397-14-S Calendar Number 1811 W
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Appendix S Section II
Chicago O’Hare International Airport Section II Scoping Distribution List OMP Scoping Summary December, 2002 Section II DRAFT Chicago O’Hare International Airport Section II Scoping Distribution List Scoping invitation letters and scoping documents were sent to agencies, elected officials, community organizations and airport/airline representatives. As shown in Table II-1, a total of 486 scoping letters were mailed to invite individuals to attend scoping meetings. A total of (4) four scoping meetings were held, two agency scoping meetings and two public scoping meetings. In addition, as shown in Table II-2, 91 letters were sent to Chicagoland mayors inviting them to an informational meeting that was conducted on August 29, 2002. Additionally, samples of the scoping invitation letters are also included in Section III of this report. OMP Scoping Summary II-1 December, 2002 Section II DRAFT Table II-1 Scoping Distribution List Group Prefix 1 Prefix 2 FirstName LastName FirstLastName Title Division/Office OrganizationName Address Address1 Address2 City StatePostalCode City Mr. Mr. Ray Frias Ray Frias Ward 12 Alderman 2456 W. 38th Street Chicago IL 60632 City Mr. Mr. Frank Olivo Frank Olivo Ward 13 Alderman 6500 S. Pulaski Road Chicago IL 60629 City Mr. Mr. Edward Burke Edward Burke Ward 14 Alderman 2650 W. 51st Street Chicago IL 60632 City Mr. Mr. Thomas Murphy Thomas Murphy Ward 18 Alderman 8146 S. Kedzie Avenue Chicago IL 60652 City Ms. Ms. Madeline Haithcock Madeline Haithcock Ward 2 Alderman 449 E. 35th Street Chicago IL 60619 City Mr. Mr. Billy Ocasio Billy Ocasio Ward 26 Alderman 3181 N. Elston Avenue Chicago IL 60618 City Mr. -
Sept:::R Sept:::R
Tuesday U-HIGH IDWAY.Sept:::r 30, Volume 84, Number I University High School 1362 East 59th Street, Chicago, Illinois 60637 The campaigns that went wild • U-Highers see complex issues By Nathan Bishop Editor-in-Chief elatively unknown before her nomination, two-year Alaska RGovernor, Sarah Palin, Repub lican Vice Presidential candidate, has stolen focus from policy and Presiden tial candidates, U-Highers believe. After Governor Palin's acceptance speech at the Republican National Convention, September 1-4 in St. Paul Minnesota, the Gallup Poll, which tracks percentage of registered voters saying they would support a Presi dential candidate, showed Republican Presidential Candidate John McCain (Senator from Arizona) gaining a four percent lead over Democratic Presi dential Candidate Barack Obama (Senator from Illinois). As of last week Senator Obama was up three percent. After controversial background stories, family problems and SNL parodies, Governor Palin heads off to Washington University in St. Louis for the Vice Presidential debate Thursday, where she will face eight-term Delaware Senator Joe Eiden, Democrat. Art by Eric Cochrane "I think when the Vice Presidential debate rolls paign farther to the right. earlier. She has also proven that she is not afraid around hopefully then that will provide the media "Palin is now all over the media, albeit in a con to do major reform of the government as she demon with an opportunity to focus on the real issues be trolled manner. She has suddenly become a known strated in Alaska. tween Palin and Eiden, what they stand for, what presence in American politics," Ms. -
A Response to Professors Meares and Kahan Albert W
University of Chicago Legal Forum Volume 1998 | Issue 1 Article 10 Antiquated Procedures or Bedrock Rights: A Response to Professors Meares and Kahan Albert W. Alschuler [email protected] Stephen J. Schulhofer [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/uclf Recommended Citation Alschuler, Albert W. and Schulhofer, Stephen J. () "Antiquated Procedures or Bedrock Rights: A Response to Professors Meares and Kahan," University of Chicago Legal Forum: Vol. 1998: Iss. 1, Article 10. Available at: http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/uclf/vol1998/iss1/10 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Chicago Legal Forum by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Antiquated Procedures or Bedrock Rights?: A Response to Professors Meares and Kahan Albert W. Alschulert and Stephen J. Schulhofertt Over the opposition of most of the African American Alder- men who voted on the issue,' the Chicago City Council enacted an "anti-gang" loitering ordinance in 1992.2 In subsequent litigation, the Illinois Appellate Court and the Illinois Supreme Court both ruled unanimously that the ordinance's sweeping, ill-defined terms rendered it void for vagueness.' The United States Su- preme Court now has granted certiorari to review the Illinois Su- preme Court's decision invalidating the ordinance.4 Tracey Meares and Dan Kahan contend -
