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The Silence Around Violence Against Women in Haruki Murakami's 1Q84

The Silence Around Violence Against Women in Haruki Murakami's 1Q84

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

THE SILENCE AROUND VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN ’S

AN UNDERGRADUATE THESIS

Presented as Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Sarjana Sastra in English Letters

By

AGHNIYA RUHYA MUHIBBATY

Student Number: 134214127

ENGLISH LETTERS STUDY PROGRAM DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH LETTERS FACULTY OF LETTERS SANATA DHARMA UNIVERSITY YOGYAKARTA 2019

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

THE SILENCE AROUND VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN HARUKI MURAKAMI’S 1Q84

AN UNDERGRADUATE THESIS

Presented as Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Sarjana Sastra in English Letters

By

AGHNIYA RUHYA MUHIBBATY

Student Number: 134214127

ENGLISH LETTERS STUDY PROGRAM DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH LETTERS FACULTY OF LETTERS SANATA DHARMA UNIVERSITY YOGYAKARTA 2019

ii PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

PLAGIAT MERUPAKAN TINDAKAN TIDAK TERPUJI

“And sometimes ignorance is even harder to deal with than deliberate evil.”

― Ryū Murakami

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For all the kindest strangers,

all the gods and goddesses,

and my long-lost existence.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My greatest gratitude to my thesis advisor Dra. A.B. Sri Mulyani, M.A.,

Ph.D, without whom I would be completely lost and alone. Her guidance and encouragement were such significant parts in my finishing this research. My gratitude also presented to my co-advisor, Ni Luh Putu Rosiandani, M. Hum., and my academic advisor Drs. Hirmawan Wijanarka, M.Hum., as their help, guidance, and support are more than imperative to me finishing my study.

I would also like to thank my family, Inayah and Imam, and my siblings

(Bita and Giyas). Also to my friends, Tatiana, Marc, Yoshi, and Nevi for sticking with me despite my undeserving self.

Aghniya R. Muhibbaty

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

TITLE PAGE ...... ii APPROVAL PAGE ...... iii ACCEPTANCE PAGE ...... iv STATEMENT OF ORIGINALITY ...... v LEMBAR PERNYATAAN PERSETUJUAN PUBLIKASI KARYA ILMIAH .. vi MOTTO PAGE ...... vii DEDICATION PAGE ...... viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... ix TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... x ABSTRACT ...... xii ABSTRAK ...... xiii

CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION A. Background of the Study ...... 1 B. Problem Formulation ...... 2 C. Objectives of the Study ...... 2 D. Definition of Terms ...... 3

CHAPTER II: REVIEW OF LITERATURE A. Review of Related Studies ...... 6 B. Review of Related Theories ...... 9 1. Violence Against Women ...... 10 2. Patriarchy ...... 13 3. Hiding Male Violence ...... 15 a. Tactics ...... 15 i. Euphemizing...... 15 ii. Dehumanizing ...... 16 iii. Blaming the Victims ...... 16 iv. Psychologizing ...... 17 v. Naturalizing ...... 18 vi. Distinguishing ...... 18 b. Strategies ...... 19 i. Legimitizing ...... 19 ii. Denying ...... 20 4. Violence Against Women in ...... 20 C. Theoretical Framework ...... 23

CHAPTER III: METHODOLOGY A. Object of the Study...... 24 B. Approach of the Study ...... 26 C. Method of the Study ...... 27

CHAPTER IV: ANALYSIS

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A. Violence Against Women in 1Q84 ...... 29 1. Violence Experienced by Tamaki ...... 30 2. Violence Experienced by the Dowager’s daughter ...... 33 3. Violence Experienced by Ayumi ...... 36 4. Violence Experienced by Tsubasa ...... 38 5. Violence Experienced by An Unnamed Battered Woman ...... 40 B. The Ways The Violence Against Women in 1Q84 is Silenced ...... 41 1. How Tamaki’s Experience is Silenced ...... 41 2. How the Dowager’s Daughter’s Experience is Silenced ...... 44 3. How Ayumi’s Experience is Silenced...... 45 4. How Tsubasa’s Experience is Silenced...... 48 5. How the Unnamed Battered Woman’s Experienced is Silenced ...50

CHAPTER V: CONCLUSION ...... 53

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 56

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ABSTRACT

MUHIBBATY, AGHNIYA RUHYA. THE SILENCE AROUND VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN HARUKI MURAKAMI’S 1Q84. Yogyakarta: Department of English Letters, Faculty of Letters, Sanata Dharma University, 2019.

This thesis analyzes the novel titled IQ84 by Haruki Murakami. 1Q84 is chosen for this study because it shows violence against women happening in Japanese society, as well as how those violence is silenced. The researcher is interested in identifying the kinds of violence experienced by the characters in the book. The author of this thesis has two objectives to be analyzed. The first one is to identify the violence experienced by the characters. The second is to identify how those violence are silenced by the society. This thesis uses theories of feminism and gender study, more particularly theories of violence against women. Patrizia Romito’s theory about violence against women and the silencing tactics of violence against women is used, and also several other sources, including Mackay’s book titled Radical feminism: feminist activism in movement, that talks about the kinds of violence against women. The study has two results: first is the kinds of violence against women that happen in the book. The five characters (Tamaki, the dowager’s daughter, Ayumi, Tsubasa, and an unnamed battered woman) experience different kinds of violence. Tamaki, the dowager’s daughter, and the unnamed battered woman experience domestic violence. Ayumi, the police woman, was sexually molested by her own relatives. Tsubasa is a victim of rape. The second part of the result is how those violence are dismissed or silenced in their society. Tamaki’s experience regarding the violence inflicted upon her is not regarded serious by people around her, the parents or police do not care despite the scars on her body. In that way, her violence is silenced. The dowager’s daughter is the same; even the husband is never under suspicion. In Ayumi’s case, what happened to her is not regarded as ‘real’ rape because it is by family. Tsubasa’s case is also dismissed because it is done by a man who has many supporters, including her own parents. The unnamed battered woman is the same as the two previously mentioned domestic violence cases, in that it is not taken seriously even by the police. From those five cases, it is clear that in the society, violence experienced by women is easily dismissed, silenced, and sometimes even encouraged or justified. No matter how or why those cases are silenced, the one thing that is the same is that they are all not taken seriously. The researcher suggests to future researchers to do more study about violence against women in order to bring awareness and concern. It is hoped that we do not sit in silence while victims of violence against women suffer. The fact that they are silenced must encourage us to try to tackle it, even in small ways.

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ABSTRAK

MUHIBBATY, AGHNIYA RUHYA. THE SILENCE AROUND VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN HARUKI MURAKAMI’S 1Q84. Yogyakarta: Department of English Letters, Faculty of Letters, Sanata Dharma University, 2019.

Penelitian in menganalisis novel karya Haruki Murakami yang berjudul 1Q84, yang dipilih karena menggambarkan kekerasan terhadap wanita yang terjadi di masyarakat. Penelitian ini juga membahas bagaimana masyarakat membungkam kekerasan terhadap wanita yang terjadi. Penulis tertarik akan meneliti jenis kekerasan terhadap wanita yang terjadi pada karakter wanita di buku 1Q84. Penulis telah membuat dua pertanyaan tentang topik studi ini. Yang pertama adalah apakah kekerasan terhadap wanita yang terjadi di buku, dan yang kedua adalah bagaimana kekerasan-kekerasan tersebut dibungkam atau tidak dipedulikan. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori feminisme dan studi gender, atau lebih detailnya teori tentang kekerasan terhadap wanita. Teori oleh Patrizia Romito tentang kekerasan terhadap wanita dan taktik membungkam kekerasan wanita dipakai di studi ini. Buku Mackay yang berjudul Radical feminism: feminist activism in movement juga dipakai di studi ini. Penelitian ini mewujudkan dua hasil. Yang pertama adalah, di 1Q84 ada lima karakter yang menjadi korban kekerasan. Karakter Tamaki, anak perempuan the dowager, dan wanita tidak bernama mengalami kekerasan rumah tangga. Karakter Ayumi mengalami aniaya seksual oleh keluarganya sendiri. Karakter Tsubasa mengalami perkosaan oleh pria berumur. Hasil kedua dari studi ini adalah bagaimana kekerasan tersebut dibungkam di masyarakat. Yang pertama, Tamaki tidak dianggap serius oleh orang-orang sekitarnya, walaupun bukti tanda kekerasan sangat jelas di tubuhnya. Anak dari the dowager atau sang janda pun mengalami hal yang sama. Ketiga, kasus Ayumi tidak dianggap serius karena aniaya seksual tersebut dilakukan oleh keluarga Ayumi sendiri. Lalu, pemerkosaan yang terjadi pada Tsubasa tidak dipedulikan atau dianggap salah karena si pemerkosa mempunyai banyak pendukung, termasuk orang tua Tsubasa sendiri. Terakhir, si wanita tak bernama tidak dianggap serius oleh banyak pihak, seperti kasus Tamaki. Dari kasus-kasus tersebut, bisa disimpulkan bahwa wanita yang menjadi korban kekerasan tidak dipedulikan oleh atau dianggap serius oleh masyarakat. Cara dan alasan itu dibungkam bisa jadi beda, namun hal yang pasti adalah kasus-kasus tersebut punya satu persamaan yaitu mereka didiamkan atau bahkan dianggap normal oleh masyarakat. Penulis penelitian ini menyarankan pada peneliti lain untuk melakukan banyak studi tentang kekerasan terhadap wanita, untuk membawa kesadaran dan kepedulian. Diharapkan agar kita sebagai manusia, peduli untuk memberi suara pada mereka yang telah dibungkam.

