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How to cite this thesis

Surname, Initial(s). (2012) Title of the thesis or dissertation. PhD. (Chemistry)/ M.Sc. (Physics)/ M.A. (Philosophy)/M.Com. (Finance) etc. [Unpublished]: University of Johannesburg. Retrieved from: https://ujdigispace.uj.ac.za (Accessed: Date). V J~J :L 0 t4 go flv THE PRAISE POETRY OF THE BAFOKENG OF PHOKENG

KENALEMANG OLGA KGOROEADIRA

SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILL:MENT OF THE REQUIRE:MENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MAGISTER ARTIUM IN AFRICAN LANGUAGES IN THE FACULTY OF ARTS

AT THE

RAND AFRIKAANS UNIVERSITY

SUPERVISOR: MR H.C. GROENEWALD CO-SUPERVISOR: MR S.A. MAKOPO NOVEMBER 1993 ACKNOWLEDGE:MENTS

I wish to thank the following people: my supervisor, Mr H.C. Groenewald for his encouragement, advice and critical responses; and my co-supervisor, Mr S .A. Makopo for his motivation and support.

My husband Thomas who shared the trials of my study over the years never failing in his loving support. My children, Inolofatseng, Bareng, Onkgopotse and Atlarelang who were sometimes neglected when the pressure was too high.

My parents Edwin and Lydia Lamola for their love and support, especially my mother who drove me around during the hard days of research. My parents-in-law Jacob and the late Lena Kgoroeadira for their love and support. My grandparents maternal and paternal for their love and support.

My sister Keagile Lamola who is the driving force behind my success.

My loving family friends, Mr and Mrs Matoase, who are like parents to me, for their love and support. My brother and friend Mr N.J. Manyaka and his family, for supporting me in every respect. My warm gratitude to my study group Mrs M. Motebele, Ms B. Molope, Mrs M. Ntlatleng and Mrs M. Ngapo.

My thanks to all parents in Phokeng (informants) especially Chieftainess Semane Molotlegi who personally gave assistance despite the trying times. My thanks to her family, and especially Moolwane. All elders in Phokeng; the workers at Legato Gardens, especially Violet Mahlangu. Ka re: Le ka moso!

Mrs M.D. Mhlongo for the tireless effort and expertise that she put in typing this dissertation. SUMMARY

This research is based primarily on the praise poems of the Bafokeng of Phokeng, and their history. Achievements of the tribe as well as their downfall from the previous Chiefs to the present Chief are documented.

The study is divided into five chapters.

The first chapter looks at the aim of the study, which is preservation of the history of Bafokeng and their praise poems, both heroic and clan poems.

The second chapter is a brief outline of the history of the Bafokeng tribe, their heroic as well as their clan poems. The historical backgrounds of these poems are also outlined, as are performances at different occasions.

The third chapter focuses on the divining bones, the actual divination and praises of divining bones as performed by witchdoctors of Phokeng upon consultation.

The fourth chapter presents the structural features of these poems e.g. language, repetition, rhythm, eulogues etc.

The final chapter of this study looks at the experiences during the time of research, as well as discoveries and recommendations. OPSOMMING

Hierdie navorsing is hoofsaaklik gebaseer op die geskiedenis en lofgedigde van die Bafokeng of Phokeng. Die stam se prestasies en ondergang is gedokumenteer vanaf die vorige stamhoofde tot en met die huidige stamhoof.

Die verhandeling is verdeel in vyf hoofstukke.

Hoofstuk een gaan oor die doel van die studie, naamlik die bewaring van die Bafokeng se geskiedenis en hUlle lofgedigte heroiese en familiegroep-gedigte.

Hoofstuk twee gee 'n kort omlyning van die geskiedenis van die Bafokeng stam en die geskiedkundige agtergrond van die heroiese en familiegroep-gedigte. Die gebruik daarvan by verskeie geleenthede word ook kortliks geskets.

Hoofstuk drie fokus op dolosse - die waarseery en lofuitinge deur die toordokters van die Phokeng tydens konsultasies waar van dolosse gebruik gemaak word.

Hoofstuk vier gaan oor die strukturele kenmerke van die lofgedigte, en behels onder meer taalgebruik, herhaling, ritme, lofuitinge ens.

In die slothoofstuk word ingegaan op verskeie ervarings en ontdekkings wat gedurende die navorsing teegekom is. 'n Aantal aanbevelings kom ook ter sprake. TABLE OF CONTENTS

Title of Study Acknowledgements i Summary ii opsomming iii

CHAPTER 1 1. INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Aims and objectives 2 1.2 Methods of research 4 1.3 Definition of concepts 5 1.3.1 Praise poems 5 1.3.2 Function 6 1.4 Approaches in this dissertation 8 1.4.1 Performance approach 8 1.5 Conclusion 9

CHAPTER 2 2. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE BAFOKENG TRIBE 11 2.1 Heroic Poems of the Bafokeng of Phokeng 20 2.2 The Clan Praise Poems of the Bafokeng of Phokeng 29 2.3 Performance 39 2.3.1 Instances of Performance 40 2.4 Conclusion 44

CHAPTER 3 3. DIVINING BONES 46 3.1 The diviner/doctor 47 3.2 Divination 49 3.3 Names of divining-bones 50 3.3.1 Function of divining bones 51 3.4 Performance 52 3.4.1 Different lies 53 3.4.1.1 Mpherefere 53 3.4.1.2 Motlhakola ka sephiri 55 3.4.1.3 Morero wa maboni 56 ,\, PAGE 3.4.1.4 Lematla la mabofe 57 3.4.1.5 Thwagadima 58 3 . 4. 1. 6 Morupi 59 3.4.1.7 Makgolela 60 3.4.1.8 Legwame 60 3.5 Conclusion 61

CHAPTER 4 4. THE STRUCTURE OF THE PRAISE-POEMS OF THE BAFOKENG TRIBE 62 4.1 EUlogues 65 4.1.1 Clan eulogues 66 4.1.2 Metaphorical eulogues 67 4.1.3 Deverbative eulogues 68 4.1.4 Regimental eUlogues 69 4.1.5 Associative eulogues 69 4.2 Sound Usage 70 4 • 3 Word usage 72 4.3.1 Archaic words 72 4.3.2 Duplication of/verb lexemes 72 4.3.3 Deverbatives 73 4.4 Sentences 73 4.4.1 Short initial verse-lines 73 4.4.2 Succession of nouns 74 4.4.3 Interchanging types of sentences 74 4.4.4 .. Rhetoric questions 74 4.4.5 Interaction between affirmati~e and / negative sentences 75 4.4.6 Arrangement of names or praise-names 75

4.4.7r Enjambement 75 4.5 Repetition 76 4.5.1 _ Parallelism 77 4.5.2 Linking and repetition of words 77 4.5.2.1_ Initial linking or vertical linking 78 4.5.2. 2 ~ Final linking or interlocking 78 4.5.2.3 Oblique repetition 79 4.5.3 Repetition of thought 79 PAGE 4.5.4 Repetition through reduplication 80

4.6 Five indications of frequency of 80 occurrence in the Bafokeng praise poems

CHAPTER 5 5. CONCLUSION 82 5.1 Nature of the praise poems 84 5.2 Recommendations 84 5.3 References 86 Appendix I - Map of Phokeng Appendix II - List of the Bafokeng Clans Appendix III - List of the Bafokeng Chiefs Appendix II: LIST OF BAFOKENG CLANS/DIKUTLE TSA SEFOKENG

