chairman of the Policy Committee in his first term, and Minority Leader in his second. Senator Trent Lott became Majority Whip soon after his election to a second term, and Majority Leader just over a year later.

Niche Category 3: Caucuses

Informal caucuses are not as useful as niche builders as they once were. The reforms of the 104th Congress eliminated a great number by cutting their funding. However, those that are left will still provide new members with a place to hone his or her skills, develop interests, and build expertise in a certain area of legislative importance. Caucuses are still a place to start building niches. ✩ ✩ ✩ ✩ SETTING COURSE 64

One congressional scholar, Susan Webb Hammond, has identified six types of congressional caucuses: national constituency, regional constituency, state/district constituency, state/district industry, party, and personal. Congressional caucuses serve both individual and institutional interests by performing several activities:

Information Gathering and Exchange. Newsletters, briefing papers, research reports, and other types or information are circulated among Members.

Bringing Adversaries Together. Caucuses also serve as a meeting place for potential adversaries in the formative stages of the legislative process; properly executed, these opportunities may in turn lead to meaningful negotiations regarding legislation and thereby decrease the possibility of stalemate.

Research. Most caucuses engage in research typically produced by professional staff employed by the caucuses. This research, particularly reports produced by the most-respected caucuses, may influence legislative outcomes.

Information on Pending Legislation. Most caucuses attempt to alert their Members regarding the provisions and implications of legislation making its way through committee or being considered on the floor.

Influencing Agendas. Caucuses with policy orientations frequently influence agendas because they represent voting blocs, can produce policy-relevant information, and have the resources to advertise their concerns through media contacts, study releases, and networking within Congress.

Building Coalitions. Caucuses automatically represent blocs of votes within the chamber. Larger groups are more likely to influence outcomes since they may represent a veto group. But even small groups may ally themselves to provide winning margins on close votes. 65 CHAPTER THREE Specializing in Congress: Finding Your Niche

Legislative Training. Caucuses provide an opportunity to learn the mechanics of developing legislation by working informally on issues behind the scenes.

Members join caucuses for a variety of reasons-district/state interests, policy interests, and to gain power or influence within the chamber. Because they are of recent vintage – the vast majority have been created since 1975 – it is reasonable to view caucuses as a response to the career needs of recently elected Members. While seats on Appropriations, Ways and Means (or Finance), Budget, National Security, and Commerce are few and hard to win, these caucuses allow Members to participate in the same subject matter outside the formal bounds of the committee system.

Niche Category 4: New Members’ Class Positions

The freshman class, especially in the House, provides a final source for building niches. There are the freshman class presidency (which may rotate several times in your first Congress), the freshman slots on the Steering Committees, and the freshmen whips. Freshman Senators have no comparable organizations. However, the importance of the class depends in large part on its size and cohesion. If it is small and disorganized, the class will be absorbed by the rest of the House. If it is large and united, the class may make its mark on its own. In the mid-1970s, for example, the Watergate class was both large and united, creating a number of opportunities for influence. Elected after Richard Nixon’s resignation and pardon, the Class of 1974 included 75 Democrats, most of whom were committed to sweeping House reforms. Although the decline of seniority was well under way before 1974, the Watergate freshmen provided the margin of victory on a number of key votes. Indeed, in early 1975 the Watergate freshmen joined with more senior Members to depose three committee chairmen. “It was a media myth that we fomented the sudden change in procedures,” says former Rep. Phil Sharp. “The fact is, we provided the votes in the final step. Our predecessors plowed the land, and we helped harvest the crop.” Twenty years later, the Republican freshmen of the 104th Congress wielded a great deal of power based on their unity and the strong alliance they built to their leadership. They exercised significant influence by organizing as a voting block, and provided the strong rhetoric and votes necessary to shut down the government by blocking passage of appropriations bills they believed did not cut enough spending. But the freshman of ✩ ✩ ✩ ✩ SETTING COURSE 66

the 104th Congress also found over time that there were limits to what these tactics could ultimately accomplish, and by 1996 were frustrated in their attempts to achieve their more far-reaching goals. The lesson to both these reform minded classes, two decades apart: while a well-organized class can exert a great deal of power, it must also be careful not to overreach.