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CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

A. Background of The Study

Violence against women is one of the main issues that women all over the world, for a very long time, try to tackle. According to the journal article titled “Some Thoughts on Domestic Violence in Japan” by Mioko Fujieda and

Julianne Dvorak, both research data and the actual reality of violence against women in Japan are still unknown. The awareness towards gender equality, especially violence against women, is very little. There is a great discrepancy between the number of research regarding violence against women in Japan and the US (Fujieda and Dvorak, 1989: 60). The latter has a vast amount of research and studies conducted about violence against women, thus the awareness is also higher than that of Japan. Nonetheless, the fact that Japan has little to no studies about violence against women does not erase the fact that several statistics prove that violence against women in Japan is alive and well, and it is a phenomenon that is continuously ignored and silenced by the society.

In this thesis, the researcher attempts to highlight the existence of violence against women in Japan, through the novel 1Q84. Written by Japan’s worldwide famous contemporary author, Haruki Murakami, 1Q84 exhibits many forms of violence against women, whether it is psychological or physical, and those are all normalized and silenced. IQ84 illustrates the reality

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of violence against women in Japan, and especially, how the system and the society continues to uphold the values that believe women are inferior and thus, deserve to receive the abuse.

By showing the many kinds of violence against women in this book, the author of this thesis aspires to erase the belief that the number of research regarding violence against women somehow correlates to the actualities of cases of violence against women in Japan. The phenomenon in 1Q84 perfectly mirrors the actual condition of violence against women in Japan. Thus, it is hoped that this thesis is able to raise awareness, as well as questions, about the violence against women in Japan and the silence surrounding it.

B. Problem Formulation

In order to fulfill the purpose of this study, there are two questions that need to be answered:

1. What are the violence that happen in Haruki Murakami’s 1Q84?

2. How is the violence against women silenced?

C. Objectives of The Study

The purpose of conducting this study is to solve the questions in problem formulation. The first objective of this study is to reveal the violence against women depicted throughout the book. Second, this study attempts to show how the violence is silenced by the society.

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D. Definition of Terms

In this chapter, the definition of several key terms are provided. The terms are violence against women, patriarchy, and tactics and strategies for hiding violence.

1. Violence Against Women

Mackay writes about violence against women:

The term applies to rape, domestic abuse, forced marriage, sexual assault, child sexual abuse, stalking, sexual exploitation in prostitution and trafficking for prostitution, female genital mutilation and so-called ‘honour crimes’ (Mackay, 2015: 15).

Another explanation about violence against women is provided from

Mackay’s quotation of “UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against

Women” and the “1979 UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of

Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW)” that defines violence against women as “physical, sexual or psychological violence against women because of their sex alone or where such violence affects women disproportionaly.”

It is also important to note that in Japan, the term ‘domestic violence’ can refer to violence done by the child to the mother. Fujieda states so in her journal article titled “Some Thoughts on Domestic Violence in Japan”:

In Japan, the term "domestic violence" is commonly understood to refer to violence by children (sex unspecified) against their parents (likewise, sex unspecified). This idea established itself at one point in the 1980s during which there was widespread discussion of domestic violence in the media, accompanied by a number of books on the same subject. All of these discussions took the approach that domestic

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violence was violence propagated by children rebel-ling against their parents (Fujieda, 1989: 60).

In this research, however, the use of domestic violence will refer to violence done by husbands to their wives, or a man to his girlfriend or partner.

As written by Fujieda:

Internationally, it is usual to construe domestic violence as violence propagated by the husband upon the wife (regardless of her marital status). In a broader sense, it is understood to refer to violence by men (husbands, fathers, sons, brothers, etc.) against women (wives, mothers, daughters, sisters, etc.) in the home (1989: 61).

In the journal Fujieda also states that it is not clear why Japan alone defines domestic violence as violence by children to their parents. For the purpose of this thesis, however it is important for us to map domestic violence as violence against women, done by men.

2. Patriarchy

The second term is patriarchy. Originally comes from the Greek language, the term means ‘the rule of the father’. In a more narrow definition, it refers to the male head of a family or household. However there is a more relevant explanation said by Mackay, who states that “patriarchy is used when feminists refer to male supremacy, to societies where men as a group dominate mainstream positions of power in culture, politics, business, law, military and policing” (2015: 12).

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3. Tactics and Strategies for Hiding Male Violence

Tactics and strategies here refer to Romito’s theory about tactics and strategies in hiding violence against women done by men. Romito defines it as follows:

“I define ‘strategies’ as complex, articulated maneuvers, general methods for hiding male violence and allowing the status quo, privileges and male domination to be maintained; by the term ‘tactics’ I mean tools that may be used across the board in various strategies, without being specific to violence against women” (Romito, 2008: 43).

In the context of this thesis, tactics and strategies for hiding male violence will be used to explain the ways that violence against women is silenced and normalized.

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CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

A. Review of Related Studies

Little to no study, especially from feminist prespective, is done about

1Q84. However, the author of this thesis found three studies that are related and suitable for this paper. In this chapter the author discusses previous works that are relevant and related to this thesis. First is Kevin Nguyen from

Grantland.com. Nguyen writes mainly about the main characters’ journey, and only in few sentences does he mention Aomame’s roles in struggling and resisting towards the violence against women in the book.

Aomame exists as a feminist avenger, and yet Tengo spends the other half of the novel putting his slightly above-average member in every woman he meets. One would think that the two would be incompatible, but events connected to Sakigake conspire to bring them together: it turns out they’re destined to fall in love (grantland.com, 2011).

Nguyen also briefly mentions the strong qualities of Aomame, stating that “she is delicate, but certainly not weak” (grantland.com, 2011).

Nevertheless, Nguyen review does not revolve around the violence and oppression against women, or Aomame’s resistance against it. In that matter, there is certainly a difference between Nguyen’s review and this research.

Nguyen focuses on the story’s romantic aspect, and the characterization of the two main characters, Tengo and Aomame. Meanwhile, this paper focuses

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solely on the violence against women that happen to the female characters besides Aomame and how those violence are silenced.

Another article that is related to this thesis is from an article from The

New Yorker, written by Janet Maslin. In this article, Maslin focuses on analyzing the book’s overarching plot (‘“1Q84” vacillates between two characters,

Aomame and Tengo, who have a mysterious connection.‘) and Murakami’s distinctive way of writing:

They have more to do with Mr. Murakami’s determination to describe, inventory and echo just about everything that he chooses to mention. Characters repeat one another frequently, in a manner that can be seen as either incantatory or numbing, depending on your patience level (Maslin, 2011).

Maslin especially notes Murakami’s tendency to over-explain erotic things in his passages “Her nicely shaped breasts are talked about too” (Maslin,

2011). It can be seen that Maslin’s article about 1Q84 is far different from the topic of this research. While Maslin’s review focuses on Murakami’s writing, this study is focused on the events in the book, that happen not to the two main characters, but to the friends and relatives of one of the main characters.

The third study that is related to this thesis is from a different book and a different author. However, this study covers a very similar topic: violence against women. Titled ‘The Major Characters’ Response Towards Repressive and Ideological Structures That Sanction Violence Against Women in Khaled

Hosseini’s A Thousand Splendid Suns’, this study is written by Dibson

Williansyah in 2010. In his thesis, Williansyah has three objectives, the first is state the violence that is experienced by the characters in the book, the

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second is explain the structure that sanction violence against women, and the last is reveal how the characters respond to the violence that is sanctioned upon them.

Williansyah answers the first objective by stating all of the violence experienced by the characters in the book, which are verbal, sexual, and physical violence.

The second problem, which is the structure that sanction violence, is repressive structure and ideological structure. William states that the repressive structure include the government, law court, and the police. Williansyah explains that the government and the law court in the book sanction physical, sexual, and psychological violence against women. The police, writes Williansyah, sanctions physical and psychological violence against women. Meanwhile the ideological structure includes the structure of religion and family. Williansyah writes that religion sanctions physical, sexual, psychological, and economic violence agains women while family sanctions physical, sexual psychological, and economic violence against women. The third problem of Williamsyah’s thesis is how the characters’ respond to the structure that sanction violence against women. The characters all respond differently to the structure. One of them is a character named Mariam, who responds by complying and staying passive under their influence. Williansyah writes that this character responds that way because she has been strongly influenced by the ideological structure that sanction violence against women since her birth. The thesis is concluded in

Williansyah stating that “ideological structures have more influence in sanctioning violence against women because those structures can instill the values in both men and women about the

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superiority of men to women and the acceptability of violence against women”

(Williansyah, 2010: 85).

The study done by Williansyah has different data and analysis, yet the objectives are similar to this study. The first problem formulation is similar: this study’s objective is to reveal the kinds of violence that are experienced by the women in 1Q84, while Williansyah’s is to describe violence against women that is experienced by major characters’ in Hosseini’s A Thousand Splendid Stars.