NAME/LEINA CLANS/DIKGORO VILLAGE/MOTSE 1. Arilius Bogopane Seloko I Phokeng 2. Njurupe Bogopane Seloko II Phokeng 3. David M. Diale Radiala Rasimone 4. Lucas Diale MachemaII Phokeng 5. Phillemon Diale Radiala Phokeng 6. Simon Diale Rathibedi Luka 7. Christopher Katane Katane Phokeng 8. Joel Katane Lefaragatlhe Lefaragatlhe 9. Herson Kgaladi Makete Mosenthal 10. Cornelius Khunou Madibana Phokeng 11. Juas Khunou MmakhUll0u Photsaneng 12. Solomon Khunou Photsaneng Luka 13. Shadrack Kwele Maile Diepkuil 14. Nelson Letlape Motsitle Sandfontein 15. David Maakwe Matshwana Phokeng 16. Titus Mafatshe Ramafatshe Phokeng 17. Simon Magano pitso Phokeng 18. David Mahuma Mogajana Mogajana 19. Nicholas Mahuma Mogajana Kana 20. Stone Makgaka (Act) Mabye Luka 21. Abel S. Makgala Ramakgala Phokeng 22. Moses Maledu Lekoshe Kana 23. Meshack Matabane Maile Kopman 24. Israel Mathuloe Magokgwane Phokeng 25. John Mekgoe Phiring Luka 26. Abinaar Mmeti Ramakatswana Luka 27. Motshweneng Mmutle Mantshong Phokeng 28. Makgaka Moagi Punodung Phokeng 29. Modisakeng Matsie Marakana 30. Samorena Mogono Mogono Luka 31. Gabotshepe Mokate Masweung Phokeng 32. Bethuel Mokgatle Bashiga Kana (Act) 33. Patrick Mokgwatlheng Madibana Kana 34. Josia Molobye Mathebetshwane Phokeng 35. Jeremia Molokwane Rathipa Serutube NAME/LEINA CLANS!KGORO VILLAGE!MOTSE 36. Stephen Molokwane Rathipa Luka 37. Christopher Molotsane Lekoshe Photsaneng 38. Ishmael Montsho Mogopa Phokeng 39. Seth Montsho Mogopa Luka 40. Nichodemans Mookeletsi Motsile Sandfontein 41. Thabo Mosito Maile Roodekraalspruit 42. Daniel Motepe Napo Tsitsing 43. Jeremia Motepe Napo Luka 44. Hendrick Mothokwa Bobuampja Bobuampya 45. Johannes Nakedi Rakhudu Tsitsing 46. Jethro Nameng Lemenong Phpkeng 47. Amos H. Ntsimane Batlase Tlaseng 48. Conrad Ntsimane Batlase Kana 49. Isaac Ntsimane Tlaseng Luka 50. Johannes K. Petlele (A) Madibana Thekwana 51. Paulus Petlele Madibana Luka 52. Amos Phale Rankunyana Luka 53. Manas Phetoane Machema I Phokeng 54. Daniel Rabyang Tau Serutube 55. Lameck Rabyang Tau Luka 56. Reitz Rakhudu Rakhudu Luka 57. Samuel Ramong Kgophane Phokeng 58. Reagile Ramoroa Metlapeng Phokeng 59. Herman Ramosepele Mphepele Lesung 60. Benjamin Rampete Mabye Tsitsing 61. David Rankoko Ratshwene Luka 62. Joseph Rapetsana Lemenong Kana 63.~Isaac Segoe MalIa ../ PhOken~~\e- . 64. Alphius Senne Ramodutwan; Phokeng 65. Feba Jerry Senne Keledi - Phoken 66. Alfred Setshedi Mosetlha Phokeng 67. Joel Setshoane Setshoane Chaneng 68. Gabriel Thethe Dimpeng Phokeng 69. Ephraim Tlabakwe Rakatane Phokeng 70. Cecil Tumagole Kgosing Phokeng APPENDIX III - LIST OF BAFOKENG CHIEFS/DIKGOSI TSA PHOKENG 1140-1956

1. Phofu 1140-1170 2. Kwena 1170-1200 3. Modia 1200-1230 4. Ntia Phakatsia 1230-1260 5. Masilo 1260-1290 6. Kwena 1290-1320 7. Mmakgapane 1320-1350 8. Mogale 1350-1380 9. Mhete 1380-1410 10. Melora 1410-1440 11. Masilo 1440-1500 12. Kwena 1500-1530 13. Phogole 1530-1560 14. Tshukudu 1560-1590 15. Nape 1560-1620 16. Sechele 1620-1650 17. Mmutle 1650-1686 18. Phogole 1686-1710 19. Milwana 1710-1720 20. Sekete Mmaleriba III 1720-1740 21. Diala 1740-1770 22. Ramoroa III 1770-1790 23. Sekete Mosetsana Wa Mmaleriba 1790-1841 24. Thethe 1841-1891 25. Mokgatle 1891-1896 26. Tumagole 1896-1912 27. Molotlegi 1912-1938 28. Mmanotshe 1938-1956 29. Lebone 1956 to Date §Le~~ \~\'G OPSO:MMING

Die verhandeling is verdeel in vyf hoofstukke.

Hoofstuk een gaan oor die doel van die studie, naamlik die bewaring van die Bafokeng se geskiedenis en hulle lofgedigte heroiese en familiegroep-gedigte.

Hoofstuk drie fokus op dolosse - die waarseery en lofuitinge deur die toordokters van die Phokeng tydens konsultasies waar van dolosse gebruik gemaak word.

Hoofstuk vier gaan oor die strukturele kenmerke van die lofgedigte, en behels onder meer taalgebruik, herhaling, ritme, lofuitinge ens.

In die slothoofstuk word ingegaan op verskeie ervarings en ontdekkings wat gedurende die navorsing teegekom is. 'n Aantal aanbevelings kom ook ter sprake. 5

(a) The researcher will collect data by interviewing and obtaining information from the Bafokeng informants.

(b) Poems and their historical backgrounds will be recorded from the elders of the village. Here the different clans will be accommodated starting with the poems from the royal clan and continuing with clans according to their superiority.

(c) The praises of the divining bones will be recorded during the actual throwing of the divining bones. Therefore the researcher's objective is to visit as many Bafokeng traditional healers as possible to record their different ways of praising, naming of the divining bones, and their function.

1.3 Definition of concepts

1.3.1 Praise-poem The authority of oral poetry is an aesthetic authority, a reflection of its pUblic and protected role as a vehicle of heroic celebration or satiric comment or lament, or entertainment, or any combination of these. A praise-poem is a way of tracing one's roots (Vail and White, 1991:30).

Tswana traditional poetry is often referred to as praise-songs or praise-poems. The term 'praise-song' seems not only misleading and inappropriate but also unjustifiable because, unlike a song, it is not sung but recited.

Schapera (1965:1) describes praise-poems as: A form of traditional literature common in all clusters of Southern Bantu (Nguni, Tsonga, Sotho and Venda). The Tswana term them Mab8k8 (poems), a name derived from the verb - b6ka 'honour by giving titles to a person in poems; sing the praises of'. CHAPTER ONE

1. INTRODUCTION

In the past there has been a stereotype which used to dehumanize the "oral man". The Native Americans were at a disadvantage as a result of non-literacy, as were South Africans. They were encased in an oral culture which was by nature uncreative and unadaptive, according to the Europeans (Vail and White, 1991:1). Africa possesses both written and unwritten traditions. The former are relatively well-knQwn, while the unwritten traditions are less widely known and appreciated. It is not easy to fit unwritten forms into the familiar categories of written cUltures, and they are also difficult to record and present. They are also easier to overlook than the corresponding written material. Groenewald (1990:1) states that:

Only a few decades ago oral studies was in most areas only a service subdiscipline, the willing but dependent lackey of folklore or anthropology, or more rarely literary history.

He goes on to say that:

It is among highly literate people that we have been able to discover and rediscover the significance of what came before letters and in many parts of the world, continues to thrive alongside them.

Oral literature is dependent on a performer who formulates it in words on a specific occasion. There is no other way in which it can be realized as a literary product unless it is recorded and written. Many authors have unravelled the richness of African oral traditions and this has brought hope that in the coming years this richness could be extended and that the variety of oral traditions will demand even more attention. The·first and most basic requirement of oral art, though constantly overlooked, is its collection. 2

Collection is often dependent on performance which is the enactment of folklore, be it poems, folktales, etc. The nature of performance itself can make an important contribution to the impact of the particular literary form. It is therefore important that all the various aspects contributing to the effectiveness of performance be noticed, aspects such as tone, gesture, facial expression, dramatic use of pause and rhythm, the interplay of passion, dignity or humour, etc. such devices are embellishments added to the literary work.

Oral art is sometimes a survival of an indefinite past which was handed down from generation to generation by word of mouth, hence we are beginning to realize that medieval narratives such as Homer's Iliad and Odyssey stem from oral traditions, and that their preservation as manuscript texts reflects some sort of compromise or transitional stage between that oral world and the world of letters.

Jy The connection between transmission and existence is a far more intimate one, and questions about the means of actual communication are of utmost importance. Without its oral realization and direct rendition by singer or speaker, an unwritten literary piece cannot easily be said to have any continued or independent existence at all.

1.2 Aims and objectives

An oral culture is predominantly communal. Knowledge and truth are not an individual matter as much as a corporate possession. Accordingly, oral man psychologically faces outward, toward a community from which he derives the meaning and veracity of his thoughts. Breaking with social values is to feel the shame of popular disapproval. It is high time we strengthen the customary claim that oral poetry is a type of social action by showing that in Southern Africa, especially in Phokeng, poetry is valued precisely because it is a social form of expression. 3

"Therefore this dissertation aims to expose and document the praise poems of the Bafokeng of Phokeng. This wish has become an obligation because I think it is morally right for one to plough back into his/her community the fruits of one's studies. I grew up in Phokeng, attended school there, and during this time I learnt the norms and values of the Bafokeng tribe. I also learnt their cultural heritage, and this meant a great deal to' me for it became part of me.