Chicago's New Gang Loitering Ordinance
PALOMO.DOC 10/3/2002 11:14 AM “THE SHERIFF KNOWS WHO THE TROUBLEMAKERS ARE. JUST LET HIM ROUND THEM UP”1: CHICAGO’S NEW GANG LOITERING ORDINANCE ERNESTO PALOMO* This note examines Chicago’s Gang Congregation Ordinance. By enacting the ordinance, Chicago intended to allow its police force to reduce gang activity in designated “hot spots” by giving police the authority to command gang members to disperse whenever congre- gated on the streets for the purpose of establishing “control over iden- tifiable areas, to intimidate others from entering those areas, or to conceal illegal activities.” The author has two arguments. First, he argues that the ordi- nance is unconstitutionally vague because it does not place any limits on the police’s discretion in enforcing the ordinance. Second, even if the ordinance is not unconstitutionally vague, it violates public policy. The note begins by detailing the history of loitering, noting that antiloitering laws and policies were traditionally used to discriminate against “society’s undesirables.” Next, the note changes its focus to the current trend of “order-maintenance policing,” a popular method of maintaining order to eliminate and reduce criminal activity. The author asserts that this policy is the underlying rationale for the ordi- nance. By not allowing gang members to congregate, the ordinance hopes to reduce instances of violence and other criminal activity. Part II of the note also includes an analysis of Chicago’s earlier gang loi- tering ordinances. Part III examines and rebuts the arguments of supporters of the loitering ordinance. Finally, the author rebuts the proponents by finding that it allows the police to abuse their discretion by not requir- ing an overt act for its enforcement. -
Anti-Corruption Report Number 1 February 3, 2008
Curing Corruption in Illinois: Anti-Corruption Report Number 1 February 3, 2008 Authored By: Thomas J. Gradel Dick Simpson And Andris Zimelis With Kirsten Byers Chris Olson University of Illinois at Chicago Department of Political Science 1 2 Public corruption has been an unfortunate aspect of Illinois politics for a century and a half. Even before Governor Blagojevich tried to sell the vacant senate seat to the highest bidder, the people of the state were exposed continuously to outrageous corruption scandals. The state history of political corruption features Paul Powell, a former secretary of state, who died leaving hundreds of thousands of dollars hoarded in shoeboxes in his closet, 13 judges nabbed in Operation Greylord for fixing court cases, and a state auditor who embezzled more than $1.5 million in state funds and bought two planes, four cars, and two homes with the money. Since 1972 there have been three governors before Governor Blagojevich, state legislators, two congressmen, 19 Cook County judges, 30 Aldermen, and other statewide officials convicted of corruption.1 Altogether there have been 100 public officials and businessmen convicted of public corruption since 1970. The history of public corruption in Illinois goes as far back as 1860s when the state's largest city, Chicago, was growing rapidly and with much disorder which provided ample opportunities for corruption. This time period is characterized by several corruption cases in the city including a city council ring of aldermen on the take known as McCauley’s Nineteen, and county commissioners involved in a City Hall painting contract scandal. Of the 14 aldermen and public official indicted in that scandal four were convicted and several others lost their reelection bids in the elections of 1871.