The difference between Williansyah’s paper and this lies in the second and third questions. While Williansyah identifies the structure that sanctions violence in the book, this study only wishes to identify the kinds of violence that is experience by the women in 1Q84. The second difference is the last question;

Williansyah successfully idenfities the women’s response to the violence done to them, while this study does not try to highlight the women’s reactions, rather this study attempts to show the society around them stay in silence, ignoring the violence against women that happen around them.

B. Review of Related Theories

This part of the thesis discussed the theories that are related to the thesis’ theme. This part is essential to answering the thesis’ questions and to finish this study.

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1. Violence Against Women

The 1979 UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of

Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) defines violence against women as

‘physical, sexual or psychological violence against women because of their sex alone or where such violence affects women disproportionaly.’ It can be understood from above that the term ‘violence against women’ refers to many different acts that is inflicted upon women.

In order to know the context that is relevant to the subject of this thesis, a journal titled Some Thoughts on Domestic Violence in Japan by Mioko Fujieda is used. In the journal article, Fujieda makes it clear that in Japan the issue of violence against women is largely ignored, though the statistics of the occurrence proved differently.

Even so it is apparent from various statistics and reports that, even though we limit the discussion to domestic violence, the level of occur- rence is not so low as to be negligible. The reason that Japan is behind in this area of research is not that the problem is absent, but rather that our conception of the problem is unformed and confused (Fujieda, 1989: 64).

Fujieda also states that violence against women take a variety of forms: rape, sexual harrasment (including molestation), prostitution, trafficking in women, incest, abuse of young girls, pornography, domestic violence, et cetera.

“Violence against women, as the most flagrant expression of discriminiation against women, necessitates a wide range of practical research; at the same time it must be stresses as an extremely grave social issue” (Fujieda, 1989: 61).

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Another description is given by Mackay, who states ‘the term [male violence against women] applies to rape, domestic abuse, stalking, sexual exploitation in prostitution and trafficking for prostitution, female genital mutilation and so-called ‘honour crimes’ (2015: 15).

Another information about violence against women is from Patrizia

Romito who attached a table provided by the World Health Organization (WHO,

1997), that shows the continuity of violence that women in various cultures experience in their life cycle. The table divides a woman’s life in five different stages: before birth, early childhood, late childhood, adolescence and adulthood, and old age. In each life stage, there are approximately three different forms of violence that the women experienced. The highest amount of violence happens in adolescence and adulthood stage: “incest, ‘courtship’ violence (date rape, acid attacks), sex due to economic necessity, violence by partner (until death), ‘dowry death’, rape, femicide, rape and forced pregnancy in war, sexual harassment at work, forced prostitution, pornography” (WHO, 1997).

Article 3 of The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence (Istanbul

Convention), adopted in 2011, defines violence against women as such:

(a) ‘violence against women’ is understood as a violation of human rights and a form of discrimination against women and shall mean all acts of gender-based violence that result in, or are likely to result in, physical, sexual, psychological or economic harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life; (2011)

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From various definitions above, it can be understood that violence against women refers to the violation of human rights against women that are done because a woman’s gender, and the violation results in harm, both physical and mental, of women.

In A Deafening Silence: Hidden violence against women and children,

Patricia Romito lists three categories of violence against women, they are: sexual violence, violence against children, and domestic violence (p 13-17). Among the three categories, there two catagories that are related to the objectives of this study: sexual violence and domestic violence.

a. Sexual Violence

Mostly refers to rape, or coercion in having sexual relations. “World report on violence and health” defines rape as “physically forced or otherwise coerced penetration- even if slight- of the vulva or anus, using a penis, other body parts or an object” (2002: 149).

Romito states that rape is not always a man hiding in the bushes or attacking in a dark street; in fact all the research state that 70%-80% of rapists are men who have relations with the victims, such as relative, partner, friend, and family. Romito finds that the frequency of rape is very high, and it is frightening that it can almost be called ‘part of life’ for women (2008: 14).

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b. Domestic Violence

Romito defines domestic violence as follows: “A continuous series of action which diverse but characterised by a common purpose: control, though psychological, economic, physical and sexual violence, of one partner over the other” (2008: 17). Romito also writes that the number of violence perpretated by men against women is higher than the opposite.

Another definition of domestic violence is by of The Council of Europe

Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence (Istanbul Convention), which is:

(b) ‘domestic violence’ shall mean all acts of physical, sexual, psychological or economic violence that occur within the family or domestic unit or between former or current spouses or partners, whether or not the perpetrator shares or has shared the same residence with the victim.

From information above it can be understood that domestic violence refers to violence against women that is done in the family, perpetrated by a spouse or partner.

2. Patriarchy

Patriarchy, comes from the Greek language, it means ‘the rule of the father’. In the context of feminism, it is used to mean male rule or male dominance (Mackay, 12). Mackay added that feminists use the word to refer to

‘male supremacy, to societies where men as a group dominate mainstream positions of power in culture, politics, business, law, military and policing’

(Mackay, 2015: 12).

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It can be inferred that patriarchy is a system in which men hold all the power whereas women are the more inferior class. Relating it to violence against women, Romito quotes Francine Pickup:

The violence to which women are subject is not random, or abnormal, or defined by specific circumstances alone. It is used as a weapon to punish women for stepping beyond the gendered boundaries set for them, and to instil in them the fear of even considering doing so. It is a systematic strategy to maintain women’s subordination to men (Romito, 2008: 22).

From the quote above it can be seen that violence against women is not only a result of patriarchy or male being superior, it is actually necessary and is needed to occur in order to put women in their ‘place’, which is the inferior class.

Patriarchy benefits men and hurts women in a way that even though a man is not violent, he still receives the benefits of the patriarchy system. Mackay writes in his book that ‘[male] violence against women as a both cause and a consequence of male supremacy and female inferiority; and as a symptom of patriarchy’.

Violence against women is the very thing that props up the patriarchy. In patriarchy, it is essential to maintain the status quo, which is: men being superior and women inferior. In doing so, violence against women is not only done but also silenced.

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3. Hiding Male Violence

In this chapter, related to the theory of patriarchy, Romito’s theory about tactics and strategies for hiding violence is discussed. Romito defines strategies as “complex, articulated maneuvers, general methods for hiding male violence and allowing the status quo, privileges and male domination to be maintained”, and the term tactics as “tools that may be used across the board in various strategies, without being specific to violence against women” (Romito ,

2008: 43).

Romito also states that the tactics are the basis of strategies and the tactics are needed in order for the strategies to work. Strategies have the specific purpose of hiding male violence and maintaining the status quo, privileges and male domination, while tactics are tools used in society but without the specific purpose to enforce violence against women.

1. Tactics

Romito lists six different tactics to hide male violence against women: euphemizing, dehumanizing, blaming the victims, psychologizing, naturalizing, and separating.

i. Euphemizing

Euphemizing is a tactic that makes men ‘disappear’; from discourses and documents about male violence against women. Romito states, euphemizing is a parallel technique that allows a phenomenon to be labeled in an imprecise

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and misleading way such as to obscure the seriousness or responsibility.

“Mechanisms for euphemizing are sometimes subtle and shrewd, at other time curse, but always systematic” (Romito, 2008: 45).

The example of euphemizing is the terms ‘marital disputes or conflicts’ or ‘domestic violence’ instead of violence by husbands against wives.

Euphemizing makes the people who are complicit in abuse disappear and protected from the truth.

ii. Dehumanizing

Dehumanizing happens when a person is treated as an object instead of a human being. Romito writes that an aspect of dehumanizing is the removal of individuality, and social psychology research has shown that when the victim is depersonalized, it is easier to commit acts of cruelty towards them (Bandura et al, 1975). Romito states:

Like oppressed people, who are to be dominated or exterminated, women are often called by the names of animals in everyday language: cats, kittens, bunnies, fawns, gazelles, geese, hens, snakes, monkeys, cows, bitches, pigs, sows and piglets; or they are defined by their anatomical parts: legs, arse, tits (2008: 48).

iii. Blaming the victims

In the study titled Theories of Victim Blame, Crippen states that victim blame occurs when the victim, rather than the perpetrator of a crime, is held at least partially responsible for the crime (Crippen, 2015: 2). Victim blaming is very common in cases of male violence. Romito states “ There could be no better definition of blaming women and children who are victims

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of male violence. It is the abused woman who provokes the beating: she argues, disobeys, cooks badly, is untidy and refuses sex (Romito, 2008: 51). ” Romito says more about victim blaming:

Even women killed by their partners are responsible for their own death because, if they had agreed to go back to him, that is if they had not stubbornly wanted to separate at all costs, if they had been better wives and had done more to understand him, to save their marriage, if they had not provoked him by saying they did not love him any more or that they loved someone else ... And the girl who is raped did she, also, not provoke it, dressing like that, going out in the evening, going to a dance, accepting a coffee? (2008: 52)

iv. Psychologizing

Psychologizing consists of interpreting a problem in individualistic and psychological rather than political, economic or social terms and consequently responding in these terms (Romito: 2008: 69). By psychologizing, it distances the perpetrator from the violence committed. Romito also states: “if domestics violence or incest are connected with psychological problems, society will offer violence husbands and incestuous fathers therapy rather than punishment”

(Romito, 2008: 70). Psychologizing distances the abuser from criminal actions, as it handles the problem in a psychological way rather than putting in a political or economic context. Thus, it is therefore maintaining the status quo. The abuser will not face criminal charges; rather, they will get psychiatric treatment.