I admired different types of ceremonies, for example weddings and dipitso "tribal meetings" and the praises that were chanted there. With the changing social circumstances within the Bafokeng society the transmission of these praises are being affected. The praise poets are gradually dying out with very little prospect of replacement, and, with the increased urbanization and the modern tendency to live mainly within the smaller nuclear family, the extended family system which brought together old and young is gradually disappearing, leaving the tribe with no legacy and no he~itage.

Although this will be elaborated upon in the sub-topic, historical background, I find it necessary to emphasize that it has also become an obligation for me to document the legacy of the Bafokeng tribe, especially after the Bophuthatswana government was forcefully introduced to the Bafokeng tribe. Most people resisted and a minority joined Bophuthatswana much against the wishes of Paramount Chief Molotlegi and the people who still feel that the chief is anointed by God. This act caused a split in the tribe, to such an extent that the ceremonies which used to be held by the tribe are fading away.

I feel that with the new South Africa underway, people should know their roots. Thus I feel morally bound to make this legacy available to my people, especially since the people who were upholding our traditional values are gradually fading away. Our youth need to know who they are and where they come from. This 4

will inculcate a spirit of cultural awareness. A nation without a language or culture is no nation, therefore it is imperative that someone does something about documenting this for the Bafokeng tribe. Guma (1977:6) emphasizes this by saying: A nation without a past, is like a tree without roots. Know thyself whither thou comest, and whither thou goest. It is only on the basis of such knowledge, the type of knowledge that springs from an inner satisfaction of knowing what was and on the basis of which to plan what must be, that the basic traditional values can be maintained and preserved.

1.2.1 Methods of researchC~,\ . ~

Grinnel (1988:206) defines a research instrument as any type of data collection device or procedure designed to gather data on a desired research problem. Thus designing the research instrument, the investigator takes into account the type of study and the respondents who are involved. An individual interview schedule is preferred in this study.

The main reason for using this research instrument is its flexibility. It actually allows the investigator to elicit as much information as possible from the participants. The investigator is going to record performances during the actual ceremonies and interview the poets on the historical background of the praise-poems. The researcher is also going to interview individual people who still have the historical background of the tribe itself and its praise-poems. The performances and the interviews will be recorded, capturing the message without disrupting the normal performance or the normal flow of events.

jAOuring individual interviews, the respondents will be visited a~ ~their .homes. This will al~ow for adequate comm~nication !occurr~ng between the two partles by means of the vOlce, body ~nguage, facial expression, etc. By way of summary then: 6

Praise-poems are not only composed about chiefs, headmen, famous warriors, and other prominent tribesmen, they are also about commoners, including women. There are also praise-poems about the subdivision of tribes such as clans and their lineages. Praise-poems can also be about domestic animals e.g. cattle, of wild animals, including birds and insects, trees, crops, rivers and other scenic features and such inanimate objects as divining bones. (a) Personal poems are poems that are composed in accordance with a type of event in the society or tribe • cuma (1977:136) says: Before the arrival of European missionaries in Southern Africa, all boys had to undergo initiation. Boys were required to compose an oration in praise of themselves, and they were supposed to recite these as they returned home to a ceremony of their arrival.

(b) Impersonal praise-poems may be of divining bones, praising them, and prompting them to reveal the unknown through magic arts. Trees can be praised for the shade they provide, the fruit they bear and also for the prevention of soil erosion. //

1.3.2 Function Praise-poems show the chronology of events or the personalities that form the sUbject of the poems under consideration. For example, when the Bakwena perform any feat of what they consider important, they introduce a number of facts bearing upon the points which mark the celebrated event. These poems are recited on various occasions like tribal meetings. They are often used to settle disputes between and among members of the tribe by reciting all their compositions, showering the opposed with praises. Praise-poems are also recited for entertainment, especially among peers at initiation schools and at formal schools. According to Lestrade in Schapera (1937:295-6): Praise-poems are regarded by the Bantu themselves as the highest 7

products of their literary art. They are a type of composition intermediate between pure, mainly narrative, epic, apostrophic, ode, being a combination of exclamatory narration and laudatory apostrophizing. In form, they consist of a succession of what may be called loose stanzas of an irregular number of lines, each line containing a varying number of words, with however a more regular number of strong stresses, the whole being in balanced metrical form.

They are narrated, in high-pitched adulatory style, deeds for which the subject has acquired fame, enumerating in hyperbolic apostrophe, those qualities for which he is renowned, and include a recital for those laudatory epithets applied to him either as a member of a group or as an individual and known as his 'praise name' (Schapera, 1965:1).

These praise-poems have been considered primitive by scholars, and they compare favourably with medieval English poetry in that they make use of extraordinarily difficult language. Even in the case of relatively new poems there are many archaisms and obscurities due to imagery, the figurative, allusive nature of words and expressions. Their study thus requires a considerable amount of extensive and intensive historical as well as ethnographical knowledge often lost to us and still more often only partly explicable. Language such as allusion to myths or historical events can be an advantage in the sense that in searching for hidden meanings, new avenues are opened for research.

Every Tswana tribe has a praise-name associated with it. In most cases these names are of animals. This is called a totem, which serves as a means of salutation towards the member of the tribe.

For example, the Bafokeng of Phokeng are the Bakwena, which means they are simply addressed as Mokwena or Kwena (crocodile). The clans within the same tribe also have common praise-names, for example the praise-name of the MalIa clan in Phokeng is Kgomo 8

(cow) • Age-groups (mephato) are also distinguished by their praise-names, for example Mafenya (the conquerors). Individuals may also have praise-names according to what they are remarkable for, perhaps some deed of bravery which they have performed.

Among the Bafokeng of Phokeng, there are also status names; the queen is often referred to as Mmemogolo (the great mother) not only because of her status, but also because of her leadership and the role she has played in support of her husband (the chief) and the village at large. Animals may also have praise-names, for example the praise-name of a tiger is tshetlha ya dikgwa (the grey one of the forest).

Nowadays, especially in Phokeng, with the absence of Makgotla tribal meetings, praises are often heard at wedding feasts, where praises of the bride or bridegroom are often chanted by an older relative. Poems recited on such occasions are old ones. Deliberate omissions or additions may occur; wording might also change, all without being obvious to the listener, unless the listener knows the old version.

1.4 Approaches in this dissertation

Several approaches can be employed in the study of oral art. In this study the performance approach will be applied as far as possible. However, this study will freely borrow from other theories like Russian formalism as the study proceeds.

1.4.1 Performance Approach The performance approach is an approach that aims at intergrating the performer, text, the context and viewers. It is an approach that fulfils the desires of folklorists, who feel that folklore is characterized by text and event. This approach is called an integrative approach. A performance-centered conception of verbal art calls for an approach through performance itself. In such an approach, the formal manipulation of linguistic features 9

is secondary to the nature of performance, per se, conceived and defined as a note of communication.

When praise-poems are recited or chanted there is a certain place where the performance takes place. All individuals participating in the reciting or chanting are in one way or another engaged in performance. This performance takes place at a specific place and at a specific time, where a certain method of performance is employed. The occasion which marks the performance is also stated.

Bauman cited by Groenewald (1990:5-6) is of the opinion that: A performance is basically a communicative act; it functions as an "instrument" for the sending/receiving of cultural messages . ... each performance has a definitely limited time span, a beginning and an end, an organized programme of activity, a set of performers, an aUdience, a place and an occasion of performance.

The above definition implies that a performer has certain abilities and duties and is accountable to an audience. The perfomer is also SUbject to evaluation both with regard to the message the perfomer communicates and how it is done. Therefore the efficiency of the performer comes into play here, because a performer or a bard or poet deals with the most salient aspects of a SUbject's life. On the whole, this represents the accepted view of a man's lineage or a village's achievements by contemporaries. For this reason in Tswana culture there are some men who specialize in composing and reciting praises of chiefs and other nobles. This they do, not merely out of interest or to establish a personal reputation but also in the hope of receiving a reward.

1.5 Conclusion

The discipline of folklore and especially praise-poems, has tended to focus on the history of the society it praises, and also on the traditional remnants of ealier period still to be 10 found in those sectors of society that have been left behind by the dominant culture. Therefore praise poems are those experiences, meanings and values which, if taken seriously, can be verified by historical events that actually took place e.g. wars, arrival of the Boers in the various villages and even the former chiefs who were there centuries ago. The Bafokeng have a history in their praises, that is why they call themselves BaMmanape-a-Tshukudu - Tshukudu ruled first followed by Nape. 11

CHAYfERTWO

2. mSTORICAL BACKGROUND OF TIlE BAFOKENG TRIBE

In the history of the Bafokeng of Rustenburg, the first part of the composition 'Bafokeng-Bakwena' was gained when the tribe arrived in the area. As agriculturalists, they found that the valleys amongst the hillside, captured a heavy overnight dew, which boded well for husbandry. This indicated that the land was fertile and that the tribe would prosper. This is how the tribe decided to settle there, and in honour of the occasion, took the totem "Bafokeng" (the people of the dew). This was then added to Bakwena (the people of the crocodile) so that the genealogical totem was maintained. Thus: Bafpke~-Bakwena (Wright, 1983:4).