Summary

The bad news about niches is that first-term Members have traditionally been limited in the power they can wield. The good news is that in the last two Congresses, that trend has begun to change. Whether a first-termer should gamble for one of the handful of prime open posts or should opt for a longer, career-building process is a question of goals, districts, special- ties, and strategy; but such a position is no longer uniformly out of reach. According to one Member, “It’s a giant smorgasbord. If you measure the job satisfaction in terms of having this fantastic variety of things you can do if you want to, issues you can get involved in, or styles of operation on the floor, in committee, or with constituents, then the opportunities are endless. If, on the other hand, you measure it in terms of the extent to which the process produces the ultimate result you think it ought to produce ... then it can be terribly frustrating.” The key is to pick your issues carefully and strategically. It is tempting to take on as many issues as possible at the start. As one Member argued, “I used to wonder why my predecessor quit after only 10 years. He was enormously popular and could have kept the seat as long as he wanted. Now I wonder how he made it 10 years.” Members must make choices, lest they dissipate themselves.

STRATEGIES FOR EFFECTIVENESS: FITTING NICHES TO NEW MEMBERS

Once you know where the niches are and have some awareness of your goals, you must make choices and then develop your plan to achieve them. In this “apprenticeship” system, there are multiple channels of participation, and you have some control over your choice of channels. The critical task becomes fitting a niche to you, the Member, and vice versa; finding a set of positions that meets your goals and beginning to learn the ropes. As noted earlier in this chapter, Members with well-defined goals can 67 CHAPTER THREE Specializing in Congress: Finding Your Niche

make the best choices, and may benefit most from the new opportunities. The clearer your goals, the more opportunities there are in this apprenticeship system. Former freshmen and their top aides offer two primary guidelines for becoming an effective participant in your first term. First, they recommend placing great emphasis on getting good committee assignments, and using your committees to participate. Second, Members and AAs cite the traditional building blocks of legislative effectiveness: do your home- work, specialize, focus on personal relations, and keep learning. Few Members or AAs articulated “maverick” or “outsider” strategies as first choice routes to effectiveness, although some do see them as fallbacks. In addition, few Members advocate party strategies as a route to effectiveness. Some find that establishing cordial relations is important but, in general, important party positions are too scarce to attract wide attention or to be frequently sought by freshmen.

A Simple Recommendation: Work Through the Committee System

Once you work through your list of goals, electoral concerns, special- ties, and vacuums, there is one piece of advice that inevitably remains: take the committee system seriously. Though the committee assignment process demands a great deal of patience and hard work, it appears to be well worth the investment. “I just couldn’t stand sitting with the committee members and putting myself through all the smiling,” one freshman Member said in explaining his decision to opt out of the lobbying process. “I couldn’t stand all the stroking and begging.” In the end, this Member did not get a good assignment, and spent his first two years trying to build a reputation outside the committee process. Committees are still the place to start.

The Matching Process

In matching niches to Members, there are two major factors that appear to matter most. First, the Members themselves must have a basic understanding of their goals. Second, the Members must decide whether to operate within the formal or informal systems. These two factors are merged in Figure 3-5, with illustrations of niches that might fit the six different combinations. The table should give new Members some idea of the various options, organizations, and activities that could help to shape a niche. ✩ ✩ ✩ ✩ SETTING COURSE 68

Becoming influential in a formal niche, however, often takes longer than just one term. Movement onto the power committees is more by invitation than any lobbying strategy or campaign, but a few seats are likely to go to new Members when the freshman class is large. For example, at the outset of the 103rd Congress, none of the 110 House freshmen Representatives were assigned to the Rules Committee, one was assigned to Ways and Means, and three were assigned to Appropriations. Most freshmen, aside from those who received the strong support of the Speaker at the start of the 104th and were assigned to exclusive panels,

Figure 3-5 Matching Member Goals to Legislative Niches in the House 69 CHAPTER THREE Specializing in Congress: Finding Your Niche

apply for the second tier of committees (e.g. National Security, Judiciary, Economic and Educational Opportunities) but may move up within a term or two. It is also important to remember that the lesser committees have more rapid turnover. Members who stay on those committees move up far faster than those who jump up to the prime committees. Members who gain assignment to an exclusive committee will wait longer than Members on non-major committees. Freshman Senators, of course, advance more rapidly. Finally, it is important to note that some activities may not initially fit into your strategic plan, but may help you achieve your goals. For example, media attention can take significant resources (that a first-term Member may not have at her disposal), but it can help achieve all three goals in Figure 3-5. Floor activities are hard to sustain as a House freshman, but an occasional amendment will pass and may boost a Representative’s stature back home or in the chamber.