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v. Naturalizing

Naturalizing is when violence happens, it is thought only natural and inevitable for that is just ‘how men are’. In naturalizing, Romito states, “Men commit rape because their sexual instincts are raging, uncontrollable and easily unleashed by seeing a beautiful girl or provocative clothing. They commit rape because they are hot blooded, because a man is a man and hormones are hormones” (Romito, 2008: 79).

vi. Distinguishing

Distinguishing or separating is distancing various forms of violence from each other. For example, “although the statistics say that about 70% of murders of wives or ex-wives are by their partners (Campbell, 2003), these cases of murder are presented as separate, as something different from abuse. These cases are even attributable to ‘too much love’, ‘passion’ by the man (Campbell,

2003 cited in Romito, 2008: 85). In cases like this, Romito continues, not seeing the continuity between these phenomena is dangerous for the women involved.

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b. Strategies

Romito writes that two principal strategies emerge from analyzing male violence in recent history: legimitizing and denying. This chapter has two sub- categories which are legitimizing and denying.

i. Legimitizing

In legitimizing, male violence is not hidden in any way: it is visible, but as it is not legitimate, it is not defined as violence. When men commit it in the context of the family against those people (women and children) that they consider their property, these actions and toleration of them are often codified in laws. Outside the family some male behavior, such as using people in prostitution, is accepted by society, even when it takes the most hateful forms.

(Romito, 2008: 95)

Romito also divides this chapter again to two other sub-chapters: legitimizing in the family and outside the family. The one that is suited for this research is legitimizing male violence in the family.

Family is supposed to be a safe place, but the reality is different for women and children. As the family and the home are dangerous places, where there is a great risk of suffering violence, even resulting in death (Romito, 2008:

96). An example for violence in the family is rape committed by one’s relative.

Romito states that because it occurs in the family, thus it is not considered as

‘legitimate’ violence. The truth is even more tragic knowing that in many countries, rape that is done by the husband to their wives is not

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considered a crime. For example, it was legal for a man to ‘rape’ his wife until

1980 in France, until 1991 in the Netherlands, until 1994 in England, and until

1997 in (Romito, 2008: 96). This strategy to hide male violence is dangerous for women as it makes the violence meaningless and invalidates the experience of the victims.

ii. Denying

Romito states that denial is the main social strategy to hide male violence. Denial involves many people and works in many ways. In denial strategy, the perpetrators of the violence deny it; their friends, relatives and accomplices deny it; the witnesses deny it, because they are fundamental values, because they are ignorant and because they are cowardly; sometimes even the victims deny it (Romito, 2008: 122).

Denying may take even more complex and sophisticated forms, particularly in socio-historical contexts like the present, where it becomes difficult to avoid seeing the violence or consider it legitimate or distort its meaning systematically with impunity (Romito, 2008: 95).

4. Violence Against Women in Japan

Although domestic violence is already discussed above, it is important to dig deeper about cases of violence in Japan, where the object of this study takes place. The reason to cover this topic more deeply is that so we can take

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into account the real data and circumstances about women in Japan, with the hope that the analysis becomes more definitive and precise.

a. Domestic Violence in Japan

It is already covered in the previous chapter that in Japan, the term

“domestic violence” is commonly understood to refer to violence by children against their parents (Fujieda, 1989: 60). Internationally, however it is usual to use the term to refer to violence done by husband or partner upon the wife or spouse. In Japan, most women are “aware” that domestic violence exists as a real problem, yet cases of violence are seen as private troubles (Fujieda, 1989:

61). Fujieda also mentions the proverb that goes: “Not even a dog would eat a marital quarrel” which means that marital troubles are considered trivial and not worth bothering about. The reason of that is in Japanese society, patriarchy is alive and well, as stated by Fujieda:

(..) unequal rela- tions between the sexes are not recognized as being unequal, but rather are perceived as "natural." To state this differently, gender differences (femininity vs. masculinity) are seen as innate and unchangeable. There is strong societal support for biological deter- minism, a concept which theoretically grounds the le- gitimacy of male superiority. The feminist insistence that gender, even if it is rooted in biological differ- ence, is overwhelmingly constructed by society and culture, has had no impact on Japanese society in general (1989: 61).

It can be referred that in Japanese society, male superiority and female inferiority are still the norm and thus leads to disadvantages that women experience: abuse. Women’s suffering is not considered important and even seen as “normal”.

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b. Statistics and Report

According to the journal article titled “Breaking the Web of Abuse and

Silence: Voices of Battered Women in Japan” by Mieko Yoshihama, earlier studies found that domestic violence in Japan had lower rate than in the United

States. However, more recent statistics show the serious nature of domestic violence in Japan. For example, one-third of female murder victims in Japan are killed by their male intimate partners (Keisatsucho, 1995). Husbands and boyfriends are the most common perpetrators of assault and battery against family members in both Japan and the United States (Craven, 1997;

Keisatsucho).

In the same journal article, Yoshihama also states that until passage in

Japan of the Law Relating to the Prevention of Spousal Violence and the

Protection of Victims (Domestic Violence Prevention Act, hereinafter) in 2001, no social policies or services existed that specifically addressed the problem of domestic violence (Yoshihama, 1998, 2002).

The rise of international movements against gender-bases violence also has an impact in Japanese society; there has been steady increase in research, community forums, workshops, symposia, exhibits, and popular and academic publications regarding domestic violence in Japan. The first private battered women’s shelter was opened in 1993 in , and currently there are more than

30 shelters nationwide (Yoshihama, 2002: 391).

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C. Theoretical Framework

This thesis hopes to bring awareness about the phenomena that is violence against women, particularly in Japanese society. Two research questions are being asked in this research: what kinds of violence against women happen in 1Q84 and how those cases of violence are being silenced in the society.

To answer the problems above, the author of this thesis uses theories of feminism; more particularly, the theories of violence against women. This section discusses the contribution of the theories and related studies in order to conduct this research. First, to answer the first question, the step is to identify the violence that happens in the book. Theories by Finn Mackay and Patrizia

Romito are used. Another source is from “World Report On Violence And

Health”. In the first part of analysis, the forms and types of violence against women are identified by having read the mentioned sources.

Secondly, to solve the second problem, Romito’s theory is also used.

Romito lists many types of tactics and strategies in which violence against women can be silenced and even erased, and it helps revealing the ways that violence against women in 1Q84 is being silenced.

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CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

A. Object of the Study

The object of this study is 1Q84, a novel written by Haruki Murakami.

The novel was first published in Japan as three-part books, with the first and second published in 2009 and the third or final novel published in 2010. In 2011, the international version, one that has all three parts in it, was published. The version that is used in this thesis is the international version. The story follows its two main characters: Aomame and Tengo. Aomame is a gym trainer who also doubles as an assassin, killing men who abused their wives. Tengo is a teacher and writer, whose life revolves around many women. Aomame encounters many women who are victims of violence. Aomame, who works for a certain rich, old woman (in this book addressed as ‘the dowager’), is shown pictures of women who are victims of domestic violence. The old woman, or the dowager, who is her employee, also tells Aomame a story about how her late daughter was a victim of domestic violence, up to the point the daughter killed herself. Aomame also shares her story, which involves her best friend at school, Tamaki, who was raped when she was young. Tamaki also ended up with a man who physically and mentally abused her and made her life miserable up to the point Tamaki killed herself. Aomame and the dowager are both surrounded by the realities of women who are victims of violence by their own husbands. Aomame also befriends a cheerful police officer, who also

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happens to be sexually violated by her own relatives. As the story progress, the dowager introduces Aomame to Tsubasa, a ten-year-old girl who was raped by a leader, who also systematically rapes little girls in the name of ‘religion’.

The dowager then gives Aomame a task to murder the cult leader in hopes that he will not be able to hurt little girls anymore. Meanwhile, Aomame and Tengo’s stories just might collide, and along the journey the two end up together.

It is important to state that this study is not focused on the book’s main plot, or the two main characters’ (Aomame and Tengo’s) romantic journey, but rather on the side characters’ experience with violence against women, that happens to be around Aomame’s life.

This novel was released in three parts in its original Japanese edition, while the international edition is stacked into one book, a rather long one.

Though many critics state the dullness and the weakness of this book, one of them saying that it is an “unconvincing love story”

(https://www.nytimes.com/2011/11/06/books/review/1q84-by-haruki- murakami-translated-by-jay-rubin-and-philip-gabriel-book-review.html), it cannot be denied that this book is a massive success in Japan. Grantland reports that 1Q84 sold its entire first print run of a million copies in a month

(http://grantland.com/hollywood-prospectus/book-review-haruki-murakamis- highly-satisfying-semi-mesmerizing-1q84). 1Q84 has become a cult favorite; it even caused a spike in sales of Janacek CDs, since the composer appears in the story.