The paramount Chief Edward Molotlegi states that in the past, systems of government deadened the effect of individuali~, and today the African people are labelled with the amorphous "Black" identity by people who live beyond our seas. He says that they could not know, for example, that his people considered themselves first Bafokeng-Bakwena, then Batswana, then African and only then Black.

The ancestors of the Sotho-Tswana influx group migrated through present day Botswana and went further to the Western Transvaal and southwards as well. They moved in at least two broad streams. Research has placed these as the Barolong and the Bakwena-Bahurutshe. As they settled on the land, they subdivided.

The dominant group included the Hurutshe, the Kwena, the Ngwaketse and the Ngwato. These tribes/groups share one commonality which is the Setswana language, although differences may occur because of different dialects. These groups also share the same culture. Even when the groups moved further apart, 12

blood and totem allegiances were retained. This is why Chief Molotlegi has news of "the people" brought to him from as far away as Zambia in the north and Lesotho in the east.

/'The lineage of the Kwena chiefs is recited in the oral tradition, \nd modern academics have experienced difficulty in putting exact \ dates to each reign. As has happened with the lineage of the ! /Bafokeng-Bakwena there are often too many names to fit the bill. / Particularly if the bill is a rule of thumb of 30 years per / .. / chief. These statistics must be difficult to accommodate when ./;---j somebody was unable to write them down and time scales were referred to as "the time of Sekete" or "the time of the great famine" by oral historians. Despite this handicap, the people prospered and mUltiplied over a period Which, goes back to the 12th century. Thi_s__is__why__ there. is a belief that the ancestors I of the Bafokeng-Bakwena had crossed the Marico River from the I present-day Botswana and settled on the land of Dew (Phokeng) in I the 15th century almost within the same time scale when Sofala I in Mozambique was an established port doing business with the . interior, primarily the kingdom of Monomatapa, the present-day ~. Zimbabwe. This land of Dew was south of the Magaliesberg .. mountain range. This means, according to Ellenberger's reports, they were the first inhabitants of the land south of the Vaal river. The long genealogical register of the oral history of the Bafokeng conclude that the connection with the genealogical register of the Bakwena must be placed much further back than the previous research and that the connection between the Bakwena and Bafokeng is so remote that Bafokeng can be regarded as a separate stream of Sotho-Tswana people who came from the north and who should be recognised as such alongside the Barolong and the Bakwena-Bahurutshe (Wright, 1983:5).

The Bafokeng of Phokeng are first and foremost Bakwena. They say "We have always been Bakwena" and the question can be posed "How old is the crocodile?". There is a difference between the crocodile of the Southern~ho people and that of the Bafokeng 13 in that the Sotho crocodile is depicted with its mouth open and the Bafokeng-Bakwena crocodile is shown with its mouth shut. Chief Molotlegi's aunt (Koko ~ka) who is the last of his father's-- family, may have put her finger on the answer. When asked about the difference she gave a succinct reply, "We have always kept our mouths shut."

The Bafokeng of Rustenburg (Phokeng) may be considered the most influential remainder of the large and important branch of the Sotho-Tswana people, which in 1977 became partly Bophuthatswana. The Bafokeng-Bakwena entered the present-day Transvaal through Tweedepoort which is the second opening on the Marico River near the Owarsberg Mountain range, close to the border between Botswana and the Transvaal. The whole of the municipal area of the present-day Rustenburg as well as the white settlements of Kroondal and Marikana originally fell within the tribal area.

Because of lapse of time, and the fact that people in the olden days were non-literate, the history of the Bafokeng-Bakwena will be told from time of Sekete III. However, the geneaological list of the chiefs from the 12th century will be provided. It is estimated that Sekete III ruled in the early 17th century. He~ was succeeded by his son Oiala in the year 1750. That t.he Bafokeng were settled, cattle-owning people is clearly shown in an item of oral history from Oiala's reign which foes as follows: The Bahurutshe came to castrate the bulls of the Bafokeng because they considered this their "right" in acknowledgement of their seniority. They came annually to inspect the young bulls, take the pick for themselves, and leave a few for stud purposes; they castrated the rest. This they claimed "right" because of the tradition that says when the separation took place between the Bahurutshe and the Bakwena, baboons entered the fields of the former and ate their pumpkins before the proper time for commencing to eat the fruits of the new year. The Bahurutshe were unwilling that the pumpkins, which the baboons had broken off and nibbled, should be wasted, and ate them. 14

This act is said, led to the Bahurutshe, people of the baboon which is their totem to this day - having precedence ever afterwards in taking the "first bite" of the new year's fruits. This led to acknowledgement of their seniority by the whole Bakwena tribe. This gave them the right to castrate the bulls of all lesser Bak~~_na tribes annually and also to fetch wives for themselves from amongst the nubile girls of the lesser tribes (Wright, 1983:4).

Chief Diala and the rest of the Bafokeng tribe sUbjected themselves to this "custom" under protest. Therefore it is said that the castration was carried out in order to insult the Bafokeng. Diala's four sons who were opposed to the action, gathered with their followers as spectators. However, each of them had an assegai hidden under his kaross. At a given sign, they attacked the Bahurutshe and killed almost every man. The Bahurutshe declared war on the Bafokeng and a decisive battle ensued from which the Bafokeng emerged as the victors. This war was fought at a mountain pass. To this day, there is a pile of stones, about 16m x 4m high, in the pass. This place is called Phata ya Mmathebe. It was a tradition in pre-European times up to the late sixties, to throw a stone when passing by, in order to appease the spirits. It is remarkable that the tradition still holds today (Breutz, 1953:61). Since then the Bafokeng have been independent of the Bahurutshe. This battle brought to an end any further attempt at domination by the Bahurutshe. Oiala died a year after the battle, having lived to a great age, and he is buried beside hill Malejane, north of what is now Kana.

~ ~iala was succeeded by Ramoroa who was poisoned by an ambitious . \\ renegade son, Mmutle, who then attempted to do away with the heir \rekete IV. He did not succeed but rather got his just deserts. ~/sekete's followers set his hut alight and he was burnt to death. Vi "'-Sakete must have begun his reign in the 1790's , He is remembered I as a great chief of the Bafokeng and a warrior of some repute. 15

He is also remembered for his relations with other tribes, mainly because of his foreign policy, of becoming an ombudsman/mediator for dispute, although he made war to defend his territory, but only after provocation. He was killed by the chief of the ~atlokwa after having been captured by Sekete and later set free. This chief said he could only find peace after killing Sekete.

Thethe, Sekete's son, became chief. These were stormy years, because his brother Noge turned against him. Thethe sought refuge with the Bammatau, and whilst he was there, he asked the Bapedi for assistance to regain his chiefdom. He was later killed by Bafokeng men, for setting the Bapedi against them.

Thethe gave a prophetic warning to his assassins. "If you kill me, the Bafokeng tribe will be dispersed. First the black ants will come and destroy you. Then the red ants will come and overrun you on animals with uncloven hooves."

Shortly after this, Mzilikazi and his Amandebele reached the lands of the Bafokeng. The black ants had arrived. They arrived in 1822 after having fled from Zululand to escape the wrath of the Zulu King Chaka. They journeyed west, attacking anyone who got in their way. In the autumn of 1825 Mzilikazi arrived in the Pretoria district, and set up his headquarters. From here, he started a reign of terror which encompassed the Brits and Rustenburg areas. 7It was during this time that the Bafokeng tribe dispersed. Gradually peace returned and because Mokgatle had now come of age he took his chieftainship between 1834 and 1836. It was during this time that Mzilikazi foolishly attacked the Voortrekker laager, and this caused them to flee northwards to present-day Zimbabwe (Coertze, 1988:36).

When the Boers arrived, Thethe's prophecy was fulfilled - the red ants had arrived. With the removal of the Amandebele, peace came again to the land of the Bafokeng, although it was a land which had new landlords. The Boers were also agriculturalists and had 16

trekked to the north to find a green and pleasant land, free from persecution and strife. As more and more white farmers entered the area, it became apparent to chief Mokgatle that good neighbourliness should prevail if the tribe was to be restored to its former strength. He also acknowledged that "where I stand" was no longer acceptable as land rights. Ownership meant purchase, and purchase meant something called money. But how to earn money was the question. Boers were recruiting Bafokeng to work on their farms, but only in return for food and accommodation (Bozzoli and Nkotsoe, 1991:40).

