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1 Theories of the American Presidency Notes 1 Theories of the American Presidency 1. Antonia Juhasz, “Two Years Later: BP’s Toxic Legacy,” The Nation, May 7, 2012. See also Naomi Klein, “Gulf Oil Spill: A Hole in the World,” The Guardian (UK), June 20, 2010. The Exxon-Valdez spill occurred in 1989. For an account of the record $4.5 billion settlement between BP and the Department of Justice in November of 2012, see Jason Leopold, “BP Will ‘Kill Again,’ Former EPA Officials, Attorney Warn,” Truthout, November 18, 2012. For an analysis of the oil spill, see also William R. Freudenburg and Robert Gramling, Blowout in the Gulf: The BP Oil Spill Disaster and the Future of Energy in America, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2011. 2. Dahr Jamail, “Gulf Ecosystem in Crisis Three Years after BP Spill,” Al Jazeera English, October 21, 2013. Rebecca Leber, “Judge Deals a Blow to BP’s Efforts to Dodge Deepwater Horizon Payments, Nation of Change, December 26, 2013. 3. President Barack Obama, “Remarks by the President on Climate Change,” The White House, June 25, 2013. 4. Ibid. 5. Obama, quoted in Bill McKibben, “Our Protest Must Short Circuit the Fossil Fuel Interests Blocking Obama,” The Guardian (UK), January 6, 2013. 6. See William F. Grover, The President as Prisoner: A Structural Critique of the Carter and Reagan Years, Albany, NY: SUNY, 1989, especially Chapter 1, “The Rise and Decline of Presidency Fetishism.” Some of the language and analysis in this chapter is from The President as Prisoner. 7. Ibid., pp. 1–5. See also the discussion of Hamilton’s fuller meaning in Michael A. Genovese, ed., Contending Approaches to the American Presidency, Washington, DC: SAGE/CQ Press, 2012, pp. 12–19. 8. Grover, The President as Prisoner, p. 5. See also p. 188, note 9. 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid, p. 6. 11. Ibid. 12. Ibid, p. 16. 13. Ibid., p. 17. 14. See Genovese, Contending Approaches to the American Presidency, pp. 11–19, for a solid brief discussion of the Framers’ effort to balance Hamiltonian energy with republican safety. 15. Theodore Lowi, The Personal President, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1985, p. 96. 156 Notes 16. Ibid, p. 115. 17. See Grover, The President as Prisoner, Chapter 1, for a full account of the Expansivist-Restrictivist debate among a wider range of authors within Political Science. Genovese uses the language of this debate in his analysis. See Genovese, Contending Approaches to the American Presidency, p. 11. 18. Harold Laski, The American Presidency: An Interpretation, New York: Harper and Brothers, 1940, p. 11. 19. Ibid., p. 274. 20. Ibid., p. 123. 21. Clinton Rossiter, The American Presidency, revised ed., New York: Mentor Books, 1960, p. 14. 22. Grover, The President as Prisoner, p. 26. See also note 34 on p. 193. 23. Rossiter, The American Presidency, p. 102. 24. Ibid., p. 140. 25. Grover, The President as Prisoner, pp.32–39. Among many accounts, see also Thomas E. Cronin and Michael A. Genovese, The Paradoxes of the American Presidency, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004, pp. 107–115; Stephen Skowronek, “Mission Accomplished,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 39, no. 4, December 2009, pp. 795–804; and Michael Nelson, “Neustadt’s ‘Presidential Power’at 50,” Chronicle of Higher Education, March 28, 2010. 26. Richard Neustadt, Presidential Power, New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1980, p. 136. 27. Genovese, A Presidential Nation: Causes, Consequences and Cures, Boulder, CO: Westview, 2013, p. 3. 28. Lori Cox Han, New Directions in the American Presidency, New York: Routledge, 2011, p. 4. 29. For an account of this crisis of the office, see Grover, The President as Prisoner, pp. 7, 39–61. 30. Edward S. Corwin, The President: Office and Powers, 4th ed., New York: New York University Press, 1957, pp. 29–30, 307. 31. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., War and the American Presidency, New York: W. W. Norton, 2004. See especially Chapter 3, “The Imperial Presidency Redux.” 32. Schlesinger, War and the American Presidency, p. 45. 33. Thomas E. Cronin, The State of the Presidency, 2nd ed., Boston: Little Brown, 1980; Cronin and Genovese, The Paradoxes of the American Presidency, especially Chapter 1; and Theodore J. Lowi, The Personal President, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1985. 34. Lowi, The Personal President, p. 151. 35. Schlesinger, War and the American Presidency, p. 66. 36. Ibid., pp. 67, 119. 37. Andrew J. Bacevich, “The American Political Tradition,” The Nation, July 17, 2006, p. 23. Notes 157 38. Jennifer Van Bergen, “The ‘Unitary Executive’ and the Threat to Democratic Government,” in William F. Grover and Joseph G. Peschek, Voices of Dissent: Critical Readings in American Politics, 8th ed., New York: Longman, 2010, pp. 253–260. On the balance of power gener- ally within American governmental institutions weighted toward the presidency, see Genovese, Contending Approaches to the American Presidency; Cox Han, New Directions in the American Presidency; and Schlesinger, Jr., War and the American Presidency. For the counterpoint that embraces the inevitability of the strong presidency, see Eric A. Posner and Adrian Vermeule, The Executive Unbound: After the Madisonian Republic, New York: Oxford University Press, 2010. 