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B. Approach of the Study

In order to do this study, gender studies is used as the approach of this study. First, the definition or meaning of gender must be addressed. According to Handbook of Gender and Women's Studies by Kathy Davis, Mary Evans,

Judith Lorber in 2006, gender is a system of power in that it privileges some men and disadvantages most women. Gender is constructed and maintained by both the dominants and the oppressed because both ascribe to its values in personality and identify formation and in appropriate masculine and feminine behavior

(2006: 2).

Gender studies did not rise until the 1960s, as stated in Fifty Key

Concepts in Gender Studies by Jane Pilcher and Imelda Whelehan, and its development is triggered by second-wave feminism. It is also known from Fifty

Key Concepts in Gender Studies that prior to the 1970s, the social sciences, especially sociology, largerly ignored gender. The aspects that were studied are mostly men’s. It goes without saying that women’s problems were ignored, the issues were not recognized. However, in the late 1970s women’s stiudies started to developed. Attention to women’s problems increased, and it includes housework, motherhood, and male violence (2004: xiii).

One of the aspects of gender studies is male violence. Fifty Key

Concepts in Gender Studies states that whether a narrow or a broader concept of violence prevails, however, it remains the case that violence is gendered. It means, violence exhibits patterns of difference between men and women.

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(2004: 172). In fact, Fifty Key Concepts in Gender Studies adds, men’s violence against women has especially been the concern of feminist researchers.

Mackay states: “Male violence against women is both a cause and a consequence of male supremacy and female inferiority; and as a symptom of patriarchy” (2015: 17).

This approach is used in this thesis because it aims to recognize violence against women that happen in 1Q84. Knowing the definition and forms of violence help reach the goal of this study, and learning how the violence is ignored helps answer the second goal of this study.

C. Method of the Study

In order to do and finish this study, library research is used; various studies and sources are used. According to the website of Elmer E. Rasmuson

Library at the University of Alaska Fairbanks (UAF) which is the largest library in Alaska, library research involves the step-by-step process used to gather information in order to write a paper, create a presentation, or complete a project

(2018).

The main data of this thesis is Haruki Murakami’s novel entitled 1Q84, and the secondary data are taken from several sources. The theories in this book were taken mostly from Patrizia Romito’s A Deafening Silence: Hidden violence against women and children, and Mackay’s Radical Feminism: Feminist

Activism in Movement. Several sources were also used,

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such as Mioko Fujieda’s “Some Thoughts on Domestic Violence in Japan” and

“World Report on Violence and Health” by World Health Organization.

Several steps are done in order to conduct this study. The first step is reading 1Q84 by Haruki Murakami. The next step is to formulate questions regarding the book, which are the violence against women and how the violence is being silenced. The third step is to find the relevant studies and theories in order to finish the last step, which is providing answers and explanations to the questions.

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CHAPTER IV

ANALYSIS

A. Violence Against Women in 1Q84

This section explains the answers of the problem formulation; the first is how the violence against women shown in the book and the second is the details of the hiding of said violence. In order to recognize a form of violence against women and how it is hidden, the author of this thesis use several sources.

Mackay states that violence against women is a term that applies to rape, domestic abuse, forced marriage, sexual assault, child sexual abuse, stalking, sexual exploitation in prostitution and trafficking for prostitution, female genital mutilation and so-called ‘honour crimes’ (Mackay, 2015).

It can be understood that violence against women can manifest in many different forms. Furthermore, Romito lists three categories of violence against women: sexual violence, violence against children, and domestic violence. In

1Q84 the relevant categories of violence against women are sexual violence and domestic violence. There are five (non-main) characters in the book that experience violence against women. They are Tamaki, the Dowager’s daughter,

Ayumi, Tsubasa, and an unnamed battered woman. In this chapter, the characters and the violence are discussed in detail in the following paragraphs.

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1. Violence Experienced by Tamaki

Tamaki is the main character’s, Aomame’s best friend when they were in school. She is an intelligent woman who also plays sports with Aomame. They were the same age, and they were teammates in the softball club of their public high school. Tamaki is described to be small, but had great reflexes and knew how to use her brain. Because of the great qualities of Tamaki, Aomame and

Tamaki became friends. After high school, Tamaki got enrolled in the law program in a first-rank private university. After graduating, she also stopped playing sports, which she was good at.

Despite the positive traits that Aomame saw in Tamaki, Aomame finds a weakness in her, that is ‘good-looking men’.

Tamaki could meet men of marvelous character or with superior talents who were eager to woo her, but if their looks did not meet her standards, she was utterly unmoved (2011: 207).

In her university year, she was in a relationship with a man one year older than her. This boyfriend of Tamaki ended up forcing her to have sex with him, which left her traumatized and depressed.

Tamaki had liked this man, which was why she had accepted the invitation to his room, but the violence with which he forced her into having sex and his narcissistic, self-centered manner came as a terrible shock. She quit the tennis club and went into a period of depression (2011: 205).

She quits her activities in campus such as tennis club that she was previously active in. The experience with him “left her with a profound feeling of powerlessness.” It is even stated that her appetite disappeared, and she lost

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fifteen pounds. Tamaki is a victim of rape, and that violation affected her not only physically but also mentally, and it is described as follows:

Tamaki had liked this man, which was why she had accepted the invitation to his room, but the violence with which he forces into having sex and his narcissistic, self-centered manner came as a terrible shock (2011: 205).

Romito’s statement regarding rape suits this occurrence. Most people define or think of rape as something done by a stranger, in the dark and done anonymously, but the reality is different from that. Contrary to the myth of the unknown man attacking in a dark street, all the research agrees on the fact that

70%-80% of rapists are men who are well known to the woman or child: their partner, a relative, a companion or a friend of the family. (Romito, 2008: 14)

Tamaki’s experience with abuse, unfortunately, does not end with this incident.

After her abusive boyfriend, when she is twenty-four years old, she meets a man, a good-looking one.

Aomame met Tamaki’s fiancé only once. He came from a wealthy family, and, just as she had suspected, his features were handsome but utterly lacking in depth. His hobby was sailing. He was a smooth talker and clever in his own way, but there was no substance to his personality, and his words carried no weight. He was, in other words, a typical Tamaki-type boyfriend. But there was more about him, something ominous, that Aomame sensed (2011: 208).

Aomame says to Tamaki that the marriage will never work, which leads to Aomame and Tamaki’s fight that put a strain in their friendship. However, despite not attending the wedding, the two girls make up and they write letters to each other. After that, they become more distant from each other. Aomame can sense that there is something off with Tamaki, from the

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way she speaks to the words she says. ““Being a full-time housewife is hard work,” she would say, but there was something in her tone of voice suggesting that her husband did not want her meeting people outside the house” (2011: 208).

Tamaki keeps assuring Aomame that her married life is going well, even stating that she could be a mother soon. Until one day, Aomame finds out that Tamaki has committed suicide, just days before her twenty-sixth birthday. The husband tells the police that they had no problems at home, and that he has no idea the reason why she ended her own life. The reality is the opposite, as the following paragraph says:

But they were lying. The husband’s constant sadistic violence had left Tamaki covered with scars both physical and mental. His actions toward her had verged on the monomaniacal, and his parents generally knew the truth. The police could also tell what had happened from the autopsy, but their suspicions never became public. They called the husband in and questioned him, but the case was clearly a suicide, and at the time of death the husband was hundreds of miles away in . He was never charged with a crime (2011: 209-210).

The husband abused Tamaki to the point that Tamaki could not take it anymore and killed herself. Even after she died, her abuser and even the justice system, the police officers, stayed silent about it. The husband is not charged with crime, or even being a suspect.

It is also learned that the violence that the husband has done to Tamaki has been there from the early days of their marriage. It just became more and more intense each day. Tamaki could not say anything either because she was afraid, and because the violence had taken a toll to her mental health. Tamaki wrote a suicide letter to Aomame in which she blamed no one but

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herself, for all the suffering that she had endured. She did not blame her husband at all.

I feel utterly powerless, and that feeling is my prison. I entered of my own free will, I locked the door, and I threw away the key. This marriage was of course a mistake, just as you said. But the deepest problem is not in my husband or in my married life. It is inside me. I deserve all the pain I am feeling. I can’t blame anyone else (2011: 210).

The violence that is done to Tamaki falls under what is called domestic violence. There is a explanation about violence against women by The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence (Istanbul Convention):

(...) ‘domestic violence’ shall mean all acts of physical, sexual, psychological or economic violence that occur within the family or domestic unit or between former or current spouses or partners, whether or not the perpetrator shares or has shared the same residence with the victim (Article 3).

It is clear to see that the husband was an abusive one, and making

Tamaki went through such ordeal made him an abuser. Tamaki, who is a victim of abuse, until her last breath, even blamed herself for her own suffering.

2. Violence Experienced by the Dowager’s Daughter

The dowager, who stays unnamed in the whole story, is a close friend of the main character, Aomame. The dowager is a wealthy, elegant woman of

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the elder age, who was in Aomame’s self-defense class in the gym that Aomame works in. She asks Aomame to be her personal trainer. Aomame happily takes the dowager’s request and she comes to the dowager’s house a few times a week.

After several meetings, Aomame and the dowager become close and they start to tell each other’s life stories, including secrets. Aomame, knowing that it will be known to her eventually, tells the dowager about her high school best friend,

Tamaki, and how Tamaki was a victim of abuse who eventually killed herself.