The Outsider NicheDRAFT - FOR POSITION ONLY Some Members choose to pursue a niche entirely outside the traditional committee or party structure. One reason junior Republicans in particular have adopted this “maverick” approach is that Republicans had found themselves in the minority for 40 years until the 104th Congress, and therefore had fewer opportunities for impact in the House. Since committee ratios are determined by the majority party, and since the Republicans had only limited legislative success on the floor, younger Members of the minority party were forced to build informal niches outside the legislative process.While some mavericks survive and even flourish, this niche also may carry certain costs. The outsider niche is not a simple issue of joining an informal caucus or doing some occasional work outside the committee system. It involves abandoning the normal legislative process the committee system for a different niche. It can create enemies as well as friends, and may block legislative success later down the road. For a freshman, the decision involves a separation from the traditional sources of electoral prestige. Instead of campaigning on the basis of some legislative or committee standing, mavericks must create alternative strategies, arguing that the lack of legislative accomplishments is outweighed by the power to influence the process through the media and other indirect channels. ✩ ✩ ✩ ✩ SETTING COURSE 70

For Members who fail to win prime committee posts or leadership positions, an alternative is to specialize in anticipation of winning a key committee seat. One freshman decided to build a specialization in pension policy as a strategy for obtaining a Ways and Means seat later in his career. Dissatisfied with his committee, he decided to adopt a wait and see tactic, specializing in an area he believed to be a coming vacuum on Ways and Means. The approach carried very little risk, very little visibility, but seemingly high potential rewards. “My pitch,” he explained, “is that they need a pension expert.” Electoral pressures and changing goals may move new Members in other directions. Conservative Democrats may feel isolated within their party and pull together into an ad hoc “Blue Dog” caucus; conservative Republicans may band together as CATS; moderate Republicans may caucus as the Tuesday Lunch Group; freshmen dismayed by business-as-usual may organize as Young Turks. Though established Members of both parties complain about these uprisings, they reflect efforts to build niches outside the normal process. Still, few would deny that choosing such a niche can build national reputations for those Members who choose it. Such strategies vaulted Speaker Newt Gingrich, Congressman Bob Walker and the “gang of Seven” in the 102nd Congress to the type of prominence usually reserved for much more senior Members. Indeed, Gingrich was elected Republican Whip in the 103rd Congress and Speaker in the 104th, surprising many who believed his outsider style was incompatible with such a prominent party role. Conventional wisdom in the past suggested that Members who had established themselves as outsiders could not come back to work within and flourish within the system they had worked against. And while many Members of the House and Senate who occupy outsider niches have not been able to find a place “within the system,” there are an increasing number- notably Speaker Gingrich, Congressman Walker and 104th Congress Republican Conference Chair John Boehner – who have not only re-entered the system; they are leading it. If operating outside the system is dangerous because you’re challenging it or treating it as irrelevant, with leaders who built their careers as outsiders, this appears to be less dangerous than in the past. The system may be changing. Freshmen should ask themselves: Should a new Member work to form a separate caucus? Take highly visible positions on the issues? Draft major bills outside the committee process? And is operating outside the system a viable option, or is the apparent success of that route an aberration of the Republican Revolution? 71 CHAPTER THREE Specializing in Congress: Finding Your Niche

If there is a lesson in “niche-building” from the Class of 1974 and subsequent reform-minded classes, it is that there is strength in numbers. Individual Members who engage in “grenade throwing” are often frozen out of the policy process; classes that work together not only provide protection against isolation; they can change the system.

CONCLUSION

This broad exploration of niches in Congress underscores the idea that freshman Members should follow one of two general strategies. First, if you do have some notion of where they want to go, you should move quickly to identify and occupy the appropriate niche. The House and the Senate reward those who can articulate clear goals. It also rewards those who enter with some knowledge of how the system works. Here, the motto is “be prepared.” Second, if you do not know what you want, you should explore your options, steering clear of unfamiliar issues and high-risk niches. It is far better to spend a year or two scouting the terrain than to get locked into a poorly fitting niche. Here, patience is a virtue. According to one freshman, you have to watch out for “illusions about starting out as a ‘king-maker.’ You need to concentrate in your committees, and as long as you’re not a loose cannon, your colleagues will listen to you.” Both approaches are viable for first-termers. Some new Members will know what they want; others will need some time to get adjusted.

ENDNOTES

1 These figures reflect the 103rd Congress, and as of the 104th Congress they were roughly the same. The figures offered here are drawn from Norman J. Ornstein, et al, Vital Statistics on Congress: 1993-1994 (Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 1994): 113-118. 2 Jonathan Fuerbringer, “Desperately Seeking the Right Committees,” The New York Times, November 11, 1986. 3 Democratic Caucus Rules, U.S. House of Representatives, December 1994 4 Democratic Caucus Rules, U.S. House of Representatives, December 1994 5 Congressional Quarterly Almanac, 1994, p. 16. 6 The following leadership positions indicate the hierarchy of the 103rd Congress. The numbers and types of positions underwent very little change in the 104th Congress. The same holds true for positions indicated for Senate Democratic leadership positions and House and Senate Republican leadership positions. ✩ ✩ ✩ ✩ SETTING COURSE 72