39. This is true even with much more richly developed approach of “new institutionalism” via analysis of political regime changes. See Stephen Skowronek, “Presidential Leadership in Political Time,” in Michael Nelson, ed., The Presidency and the Political System, 5th ed., Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2003; Skowronek, “Mission Accomplished”; and his sem- inal The Politics Presidents Make, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997. 40. Bruce Miroff, Pragmatic Illusions: The Presidential Politics of John F. Kennedy, New York: David McKay Co., 1976, p. xiii. 41. See Lawrence R. Jacobs and Desmond S. King, “Varieties of Obamaism: Structure, Agency and the Obama Presidency,” Perspectives on Politics, 8, no. 3, September 2010, pp. 794–795. 42. Ira Katznelson and Mark Kesselman, The Politics of Power, 2nd ed., New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1979, p. 265. For a solid brief overview of similar critiques of Neustadt and the ends of power, see Cronin and Genovese, The Paradoxes of the American Presidency, pp. 111–113. 43. Klein, “Gulf Oil Spill: A Hole in the World.” 2 Beyond Institutions-as-Structure: A Deeper Structural Perspective 1. Woodrow Wilson, The New Freedom, New York: Doubleday, 1913, p. 4. Some of the language and analysis of the structure of the presidency is from William F. Grover, The President as Prisoner, Albany, NY: SUNY, 1989. Other portions appeared previously in William F. Grover “Deep Presidency: Toward a Structural Theory of an Unsustainable Office in a Catastrophic World—Obama and Beyond,” New Political Science, 35, no. 3, September 2013, pp. 432–448. 2. Ibid., p. 57. 3. Ibid., pp. 164–165. 4. Ibid., p. 44. For two classic interpretations of the essentially conservative nature of Progressive Era reforms, see Gabriel Kolko, The Triumph of Conservatism, New York: The Free Press, 1963, and James Weinstein, 158 Notes The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, Boston: Beacon Press, 1968. For an application of this type of analysis to the supposedly progres- sive presidency of JFK, see Bruce Miroff, Pragmatic Illusions: The Presidential Politics of John F. Kennedy, New York: David McKay Co., 1976. 5. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Politics of Upheaval, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960, p. 620. 6. See the celebrated works of James MacGregor Burns, The Deadlock of Democracy, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1963; James MacGregor Burns, Presidential Government, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1973; and James MacGregor Burns, The Power to Lead: The Crisis of the American Presidency, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1984. 7. The term is from the work of Fred Block and Frances Fox Piven, as quoted in Brian Waddell, “When the Past is Not Prologue: The Wagner Act Debates and the Limits of American Political Science,” New Political Science 34, no. 3, September 2012, p. 357. It is a particularly apt charge with regard to the work of Jacobs and King, “Varieties of Obamaism,” which creates the misimpression that encounters between theories of the presidency and theories of the state are a quite new development. For a broader example of this misimpression within presidential studies, see Michael A. Genovese, ed., Contending Approaches to the American Presidency, Washington, DC: SAGE/CQ Press, 2012. 8. Waddell, “When the Past is Not Prologue,” and Charles E. Lindblom, “The Market as Prison,” Journal of Politics 44, no. 2, May 1982, p. 334. 9. President Barack Obama, “Remarks by the President at the United States Military Academy Commencement Address,” The White House, May 28, 2014. 10. Harold Laski, The American Presidency: An Interpretation, New York: Harper and Brothers, 1940. See also William F. Grover, The President As Prisoner: A Structural Critique of the Carter and Reagan Years, Albany, NY: SUNY, 1989, pp. 20–25; all brief Laski quotes are cited therein. 11. Stephen Skowronek, Presidential Leadership in Political Time: Reprise and Reappraisal, Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 2011; Stephen Skowronek, “Presidential Leadership in Political Time,” in Michael Nelson, ed. The Presidency and the Political System, 8th ed., Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2006; and Stephen Skowronek, “Mission Accomplished.” 12. Skowronek, Presidential Leadership in Political Time: Reprise and Reappraisal, p. 5. 13. Ibid, Ch. 2; and Skowronek, “Presidential Leadership in Political Time,” pp. 89–135. 14. Skowronek, Presidential Leadership in Political Time: Reprise and Reappraisal, p. 20. Skocpol and Jacobs also make this point about the advantages of change-oriented presidents starting from scratch, as it were, Notes 159 when comparing FDR’s more favorable circumstances to Obama’s. See Theda Skocpol and Lawrence R. Jacobs, “Accomplished and Embattled: Understanding Obama’s Presidency,” Political Science Quarterly, 127, no. 1, Spring 2012, pp. 1–24. 15. Skowronek, Presidential Leadership in Political Time: Reprise and Reappraisal, p.
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