This was the room in which Aomame first confessed her secret to the dowager. Aomame remembered the day clearly. She had known that someday she would have to share the burden she carried in her heart with someone. She could keep it locked up inside herself only so long, and already she was reaching her limit. And so, when the dowager said something to draw her out, Aomame had flung open the door (2011: 270).

Aomame reveals the incident with Tamaki and tells the dowager her deep secret: that she killed the man that is responsible for Tamaki’s suffering and eventual death. “There, following an elaborate plan of her own devising, she killed him with a single needle thrust to the back of the neck. (2011: 270)”

Much to Aomame’s surprise, the dowager begins telling her story, one that is of her own daughter, who experienced the same thing as Aomame’s best friend.

Circumstances similar to those of Tamaki Otsuka had led her daughter to end her own life, the dowager said. Her daughter had married the wrong man. The dowager had known from the beginning that the marriage would not go well. She could clearly see that the man had a twisted personality. He had already been involved in several bad situations, their cause almost certainly deeply rooted. But no one

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could stop the daughter from marrying him. As the dowager had expected, there were repeated instances of domestic violence. The daughter gradually lost whatever self-respect and self-confidence she had and sank into a deep depression. Robbed of the strength to stand on her own, she felt increasingly like an ant trapped in a bowl of sand. Finally, she washed down a large number of sleeping pills with whiskey (2011: 270).

The dowager’s daughter suffered because of her husband, who tortured her both physically and mentally. Just like Tamaki, her mental health unsurprisingly deteriorated following the physical abuse that she’d endured. The dowager continues by saying that her daughter’s autopsy revealed many signs of violence on her body, including bruises, broken bones, and burn scars.

The violence that had been enacted to the dowager’s daughter, without a doubt, is domestic violence. A journal article titled “Domestic Violence and the Rights of Women in Japan and the United States” that is published in 2002 by Juley A. Fulcher states:

Domestic violence is a pattern of behavior that takes place within an intimate relationship. The pattern often includes repeated physical violence, intimidation, threats (spoken and unspoken), economic abuse, emotional abuse, controlling behavior (limiting the victim's ability to work or move freely in society), irrational jealousy, stalking, harassment at work or at school, and threats to harm the vic tims' children, family members, friends, or pets” (Fulcher, 2002: 17).

The domestic violence in the dowager’s daughter’s situation is manifested in the physical abuse: the bruises, her broken bones, and the burn scars.

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3. Violence Experienced by Ayumi, the Police Woman

Ayumi is a friend of Aomame, whom she first met in a bar when she was trying to pick up men. Ayumi has a cheerful personality, despite being a police woman. Ayumi works in Tokyo Metropolitan Police Department, which startled Aomame at first. Ayumi first approached Aomame by asking the name of Aomame’s drink, and then she proposed the idea to pick up men together, since according to her, she and Aomame made a ‘good match’. “We look so different, too—I’m more the womanly type, and you have that trim, boyish style—I’m sure we’re a good match” (2011: 171).

Ayumi and Aomame are good friends who frequently go out together for drinks or dinner. Aomame feels a kind of affection towards Ayumi, who reminds her how it feels to have a best friend, since Tamaki is not around anymore.

I’m fond of this girl Ayumi, no doubt about it. I want to be as good to her as I can. After Tamaki died, I made up my mind to live without deep ties to anyone. I never once felt that I wanted a new friend. But for some reason I feel my heart opening to Ayumi (2011: 145).

Ayumi and Aomame are two sexually active women. They frequently go out to find men that they would like to have sex with. The two of them found a pattern that benefit them both.

Aomame and Ayumi were the perfect pair to host intimate but fully erotic all-night sex feasts. Ayumi was petite and cheerful, comfortable with strangers, and talkative. She brought a positive attitude to just about any situation once she had made up her mind to do so. She also had a healthy sense of humor. By contrast, Aomame, slim and muscular, tended to be rather expressionless and reserved, and she found it hard to be witty with a man she was meeting for the first time (2011: 258).

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They talk about many topics, including Aomame telling Ayumi about her curiosity and suspicion towards a cult named Sakigake, a cult that Aomame knows is systematically raping little girls. Aomame, being a police woman, tells

Aomame some information she could get ahold of. Beside their sex adventures and cult-conspiracy, Ayumi tells Aomame about her being molested by her own relatives. She tells Aomame how her brother and uncle used to sexually assault her, they touched her genitals and made her perform oral sex on them.

“What did they do to you?” “Touched me down there, made me give them blow jobs.” The wrinkles of Aomame’s grimace deepened. “Your brother and uncle?” “Separately, of course. I think I was ten and my brother maybe fifteen.My uncle did it before that—two or three times, when he stayed over with us” (2011: 366).

As covered previously, both Aomame and Ayumi enjoyed fun nights having one night stands with strangers. They would go to bars and spend the night with men they were interested in. One day Aomame finds out from a newspaper article that Ayumi has been violently murdered by a male partner she had consensual sex that night. As seen in the excerpt below:

The article reported that Ayumi had been found dead in a hotel room. She had been strangled with a bathrobe sash. Stark naked, she was handcuffed to the bed, a piece of clothing stuffed in her mouth (2011: 348).

The abuse that had been done to Ayumi before her murder is sexual violence, which includes rape. According to “World Report On Violence And

Health”, sexual violence includes rape, defined as physically forced or otherwise coerced penetration – even if slight – of the vulva or anus, using a

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penis, other body parts or an object. On a more relevant note, in A deafening silence: Hidden violence against women and children, Romito states that rape is not always a man hiding in the bushes or attacking in a dark street; in fact all the research state that 70%-80% of rapists are men who have relations with the victims, such as relative, partner, friend, and family. The information provided by Romito is very close to Ayumi’s truth, in that she was violated by her uncle and brother, her own blood relatives.

4. Violence Experienced by Tsubasa

Tsubasa is a little girl who lives in the dowager’s safe house. She comes from a cult that abuses her; even her parents encourage the abuse that is done to her. The dowager tells Aomame how Tsubasa’s uterus is destroyed, and how the cult’s leader has been raping little girls in the cult, including Tsubasa, until she ran away from the cult. Tsubasa now lives in the dowager’s safe house. It is revealed in the book that in the year after her daughter had killed herself, the dowager built a private safe house for women who are victims of domestic violence. “The year after her daughter killed herself, the dowager set up a private safe house for women who were suffering from the same kind of domestic violence (2011: 373).” It is stated that the house is a small, two-story apartment building on a plot of land adjoining her Willow house property in Azabu. She renovated the building and use it for a safe house for women who had no place to go. The daughter even opened a ‘consultation office’ for women who seek advice from lawyers.

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It was staffed by volunteers who took turns doing interviews and giving telephone counseling. The office kept in touch with the dowager at home. Women who needed an emergency shelter would be sent to the safe house, often with children in tow (some of whom were teenage girls who had been sexually abused by their fathers). They would stay there until more permanent arrangements could be made for them. They would be provided with basic necessities—food, clothing—and they would help each other in a kind of communal living arrangement. The dowager personally took care of all their expenses (2011: 373).

The dowager tells Aomame that Tsubasa was raped by an adult man.

There is observable evidence of rape. Repeated rape. Terrible lacerations on the outer lips of her vagina, and injury to the uterus. An engorged adult male sex organ penetrated her small uterus, which is still not fully mature, largely destroying the area where a fertilized egg would become implanted. The doctor thinks she will probably never be able to become pregnant (2011: 300).

Aomame responds by asking where her parents are, and the dowager tells her that Tsubasa’s parents allowed it to happen, they even encouraged it.

Tsubasa and her parents lived in a cult called Sakigake, and the leader of the cult is known to rape little girls, in the name of ‘religion’. Tsubasa’s parents can be said to have been brainwashed since they approved and even encouraged the leader’s action towards Tsubasa, and surely many others.

The violence that is inflicted towards Tsubasa is sexual violence, and rape falls under the category of it. As covered before, according to World Report

On Violence And Health, sexual violence includes rape , defined as physically forced or otherwise coerced penetration – even if slight – of the vulva or anus, using a penis, other body parts or an object. It can be seen that

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the violence can and will affect Tsubasa not only physically (having her uterus destroyed) but also psychologically.

5. Violence Experienced by an Unnamed Battered Woman

Earlier in the book, Aomame visits the dowager’s house. Upon arriving, the dowager’s right-hand man gives Aomame an envelope filled with pictures.

Aomame takes the pictures out, and finds close-up shots of a woman’s body parts that clearly have been hurt.

They were close-up shots of a young woman’s body: her back, breasts, buttocks, thighs, even the soles of her feet. Only her face was missing. Each body part bore marks of violence in the form of lurid welts, raised, almost certainly, by a belt. Her pubic hair had been shaved, the skin marked with what looked like cigarette burns (2011: 103).

The name of the abused woman is never revealed in the book, however, from the description it can be concluded that she is a victim of domestic violence, and a rather extreme at that. The dowager then proceeds to tell Aomame that the woman’s fractures have been taken care of, but she may develop hearing loss in one of her ears. Then, it is revealed that the husband who committed this violence is the same man that was murdered by Aomame in the previous chapter. The dowager keeps reassuring Aomame that she did the right thing by killing him.