Diamonds were discovered at Kimberly, and this became the answer~ for the long-st~~di~g probJ.·e~:-~Chief Mokgatle sent regiments of ) between 20 to 50 young men to work at the Kimberly mines. They -!. J went on foot. This took a long time because of the distance. ~ They worked contracts of six months to a year at the end of which _~-1 they returned home and paid their earnings into the tribal ~ ,:; ~p i1, "kitty". This provided some of the capital to legally buy back ( their lands (Wright, 1983:10). \0- Chief Mokgatle also realized that the key to the future success of the Bafokeng lay in Western education, which includes the ability to read and write. Missionary work was in progress all over Southern Africa and literacy lit the flame of Christianity. In September 1866 Reverend Penzhorn of the Hermannsberg Lutheran Mission arrived from Natal to start missionary work amongst the Bafokeng. The first mission station, Saron, was established on the farm Beerfontein which was almost immediately bought from president Kruger by the Missionary Society as a joint venture with the Bafokeng (Coertze, 1988:37).

This was one on the many land acquisitions in which the Lutherans acted on behalf of the tribe. The chief gave his active support to the building of a church by sending at least two regiments to Kimberly to earn money for its construction, which began in 1879. This church proved far too small for the growing number of 17

Christian converts amongst the Bafokeng and on the 14th September 1886, the foundation stone was laid for the large church which still serves the community today. It was recently renovated by the present chief, Chief Lebone Molotlegi.

Mokgatle's successors have continued his work since his death in 1891. Under the guidance of the Paramount Chiefs, the Bafokeng now own 44 farms, which cover some 70 000 hectares. The land supports some 85 000 people living in the region, although the Bafokeng tribe now numbers close to 250 000, with many residents throughout other parts of Southern Africa. Thethe's prophecy came true but, had he been spared the assassins' assegais, he may have told of the renaissance of his people (Wright, 1983:10).

In 1925 minerals such as asbestos, aluminium, andalusite, chrome, copper, coal, dimesion stone (black granite) flourite, gypsum, gold, iron, limestone manganese, nickel norite, potassium, platinum, uranium, and vanadium were discovered in the farms bought by the Bafokeng located on the Merensky Reef.

Today, driving north from Rustenburg, the visitor to Phokeng will immediately become aware of the massive Impala Minerals processing plant which dominates the rolling landscape. Impala Platinum, which started production in JUly_1969 during the reign of Chief Lebone Molotlegi, is the second largest producer of platinum in the Western world. It depends on the ores from four mines in Bafokeng North and South, and Wildebeestfontein North and South.

The mines, resting on the lands of Bafokeng, are not only a major source of revenue for the tribe, but an equally vital source of revenue for the Bophuthatswana nation. Mining royalties have allowed the Bafokeng people under the leadership of paramount Chief Lebone Molotlegi to continue to plan and develop their community. The emphasis is strongly geared to community needs. 18 with the coming of the Impala royalty payments, the first perceived essential by the community was an assembly building for the Tribal council. The plan was drawn up in early ~O, with the building being finally completed by 1977. The site chosen for the Bafokeng Civic Centre was the traditional site for council meetings dipitso on the hill Direpotsane. But although the civic centre is impressive in size with a spectacular view over the surrounding region, from a distance its discrete dark brick and blue slate roofing melts into the haze of the hills and sky.

The completion of the civic buildings was the starting point for regional planning for the entire Bafokeng area. In this, Chief Molotlegi has been an inspired and active leader, travelling in the united states of America and Europe to see how community developments there could be adapted to the Bafokeng needs.

Phase one is completed and has concentrated on the basic infrastructure needs of the area. A sewage disposal works, road and bridge-building, extension of electricity supply as well as a water reticulation scheme dependent on borehole and tank storage have been implemented. This phase has also seen the completion of the Phokeng Vocational Centre. It consists of lecture rooms and dormitories with boarding facilities, kitchen, dining hall and matron's flat.

The Bafokeng are acutely aware of the need to provide for at least 2 000 or more new school entrants each year. The council recently voted over R2m for education. Chief Molotlegi points out that the aim is to make education attractive to the children rather than simply compulsory. This is a community involvement. The earliest recruits for the recently completed music centre have been older retired musicians. These are regarded as the recruitment team for the young in the community and are proving successful. 19

An example of the community based planning priorities of the Bafokeng authorities can be seen in the layout and construction of Madubu Park township. It contains 219 residential sites including a primary school site and creche, three children's playing areas and four parks. The first major shopping centre for the Bafokeng region has also been planned at Madubu Park and is under construction.

Priority has also been given to community health care in phase one. Now completed is a fully equipped medical clinic to replace an old small and temporary facility which functioned near the civic Centre. Phase two was planned over a five year period, but was obviously dependent on the royalties received. The major capital project envisaged was the construction of a hotel with international standards at the Mountain Tshufi. However, the council was adamant that this facility would not include a casino which has proved disastrous to moral standards elsewhere in rural Africa (Wright, 1993:11).

Phase three was to see to the emergence of higher education facilities which planned construction of a technical college and phase four and phase five will concentrate on commercial and subsequently industrial needs of the region. Unfortunately phases two, three, four and five have not taken off yet, because of the split in the tribe, resulting in some people opting for the Bophuthatswana government and some resisting to be part of Bophuthatswana. This resistance has even caused Chief Lebone Molotlegi to be ousted in 1990 after he was allegedly implicated in an abortive coup against President Mangope of Bophuthatswana.

Chief Lebone Molotlegi and his wife Semane were detained for a few days after the attempted coup. Later Mrs Molotlegi obtained a court order to forbid the Bophuthatswana government from harrassing and interfering with the Woman's Club she ran, because she and her family, along with the club, were being "harrassed and victimised" by the Bophuthatswana government since the coup, 20 while reports were received by the South African Council of Churches that "hundreds and hundreds of ordinary Batswana in the so-called Bafokeng region have been haunted and detained by the Bophuthatswana Defence Force" (Bozzoli and Nkotsoe, 1991:28).

All these problems caused the developments of the Bafokeng tribe to come to a standstill. Nevertheless, the Bafokeng people are great believers in self-help. It was this principle that bought the early farms and saw to the construction of the Lutheran church and its current renovation while the Chief was planning major regional and urban developments. There has also been a considerable amount of renovation and building of new houses by private individuals. still discernible in the region are the older rondavels which gave way to the square thatch and clay houses dating back to the 1800's.

These subsequently have given way to the conventional stoep design of brick and tin roofs of the early 1900's. Now these are rapidly being overtaken by more modern designs of A-frame shape and double-storey dwellings. There are also little gardens of orange trees, poinsettias and indigenous acacias.

At the foot of Direpotsane is a structure which fascinates visitors. It is a beautifully constructed grain silo, handmade by the women of the Bafokeng over 100 years ago. The design and decoration was admired by Moffat when he witnessed the devastation in the lands of the Bafokeng. High on the hill above the grain silo is the magnificent Tribal Council. Both are fitting tributes to the resilience of the People of the Dew. Both are ant-proof.

2.1 Heroic Poems of the Bafokeng of Phokeng

Leboko la Morena wa Phokeng: Kgosi Molotlegi Mokgatle: Fa tlhaga thabeng:

'. 21

1. Ke nna garagara sekgweng, Mmangwanyana-a-maretlwa 2. Naledi ya masa, ya gaabo-Rakobotwa 3. Naledi ga e tlhaga Moremothulwe e batla Matebele. 4. 0 ntseng are, 0 ka same sa maoketsa, 5. Bantlha ga ba se bona 6. Se bonwe ke banna ba se bantsi 7. Sa be sa bonwa ke bo-Rampuane 8. Sa be sa bonwa ke bo-Moitshoki 9. Ge a tsamaya a ntshokolola dinao, 10. Sa ba sa bonwa ke Mothulwe-a-Photsana. 11. Nna ke ne ke Ie seatlhodi 12. Ke Ie thipa ke abela Bafokeng. 13. 0 ntseng a re ntlheng naga etsho Ie baya matlapa, 14. Le baya dipene Mabasa 15. Ga Ie are foroma setena, 16. Ke ntshitse Modise Ie Molebatsi 17. Batlhankana ba ba ka fa Boditi 18. Ba ba ntseng ba kopa bo-MorwaMmaseperedikoso. The praise-poem of the Chief of Phokeng Chief Molotlegi Mokgatle: 1. I am making a rustling sound in the forest Mmangwanyana of Maretlwa 2. Early morning star of Rakobotwa 3. The star that comes from Moremothulwe, searching for Matebele. 4. Who is saying, look after what is mine, for it will increase my lineage 5. The first men did not see it 6. It was not seen by many men 7. It was also seen by Rampuane 8. It was also seen by Moitshoki 9. When he took me halfway. 10. Mothulwe of Photsana also saw it. 11. I was a jUdge 12. Being the knife that distributed for Bafokeng. 13. He is asking, why are you marking our land with stones 14. Why are you marking it with pens "my baas"? 15. Did you not say I should make bricks? 16. I allocated Modise and Molebatsi 17. Young men from Boditi 18. You are asking for food from son of Mmasepere (wife of the Boer)

Historical background of the poem:

Chief Mokgatle had just come from initiation school when he composed this poem, praising himself and questioning the occupation of the Boers (Paul Kruger) who were already occupying land and making borders for the Bafokeng tribe. He was very 22

angry with the Matebele because his mother was killed during Mzilikazi's raid in Phokeng. This poem also emphasizes that the men and women of the Bafokeng tribe were working for the Boers, neglecting their duties, and were remunerated by accommodation and food. This is also highlighted in the book Women of Phokeng by Bozzoli and Nkotsoe, when they interviewed older women of Phokeng between 1981 and 1983.

Leboko la Kgosi Molotlegi Mokgatle:

1. ThelIa wa Mmanape-a-tshukudu 2. 0 'tlapa Ie kwa Moremogolo Kgolokwe 3. 'Tlapa Ie paletse basimane ba Thekwane 4. Le paletse Tlhage morwa Rampete. 5. Motho yo tumileng ka dichaba, a tuma, 6. A ba tuma Ie Phiritona go se gaufe, 7. Re tlile ra utlwa ka Mokitlane a Lesotho, 8. A re, ThelIa wa Mmanape-a-Tshukudu, 9. Wa bidiwa wa batlwa 10. 0 batlwa ke basimanyana ba Mokgatle, 11. Ba go batla ba go isa kae ba sa go rate, 12. Ntswa ba go batlela makwalwana a Makgoa. 13. A motho 0 kile a seka thotha e Ie yaabo? 14. A seka Rannokana Ie Madumelo.

The praise-poem of Chief Molotlegi Mokgatle:

1. Slide of Mmanape of Tshukudu 2. His round rock is at Moremogolo 3. The boys of Thekwane were unable to move the rock, 4. Tlhage son of Rampete was also unable to move it. 5. A person who is famous among multitudes, and became famous 6. He also became famous as far as Phiritona, 7. We heard about him through Mokitlane of Lesotho 8. Saying, Slide of Mmanape of Tshukudu 9. You are called, you are wanted 10. You are wanted by small boys of Mokgatle, 11. Why do they want you, when they hate you 12. They want you for letters from Whites 13. How can one go to court for his own land? 14. Go to court for Rannokana and Madumelo.

Historical background of the poem:

Chief Mokgatle was known for being a very strict person, who expected the youth to be quick in whatever they were expected to 23 do. Moremogolo is a mountain in Phokeng, where the village of Phokeng was first built before it was built at the foot of Direpotsane. People have started building at the foot of Moremogolo and this place is called Moremogolo or "Tshwara extension" • In this poem, Phokeng is compared to a rock, because of the strong leadership of Chief Mokgatle, who was challenged by men from a sUb-village of Phokeng called Thekwane, fighting for leadership. Whites were also sending letters which were supposed to summon him to court for his land. These whites were kniving with his cousins basimane ba Mokgatle, who did not like him.

Leboko la ga Thethe 1. Ke nna Mokalakala-a-Rakgomo-a-Mekhise-a-Mealangwe, 2. Mokala-a-mmabana ba alIa, 3. Tlhang a re ba lla ba re: Mokalawee! 4. Anna ke rile Motsewe ba tshware, 5. E tswe bana ba lona ba sa itse go tshaba; 6. Ba bile ba tshaba se kgomo e tshopjana, 7. Ba tswe ba tsoa gapa metlhape a magomo a maramagana, 8. A ba ga Mmanamane, a MmaMalatsi a sa a rateng, 9. A mogatsa kgosi 0 sa a bee disuga! 10. Nnaare a ba ne ba ya go nkgapela! 11. E tswe ba ne ba ya go ikgapela, 12. Bo mmaabo ba tla go di kgetha; 13. Bo mmaabo ba tlhatlega meritshwana. 14. Motho 0 mosweu 0 swetse letsheng, 0 swetse letsheng. 15. La Matlhomegoe, e rile aa swa ba mo atamela, 16. Ba mo tshegetsa ka dinthe tsa marumo, 17. A sa etse koko la Matlakana, 18. A sa etse ba ga Nta-a-Mogami, yo erileng a swa, 19. A rotha mokola! 20. Nna Thethe ke tlhoma ke ratana Ie tlou, 21. Ke raya tlou ke re 0 molekane; 22. Tlhang tlou e tIoga e ipona dikgoka, 23. E ipona dikgokakgoka Thebethe-a-ga-Thebe-a-Phologolo 24. E dule mo bodibeng kwana The praise-poem of Thethe

1. I am Mokalakala of Rakgomo of Mekhise of Mealangwe, 2. Mokala of mothers are crying

3. Why are they crying, saying Mokala! 4. Did I say Motsewe arrest them, 5. Your children cannot run, 6. They ran like a female cow without horns 24

7. Whilst they drove a black and white herd of cattle

8. They drove Mmanamane's of MmaMalatsi the ones you do not like, 9. The queen, the ones you do not blame! 10. Did you go and drive them for me! 11. When you drove them for yourself, 12. Their mothers will choose amongst them 13. Their mothers will boil water. 14. A white person died at the lake, he died at the lake, 15. At Matlhomegoe, when he died they came near -16. They supported him with assegais 17. He did not know the Matlakana group 18. He did not know the Nta of Mogami, who, when 19. he died, bled through the nose! 20. I Thethe, thought I was in love with an elephant, 21. I said to elephant, you are my friend 22. Why is the elephant seeing itself as strong, 23. It sees itself as very strong, Thebethe of Thebe of Phologolo. 24. The crocodile is out of the water.

Historical background of the poem:

Chief Mmakgongwana Thethe was supposed to take the crown after the death of his father, but unfortunately his brothers fought for the crown, and this caused Thethe to seek refuge with BaMmatau. Whilst with BaMmatau, Chief Kgaswane, the Chief of BaMmatau sent his son Nkotswe to go and forcefully take Bafokeng's herd of cattle. Thethe warned Kgaswane that he dare not touch the cattle that belonged to the royal family. Kgaswane did not listen and sent Nkotswe, who was said to be the bravest soldier in the village. Nkotswe was killed by the man called Mm6pjane of Phokeng.

It was during this time that Thethe started praising himself saying that he warned Chief Kgaswane not to do it, but he did not listen.

Leboko la lesole Ie Ie bolaileng Nkotswe: Mm6pjane. 1. Konkwe e mafatlha thulakanye-a-bo-Ramolefe, 2. Tlhatlhapola a sose tau e befile, 3. Kwa metsaneng ya baa Matlhaba, 4. Ya ba ya re Mokwena a tla, 5. A tla ka men6 a Ie mahibidu, 25

6. A re ga e thula phologolo etsho, 7. E tswe e Ie yaa bo Tlhasi-a-Oiala morwa Makgala. 8. "Selepe sa ga ka Ntlhaka-a-Molose 9. Maremakanye aa bo-Mootso 10. Ga se reme ka motho a se bogale". The praise-poem of Mmopjane: The soldier that killed Nkotswe: 1. Invincible, brave, conqueror of Ramolefe 2. The unraveller, is this thing a vicious lion, 3. At villages of the Matlhaba, 4. And when Mokwena came, 5. coming with red teeth 6. When our animal charged 7. Being the one of Tlhasi of Oiala son of Makgala. 8. Axe belonging to Ntlhaka of Molose 9. Oestroyer of Mootso 10. The person who is not brave cannot chop with it.

Historical background:

This was during the war between BaMmatau and Bafokeng. The Bafokeng tribe came out as victors, when Mmopjane the praised one killed Nkotswe, the bravest soldier of BaMmatau, and the heir to the crown of BaMmatau.

Leboko la Kgosi Sekete

1. Ke nna Sekete se modumo, 2. Seketemela dichaba tsa Phokeng, 3. Ga Mmanape-a-tshukudu 4. Erile go twe 0 tlhabile segopa Kgadikidiki 5. Magosana a ipela are: 6. Sekete 0 hule re tla robala. 7. Erile go twe 0 dule fa lapeng, 8. Ba tema mekokotlo ba re: 9. Sekete re a be re tla go mo tshabela kae! 10. A re ngwana-a-Mmampya a koba tshukudu, 11. Makgale ke ene a sa mo tshabeng, 12. Ga a tshabe selo se naka Ie phatlheng. 13. A re ngwana-a-Mmampya 0 tsosa Modimo, 14. 0 tsosa 0 motona 0 tlatlapa, 15. Mmaagwe 0 tlaa mo lefa kang?