She continued, “We can’t let anyone get away with doing something like this. We simply can’t.” Aomame gathered the photos and returned them to the envelope. “Don’t you agree?” the dowager asked. “I certainly do,” said Aomame. “We did the right thing,” the dowager declared (2011: 104).

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The violence that is done to this unnamed woman is nothing else besides domestic violence. As Romito states, domestic violence is understood to be a continuous series of actions, which are diverse but characterised by a common purpose: control, through psychological, economic, physical and sexual violence, of one partner over the other. It involves the other being considered not as a person, but a thing which may be at your service, kept under control, made use of when needed and on which to unleash rage and frustation

(2008: 17). It is not explained more what kind of violence the husband inflicted aside from the ones that can be seen from the photographs, but we can conclude that it is a case of physical or domestic violence.

B. The Ways the Violence Against Women in 1Q84 is Silenced

In this chapter, the author describes and discusses how the violence that occur in the book are being silenced. The characters that will be discussed are the same as he previous chapter: Tamaki, the Dowager’s daughter, Ayumi,

Tsubasa, and an unnamed battered woman.

1. How Tamaki’s Experience is Silenced

It is established in the first part of the analysis that Tamaki is a victim of more than one form of violence against women, which are sexual violence and domestic violence; which include psychological violence. Tamaki is a victim of rape, as seen in “He invited her to his room after a club party, and there he forced her to have sex with him” (p.205). Besides that, she also

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experienced domestic violence as in “The husband’s constant sadistic violence had left Tamaki covered with scars both physical and mental” (p.209). She ends up committing suicide: “Tamaki committed suicide on a windy late-autumn day three days before her twenty-sixth birthday” (p.209).

In the case of domestic violence that is experienced by Tamaki, there is a form of denying violence against women. It is stated in the book IQ84 that there are clear signs of domestic violence done by the husband in Tamaki’s autopsy, yet the authority, in this case the police, never makes the husband the suspect. The police’s awareness and their idle action is presented in the following paragraph:

The husband’s constant sadistic violence had left Tamaki covered with scars both physical and mental. His actions toward her had verged on the monomaniacal, and his parents generally knew the truth. The police could also tell what had happened from the autopsy, but their suspicions never became public (2011: 210).

The excerpt above also shows that the husband’s parents, just like the police, are aware of the man’s behavior, but they hide and lie about it, thus denying that the violence even existed. It shows the strategy denial or denying, which Romito says is the ‘principal social strategy to hide male violence’ (p.

122). In addition, the denying of Tamaki’s suffering is also shown in the fact that the authority believes the husband’s statement of innocence instead of looking at the fact, which is the woman’s proof of violence. As Romito states:

Denial takes direct, glaring or more insidious forms. One glaring method materialises in health and social services: even the most serious signs of violence go unobserved. The stories women

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sometimes tell (‘I fell downstairs’) are believed, even when there are signs of strangulation, burns and bruises in various stages of healing (Romito, 2000: 122).

Tamaki’s autopsy result which serves as an indisputable proof of domestic violence is of course not to be believed when there is a more ‘reliable’ force: the husband’s statement of innocence. The public, the authority, and the people around are unquestionably siding with the innocence husband rather than the dead woman. Denying happens in this case in the form of silence by the police and Tamaki’s parents. The police do what people in Japanese society do when faced with a case of domestic violence: say nothing and do nothing. By being silent, they are denying that the abuse or violence even happen. In Japanese society, it is the norm to be quiet about one’s marital problems. Also, in Japanese society, unequal relations between the sexes are not recognized as being unequal

(as in odd, unfair, or unjust), but rather are perceived as “natural” (Fujieda, 1989:

61). Thus, the suffering that the woman experiences is also not seen as important.

Even the parents of Tamaki, despite the familial connection, do not talk about or admit the abuse that Tamaki endured. They are, after all, people living in

Japanese society in the 1980s. Their perspective abut gender is: “men are superior and women are inferior”.

Another relevant quote from Romito’s book is as such: “Denial involves many people and works in many ways. The perpetrators of the violence deny it; their friends, relatives and accomplices deny it; the witnesses deny it”

(p. 122). Romito’s quote seems fitting to the case of Tamaki; the husband, his parents, and the police, all are witnesses of a violence against

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women, yet they are silent about it, thus contributing to the deafening silence against violence against women.

2. How the Dowager’s Daughter’s Experience is Silenced

The dowager’s daughter, who remains nameless in the book, is also a victim of domestic abuse, just like Tamaki. The dowager’s daughter was a victim of violence that is similar to what Tamaki experienced, and they both had the same end; committing suicide. “Circumstances similar to those of Tamaki

Otsuka had led her daughter to end her own life, the dowager said (2011: 272).”

The dowager’s daughter’s husband abused her physically and mentally. Much to no surprise, the people around her do the same thing as the people around

Tamaki: deny the violence and lie about it. The autopsy reveals the marks of the violence done to her: bruises, broken bones, burn scars from cigarettes, and many more. The husband admitted that he did all those things, but he stated that it was all part of their sexual practice, and done in his wife’s consent. Thus, the police could not find the husband legally responsible. He was willing to admit to some use of violence, but he maintained that it had been part of their sexual practice, under mutual consent, to satisfy his wife’s preferences. (2008: 272)

Given the husband’s statement that the blemished body of his wife is a result of nothing but their consensual sex life, he was able to escape being convicted. In addition, the husband was a man of a high social standing; he has money and power and was able to hire a first-rate criminal lawyer. In the eyes

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of the police, he is a wealthy and powerful man with no real proof or evidence of hurting his wife; thus the death of his wife is ruled as a suicide, marking his status as an innocent man.

What is exhibited in the case of the dowager’s daughter is the strategy denial or denying. It is shown visibly in the fact that there are witnesses to the husband’s violence; the police, and the people who did the autopsy. It is stated in the book that many signs of violence were apparent in the dowager’s daughter’s body, yet the police were still unable to find the husband legally possible. Denying in this case takes form in people refusing to believe what the evidence says; instead they believe what the husband says, that the scars all come from their consensual activity. The people believe the husband because he is a man; one with a certain social standing and power. If ordinary men are seen as more superior that any women, then extraordinary men who hold certain power and advantages would be seen as even higher. Their “innocence” and their status make them untouched and thus will never be seen as guilty.

3. How Ayumi’s Experience is Silenced

In the previous chapter, it has been established that Ayumi is a victim of sexual violence: “Touched me down there, made me give them blow jobs”

(2011: 266)” done by her relatives; her uncle and brother. This falls in line with the concept of legitimizing violence against women. In legitimizing, (male) violence against women is not considered legitimate for many reasons, one of them is when the perpetrators are blood relative of the victim.

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Legitimizing is related to the fact that in the old days, women were considered legal properties of their fathers or husbands. When men commit it in the context of the family against those people (women and children) that they consider their property, these actions and toleration of them are often codified in laws (Romito,

2008: 95).

Another relevant quote is from Romito, who quotes Smart: Until the middle of the 19th century the children belonged to the husband and stayed with him, when there was a divorce, even if they were very small (Smart, 1989, cited in Romito, 2008: 102).

In the case of Ayumi, there also occurs victim blaming and denying.

“Victim blaming is when the victim, rather than the perpetrator of a crime, is held at least partially responsible for the crime” (Crippen, 2015: 2). After telling

Aomame about what happened to her, Ayumi told Aomame why she did not turn to her mother or other people; it is because Ayumi thought people would place the blame on her, instead of the perpetrators of the sexual abuse she had endured.

Ayumi responded with a few slow shakes of the head.

I didn’t say a word. They warned me not to, threatened that they’d get me if I said anything. And even if they hadn’t, I was afraid if I told, they’d blame me for it and punish me. I was too scared to tell anybody (2011: 367).

Ayumi then goes and tells Aomame that her brother was her mother’s favorite; she did not want to disappoint her even more, and that she would say it was her fault instead of blaming him.

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Though Ayumi’s mother does not have any knowledge about the incident and so technically does not blame her for it, it can be inferred that

Ayumi knows her mother enough to assume that she would blame for her own assault. The occurrence of victim-blaming or blaming the victim is present here.

It is common, if not the norm, to blame the victims of sexual violence for being provocative or enticing, instead of blaming the rapists. Victim blaming is not an isolated situation as Romito covered many instances regarding victim blaming in her book A Deafening Silence: Hidden violence against women and children.

Romito reported that in an Italian study, 58% thought that women are responsible for the violence they suffer from their partners and 32% thought that they suffer it because they are ‘masochists’; 40% agreed on the fact that it is women who provoke rape and considered hat a woman cannot be raped against her will (Gonzo, 2000, cited in Romito, 2008: 52). Another instance is the fact that in the 1980s an American judge defined an 11-year-old girl who had been abused as ‘an unusually promiscuous young lady’ (Rhode, 1997, cited in

Romito, 2008: 52). Twenty years later an Italian judge defined a 13-year-old girl who had been abused as a sexual instigator, provocative and cunning. In Britain and Australia, the corroboration warning obliged the judge in a rape trial to remind the jurors of the danger of convicting someone based only on the word of the woman who had reported him. Although it was repealed in the 1990s in both countries, it is still in use; in Australia an inquiry by the Senate shows that a percentage of judges, varying from 30% to 45% according to the region, continue to apply it (Romito, 2008: 53).