16. Raya Borejane a mo lefelle 17. Le ge e Ie letlhodi a duele 18. Kwa ntle ga go kukeloa. 19. Masitela mabapi, go shoa a maraka magolo, 20. A bo Raletshola-a-Lekomola. 26

The praise-poem of Chief Sekete

1. I am Sekete with a heavy sound 2. Above the multitudes of Phokeng 3 . At Mmanape of Tshukudu 4. When it was said, he attacked a mob Kgadikidiki, 5. Headmen became proud and said: 6. Sekete is dead; we shall sleep. 7. When it was said, he moved out of his home 8. They got a chill in their backs and said: 9. What are we going to say to Sekete 10. He says child of Mmampya chases a rhino 11. Makgale is the only one who is not afraid of him 12. He is not afraid of a thing with a horn on the forehead 13. He says child of Mmampya wakes the God 14. He wakes the big and strong one 15. What will his mother pay with? 16. Tell Borejane to pay for her 17. Even if it is a bowl of beans, let her pay 18. without someone carrying it for her. 19. Neighbours should help each other 20. The Raletshola's of Lekomola.

Historical background of the poem:

Chief Sekete is remembered as a great chief and a warrior of great repute. His big, strong voice is a symbol of how powerful he was. He is said to have been feared and respected by the neighbouring tribes, and attacked only when provoked. After defeating the Batlokoa, he set Chief Bogatswe free, but Bogatswe vowed to kill Sekete, and said "I must find peace myself" and killed Sekete.

Leboko la Kgosi ya Oirepotsane (Kgosi Lebone Molotlegi)

1. A re ke Tau ya Maganelwa, Nkgakganthe Seokama Oichaba, 2. Kwena e ntsho e kwa Direpotsane 3. Phokeng ga Mmanape-a-Tshukudu. 4. A re ke tlhaga ka Borwa ke duma 5. Ke tsietsa maapara-nkwe, 6. Ke be ke tsietse Ie magosana a itumetse. 7. A re nna Lebone la Bafokeng, 8. Nna Ie nnake re tlogetswe ke rre 9. Re Ie masiela a Bafokeng, 10. Ra gola ra kokomoga 11. Ra ba ra ya Modubung Ie ba bagolo. 12. Nna Lebone la Bafokeng, 13. Setlogolo sa Bapo, dikgomo ke gapa metlhape, 14. Ke gape mebala, ke be ke gape tsa gaabo Ratsie-a-Bapong. 27

15. Ba re kgomo tshwaana kwa Mmamerotswe, 16. Pula ya duma, ga ba duma 17. Letlapa Ie Ie kwa Moretele. 18. A re kgosi Lebone ga ke ipee mebala, 19. Ka ke tswe ke tlhodilwe ka mebala. 20. Ke Ie seapara-nkwe Tilodi ya magaga. 21. Phokeng ga Mmanape-a-Tshukudu. 22. Kgosi Lebone ga ke go boke ke a go dumedisa. 23. Ga nkabo ke go boka, 24. Nkabo ke go bolelela ke rei 25. Dilo di mo metsing di methalo 26. Ga re ga tsona ke Kgosi Molotlegi 27. Pula, Pula, Pula Bakwena. 28. A e ne matsorotsoro 29. A re ke nna mosimane-a-Lehurutshe, 30. Modisa-a-ga-Kgosi Lebone.

The praise-poem of Chief of Direpotsane, Chief Lebone Molotlegi.

1. He is lion of Maganelwa, the invincible, hoveror over multitudes 2. Black crocodile that is at Direpotsane 3. Phokeng at Mmanape of Tshukudu. 4. He says, I am from the south with a sound 5. Cheating chiefs (wearers of tiger's skin) 6. I even cheat headmen being happy 7. He says, I the light of the Bafokeng 8. My brother and I were left by my father 9. Being orphans of the Bafokeng 10. We grew and became uplifted 11. We even went with our elders to Modubung 12. I the light of the Bafokeng 13. Nephew of the Bapo, I drive herds of cattle 14. I drive colours, 15. I even drive the ones belonging to Ratsie of Bapong. 16. They say, there is a female white cow at Mmamerotswe, 17. There was a sound of rain, even a rock at Moretele sounded 18. He says Chief Lebone, I am not praising myself 19. Because I am born with praise 20. I am wearer of the tiger, King of the forest. 21. Phokeng at Mmanape of Tshukudu. 22. Chief Lebone I am not praising you, I am greeting you, 23. If I could be praising you 24. I could be saying to you, 25. There are things in the water with stripes 26. Among them, there is Chief Molotlegi. 27. Let the rain fall upon Bakwena 28. Let it rain, let it rain, let it rain, Bakwena. 29. I am a boy from Lehurutshe 30. The caretaker of Chief Lebone. 28

Historical background of the poem:

This poem was composed by David Thageng Magano, praising Chief Lebone on his wedding day, when he brought queen Semane, daughter of Chief Tshekedi of Botswana, home to Phokeng in 1962. Chief Lebone belongs to the Maganelwa regiment or age-group of which he is a leader.

Leboko la kwa gaabo Mohumagadi Semane (La kwaabo mogolo)

1. A ke motho a Seroka-a-Mothupi, 2. A kopong a-tshweu a maadimo, 3. Ngwana ga Mmatia-Tlhabanai 4. Titaya mere ga itiye gantsi, 5. Itshekela dinaka go senyega. 6. A re a, ke ngwana wa motse 0 fa mfapheng; 7. 0 yare a bua, legaga Ie bue, 8. A amogelwe ke lentswetukisi. 9. Ba re sekgwa se fa Kolosei 10. Basimane ba tlhwa ba Se dikile, 11. Se dikwa ke Mpshe Ie Kuate. 12. Ba re ga ba kua ba ntlha ya godimo, 13. Bare e tla e lela'tshadi yo 0 Kojana, 14. E re e lela matlho a kwano 15. E re e lela ya re, re fe bana lejabatho 16. Refe bana lekometsa batho. 17. Le kua Ie felelwa ke mekgosana, 18. Le bona ge e tla e rotoba tlou e shakge 19. Ya bo Mere Ie Ntsetsele Ie Laphuti. 20. Ba re itlhabanele ga ona motlhabanedi, 21. Ngwana rraago ke lerumo Ie thebe.

The praise-poem of Queen Semane's maternal lineage:

1. Is she a person of Seroka of Mothupi, 2. with white borrowed forehead 3. The beater of herbs, does not beat many times, 4. Bracing itself for the worst to come 5. She says, is it the child of a village that is on a hillside 6. When she speaks, the cave also speaks 7. She is received by a reverberating voice. 8. It is said that there is a forest at Kolose 9. Boys are forever attacking it 10. It is attacked by Mpshe and Kuate. 11. It is said there is a loud shout from the village 12. It is said, women of Kojana are crying, 13. As they cry, their eyes are fixed on this side 14. As they cry, they are saying, give us children maneater, 15. Give us children swallower of people. 29

16. You shout with fading voices, 17. As you see the vicious elephant coming at great speed 18. The elephant of Mere and Ntsetsele and Laphuti. 19. It is said, fight your battles, 20. you do not have anybody to fight for you 21. Trust your spear and shield.

Historical background of the poem: Chief Tshekedi is praised by his uncle (from his maternal lineage) as he arrives from the initiation school. He is ready to take over the tribe. The tribe is pleading for his mercy, it is actually saying, "We are being killed, our children are being killed", so they are pleading to Tshekedi the great warrior to mediate and rescue them from the enemies based at a forest in Kolose. "Boys are forever attacking this forest but they have not managed to defeat the enemy. Mpshe and Kuate tried, so please great warrior intervene."

2.2 The Clan Praise-Poems of the Bafokeng of Phokeng

A clan is a group of people who are related through a common ancestor. Some clans are matrilineal, related through the female line, others are patrilineal, related through the male line. Although they may live far apart, members of the clan feel a close relatioship to each other and usually have a strong spirit of unity. They often share property or special privileges. Most clans are exogamous, that is, the members must marry outside the clan. Clans are often named after a totem. American Indian tribes had clans such as the Bear clan or Tobacco clan (Worldbook, 1990:637).

In Phokeng, as with all the Batswana tribes, the village is divided into clans, dikutle. The clan distinguishes between the ones originating from the Chief's lineage, which is the nucleus of the tribe, and those formed by alien groups bafaladi which after incorporation into the chiefdom, have retained their separate administrative status (Coertze, 1988:75). These clans are also named after a totem, for example Bapitso with their totem being Tshwene (baboon) and Bamalla with their totem being 30

Kgomo (cow). The different clans report to the headman (Kgosana) who then reports to the Chief on their behalf.

Ceremonies involve not only members of the lineage but also all members of the clan living in the neighbourhood. Clan solidarity is a vital element in African society, binding a man to his living relatives in the belief that the spirits would bind him to the dead. All members of the clan are to be present at all occasions, where they are invited when lineage members and their clansmen gather, at mortuary rituals, weddings and all initiation celebrations.

At all rituals the clan name and/or one or more clan praise names are called in the invocation. In addition, in the mortuary rituals the name of the deceased is mentioned, as well as the name of his grandfather. All clan ancestors are addressed by the use of a clan name (Opland, 1983:120).