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In the case of Ayumi’s sexual violence, it is not what most people call

‘idealized rape’, which Crippen explained in her research regarding rape myth acceptance. Crippen writes: Rape myths are commonly accepted beliefs about the details surrounding sexual assaults. For example, rape myths suggest that a

“real” rape involves a conservatively-clad female victim and male perpetrator, where the victim does not know her rapist, and alcohol or drugs are not involved

(Roden, 1991 cited in Crippen, 2015: 5). Any of these aspects may lead to victim blaming—she should not have worn that, or drank so much, or allowed a man to spend money on her. It can be seen that though in Ayumi’s case there was no penetration and that the perpetrators knew her and even related to her, it shall not be shrugged off as nothing. Much like what has been discussed in the theory of legitimizing by Romito, the sexual violence experienced by Ayumi is a real and legitimate violence against women.

In this case, legitimizing, once again, is a practice that justifies the violence perpetrated by family. Women’s suffering does not matter in this case, as girls are seen as objects or posession of the male family members. The real and terrifying consequence of patriarchy is present once again, and this time it manifests in the legitimizing of violence.

4. How Tsubasa’s Experience is Silenced

To review what has already covered in the previous chapter, the dowager has built a safe house, meant for women and children who are victims of violence. In the dowager’s safe house, lives a ten year old girl named

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Tsubasa who is a victim of sexual violence: rape. The dowager first informs

Aomame that Tsubasa’s uterus has been destroyed: “I asked a doctor I know to examine her last week. her uterus has been destroyed (2011: 283).” Aomame asked the dowager what had happened to her, to which the dowager explains that there is evidence of rape and even injury to the uterus, which could make pregnancy impossible for the little girl. The dowager further explained to

Aomame about Tsubasa; that her parents were not only fine with Tsubasa’s rape, but they even encouraged it. The dowager goes on to inform Aomame that

Tsubasa’s family is a part of a cult named Sakigake; and leader of the cult is systematically raping little girls in the name of ‘religion’.

“Sakigake’s guru is the one who raped Tsubasa,” the dowager said. “He took her by force on the pretext of granting her a spiritual awakening. The parents were informed that the ritual had to be completed before the girl experienced her first period. Only such an undefiled girl could be granted a pure spiritual awakening. The excruciating pain caused by the ritual would be an ordeal she would have to undergo in order to ascend to a higher spiritual level. The parents took him at his word with complete faith. It is truly astounding how stupid people can be. Nor is Tsubasa’s the only such case. According to our intelligence, the same thing has been done to other girls in the cult. The guru is a degenerate with perverted sexual tastes. There can be no doubt. The organization and the doctrines are nothing but a convenient guise for masking his individual desires (2011: 306).”

It can be seen clearly that Tsubasa is a victim of sexual violence, and that people around her, who are people that are supposed to protect her, let it happen. The way that the violence that happened ot Tsubasa is hidden by both denying and legitimizing; as Romito states that the two strategies may coexist or overlap. These strategies may also coexist and often are part of a

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continuum: when legitimising is no longer possible, denying is put into operation

(2008: 95).

The way the violence is not considered as ‘legitimate’ is the fact that the raping of Tsubasa is not considered as valid because it is justified in the name of ‘religion’. The parents, brainwashed by the cult leader, see the raping not as violence but as a way for Tsubasa to have ‘spiritual awakening’. As the cult is essentially the ‘home’ for their family, they do not consider the raping as a real violence.

The way the violence is denied is present in the way the parents let and even encourage the raping to happen to their daughter; the shift the responsibility from the rapist to ‘spiritual awakening’, justifying the heinous act as a religious practice.

In denying the violence, the people in the cult who let the violence happen, including the parents, become agents of patriarchy. They do not see women, or in this case little girls who are victims of rape, as human beings who do deserve rights. Instead, they are seen as objects or lesser beings to the “mighty cult leader”. The girls’ suffering is not important as it serves a bigger purpose.

Once again, this is one form of the terrible things that happened that is caused by male superiority and female inferiority; in other words, patriarchy.

5. Unnamed Battered Woman

Another character in the book that experienced violence against women is an unnamed woman that shows up in the story. Aomame, the main

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character is given an envelope filled with Polaroid pictures of the woman’s scars and bruises. The dowager tells Aomame that the woman is suffering from domestic violence by her husband. “But he becomes a different person at home,”

Aomame said, continuing his thought. “Especially when he drinks, he becomes violent. But only toward women. His wife is the only one he can knock around

(2011: 105).

The husband, the perpetrator of the violence, is never convicted with a crime. He is not even regarded as a ‘bad’ man in his social circle. It is stated in the book that the only one who knows that the husband is a violent man, is the wife. Everybody thinks of him as a gentle, loving husband. The wife tries to tell people what terrible things he’s doing to her, but no one will believe her. The husband knows that, so when he’s violent he chooses parts of her body she can’t easily show to people, or he’s careful not to make bruises (2011: 105).

The violence that happened to this particular unnamed woman is domestic violence; which include sexual and psychological violence. More importantly and more relevant to this chapter, the way that the violence is hidden is the strategy denying. In denying violence, people are ignorant towards violence, even when signs are present. In this woman’s case, it is important to note that she tries to tell people about it, but nobody believes her; they think of the husband as an innocent and ‘good’ man, thus they reject and deny any thought or possibility that he might not be what they initially thought he would be. As Romito states, in denying violence, people are ignorant, cowardly, and tend to look the other way when presented with possibility of

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signs of male violence against women. In this case of violence, it is clear that once again, the woman’s suffering is not considered important or serious. This happens partly because in Japanese society, it is not the norm to meddle in one’s marital or private affair. The other reason of why this happens is the inequality of genders in Japan. A woman is considered as the husband’s property, and should accept willingly to all abuse or violence. The inequality between the two genders is deemed as natural in Japan. The danger of this patriarchal thinking is present in the way that the husband has a clear-cut reputation, despite all the abuse he inflicted on his wife. Even if the wife tells the public, it is guaranteed that the public will side with the husband, because how could a man with that social standing, power, and money become an abuser? Denying is the way to silence the woman’s suffering, to maintain the status quo, and to make the woman’s suffering invisible.

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CHAPTER V

CONCLUSION

A. Result

1Q84 illustrates the reality for women all over the world, except in this study it is set particularly in Japan: the violence against women, and the loud silence that is surrounding it. From many cases of physical, mental, and sexual abuse, there is a familiarity to our reality that is frightening; violence against women is everywhere. Identifying the violence against women that happens in

1Q84 is important because not only does it occur all around, but also it is continuously ignored and silenced.

In this study it is found that despite the small; almost non-existent number of studies done about violence against women in Japan, statistics show that the sufferings of women do exist. Many forms of violence against women are present in the book; they are domestic violence, psychological violence, and sexual violence.

The silence toward the violence is shown in denying, legitimising, and victim blaming. Denying happens in Tamaki’s case, the dowager’s daughter’s case, and the unnamed battered woman’s case. Both the police in Tamaki and the dowager’s daughter’s case saw the autopsy result but they stayed silent about it, therefore silencing the violence against women. In the case of the unnamed woman, denying happened when people around her did not believe her when she said she was suffering. Legitimizing happens in Ayumi and Tsubasa’s case, in which both were young when the violence happened.

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Ayumi’s case is not considered as ‘legitimate’ or real violence because it happened inside the family (incest), and Tsubasa’s case is justified by the name of ‘religion’ or spiritual awakening. Victim blaming happens Ayumi’s case in which Ayumi explains her mother’s attitude and preference towards her brother.

All these tactics and strategies in hiding and silencing violence against women will not leave no mark of effect; rather, it will perpetuate the belief that violence against women is an isolated incident and not the result of patriarchy. Women and also men will not see the pattern of our society which very much disadvantages women, thus assuring that more and more violence will happen in the future.

Violence against women is a violation of a woman’s physical and mental dignity as well as her freedom of movement, and that is a grave violation of a human right (Fujieda, 1989: 65). It is powerful to recognize the society and the system that we live in, and how they can be contributing factors to women’s pain and suffering.

Although it is very complicated and difficult to fight such a deeply- entrenched belief, we must, as a human being with a conscience, to remember that women should not be subjected to torment of all kinds just because they were born female.

B. Suggestion and Recommendation

In the light of the findings of this study, the researcher has a suggestion to fellow scholars and future researcher(s). It is suggested and

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recommended to do more research about violence against women. The reason is that there is not enough study done about violence against women, especially in parts of Asia or in Japan, despite the fact that the violence against women does occur and is hurting women every day. The last but not least, the researcher hopes that in doing studies about violence against women, it will bring more awareness and concern. As scholars we are responsible not only for academic and intellectual aspect, but also in empathy and ethics. As a human being, we must try to fight the injustice even in small ways; for sitting in silence means we are also complicit in perpetrating violence and silencing it. In doing more research about it, it is hoped that the awareness and action about violence against women will increase, thus hopefully decrease the number of victims. No thought or action is wasted or regarded as too small or insignificant in trying to fight injustices, especially when the goal is to tackle the complex social problem that is violence against women.

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