Although clan praise-poems are not considered acurate historical sources, the clan's origins, its history and the lineage to the common ancestor, as in the clan praise-poems of Bapitso which always have Mmaphatshwana the great-grandmother of the Bapitso clan. Clan poems highlight the traditional background of a particular clan.

These poems can serve as a literary document of historical material that cannot be thawed down to an intellectually consumable substance without the guiding help of the elders of society, who break it down to several sUbjects, and furnish oral narratives to make each subject meaningful (Sienaert and Bell, 1.988: 221). This process of isolating and narrating parts of the praise-poem can be illustrated by an example of an old woman who was recorded reciting her clan praise poem. When asked a few questions about the poem, and who Mmalenala was, and why he was wearing lenala (nail), she started narrating that in the olden days, long before they were born, her great-grandfather 31

(Mmalenala) saved the village of Phokeng from a curse that almost all the witchdoctors of Phokeng could not combat.

Her great grandfather had moved with his family to Moletji, a village around Pietersburg, because of the wars that were in Phokeng at that time. When the Chief realized that nobody could combat this curse, he sent some men to go and fetch her grandfather. There was a calabash which burnt like fire in the village forest, and at night it would turn into a big coal of fire that lit the whole village.

Everybody was sad because all the diviners who attempted to fight the calabash dropped dead on the spot. Her grandfather then came wearing a chain with a nail of a wild animal as a pendant, and confronted the calabash. He pointed the nail of the wild animal at the calabash and the calabash fumed, but he kept on pointing the calabash until it broke. This was the time when he praised himself with the praise poem that the clan still remembers to this day.

(a) Leboko la Ba-Rangaka: (Radiala)

1. Ke Motlhabane wa nokana e tshwaana 2. E senang mokgokgotsho 3. Motlhabane wa nokana e tshwaana 4. E senang mokgokgotsho, 5. Ngwana wa gaabo Mmalenala wa Machema. 6. Yo rileng a tswa Moleji 7. A be a sa tshabe, 8. Ya re a tla Phokeng a tshabiwa 9. A tshabiwa ke Ramagono a Mmusi. 10. A nnare Mmalenala 0 ntsaya masepa? 11. A nka go tsaya masepa, 12. Ke se divarka, ke se dikolobe 13. E nnile Letatakgolo le le kgomo e ntlha 14. La kgomo yaabo Morati wa Mmatau 15. wa gaabo Kgatitsoe. 16. A nka go tsaya masepa, 17. Ke se divarka, ke se dikolobe 18. Ke sa tsamaye ke olla batho, 19. Ke motho wa gaabo Mmapuso 20. Le Semanego Ie Mmamodidi. 21. Ngwanyana 0 marago a sephaphathi, 32

22. 0 marago a bopharaphara 23. 0 ka re mogatla wa phelehu, 24. 0 kileng a bopangwa Ie kgomo a e thala. 25. Motho wa gaabo Jakopo 26. 0 kileng a bopangwa Ie Jakopo. 27. Letatakgolo Ie Ie nko ntlha, 28. La kgomo ya gaabo Morati wa Mmatau wa Kgatitsoe. 29. Tlou ga e nke e nwa rnetsi a Ie rnatala 30. Gobane e tshaba nko go kokanwa. 31. Motlhabane, Ditlou!

The praise-poem of Ba-Rangaka (Radiala)

1. I am Motlhabane of a white riverlet, 2. Which cannot be touched, 3. Motlhabane of a white riverlet 4. Which cannot be touched 5. The child of Mmalenala of Machema. 6. When he came from Moletji 7. He was fearless 8. When he arrived in Phokeng, he was feared, 9. Feared by Ramagono of Mmusi. 10. Mmalenala are you taking my faeces? 11. Can I take your faeces 12. Not being pigs, not being pigs, 13. It was Letatakgolo of the first cow 14. Of the cow of Morati of Mmatau of Kgatitsoe. 15. Can I take your faeces, 16. Not being pigs, not being pigs, 17. Not going about picking up corpses. 18. I am a person of Mmapuso and 19. Semanego and Mmamodidi. 20. The girl with broad buttocks, 21. She has broad buttocks 22. Like the tail of a ram. 23. She was put next to a cow, and she 24. A person of Jakopo, 25. who was put next to Jakopo 26. Letatakgolo with a sharp nose 27. Of the cow of Morati of Mmatau of Kgatitsoe 28. An elephant never drinks green water 29. Because it is afraid, 30. For its nose will be squandered 31. Motlhabane, oitlou!

Historical background of the poem

Mmalenala the great-grandfather of BaRangaka was praising himself after combating the curse that haunted the Bafokeng tribe. The witchdoctors who were afraid to even approach the calabash were 33 accusing him of bewitching them, saying that he is taking their faeces.

He is called Mmalenala, which is his praise-name, for wearing a wild animal's nail which conquered the fierce calabash that haunted the chief and stopped the Bafokeng tribe from having rain, which was a sign of unhappiness, because it meant no food, as there would be no ploughing and the cattle would die.

There is evidence that Mmalenala was an alien in Phokeng, because his totem is an elephant and not a crocodile which is the totem of clans of the chief's lineage. The informant who gave this history says her grandfather moved to Moletj i because of the wars in Phokeng, and was called back to come and rescue the tribe from the haunting curse. However, there is a different version from another informant.

Leboko la Kwa Mokotedi (Kgopane)

1. A ke mosimane wa gaabo Pharitlhe ke lesogana, 2. A ke motho wa gaabo Mphapharitlhe, 3. 0 ntseng a re kwalang kapele di a feta, 4. 'Tlhaka la noka, ngwana ga Magakwe-a-Mokotedi 5. A sose mpya, e itse motswalo, 6. Ke bone e sianela Mokotedi, 7. Nna le ge ke sepila, ke montle, 8. Ke tshwaana le Magakwe wa ga Kwalang.

The praise-poem of Mokotedi (Kgopane clan)

1. Is it the boy of Pharitlhe, I am a gentleman, 2. Is it a person of Mphapharitlhe, 3. Who is saying write quickly they are passing, 4. River reed, child of Magakwe of Mokotedi. 5. Is this a dog, it is aware of beautiful clothes, 6. I saw it run towards Mokotedi. 7. Even if I am ugly, I am beautiful 8. I look like Magakwe of Kwalang.

Historical background of the poem:

Kwalang who is Tlhapi and Magakwe's father is being praised by his fathers as he enters the village from initiation school. He 34

is praised for being the best dressed (wearing animal hide which he slaughtered himself) and says that even if he is ugly he is beautiful. Even the dog can bear witness to this.

Leboko la Ba-Setshedi sa Magaba-a-Boteng: (Mosetlha)

1. Leiyane, Lenyogonyogo, letswala ka pati tsa bathe 2. Ngwana Mmamahura a theko a tlhaolosa a fisa 3. Ngwana Mmakosha 0 binang motshegare, 4. Bosigo 0 tshaba baloi ba ba mosito mogolo. 5. Motho wa gaabo Nthwesane 6. 0 0 rileng go rwesangwa a tlogelwa 7. A ba a tla reswa ke Lephothotho la Bakwena. 8. Tilodi ya Phagama-a-Mankwe, 9. Magama Kgomo ka bontsi. 10. Setshedi sa magaba-a-boteng 11. A go ka apaya ka pitsa e tona 12. A tima Seabe sa Maja-Tladi 13. 0 kwaletseng Makapane bogotlhe 14. Ka morwa Ntebeng wa Bakgatla. 16. Kgabo tona Tebele. 17. Ngwana mosadimogolo 0 tlhako di kgopo 18. Ga ke ipoke ke a dumedisa, 19. Go ipoka ke gore Letlotloba la Mmabowa ba Kgabo. 20. Setshedi sa magana go buswa.

The praise-poem of Setshedi (Mosetlha clan)

1. Leiyane, Lenyogonyogo closer with people's doors, 2. Child of Mmamahura, fat of high quality, that melts when hot. 3. Child of Mmakosha, dancing during the day 4. At night she is afraid of witches 5. with big sounds. 6. A person of Nthwesane, 7. The one who was left behind, 8. When others carried theirs 9. Was helped to carry by Lephothotho of Bakwena. 10. Tiger of Phagama of Mankwe, 11. Refusors of many cattle 12. Setshedi of deep stomaches 13. The ones that cook with big pot 14. Refusing to give Seabe of Maja-Tladi 15. Who wrote Makapane everything 16. About son of Ntebeng of Bakgatla monkey leader of Tebele 17. Child of the grandmother with long-winded shoes 18. I am not praising myself, I am greeting 19. Praising myself will be Letlotloba of Mmaborwa of Kgabo 20. Setshedi who is refusing to be governed. 35

Historical background of the poem

When Hendrick Mathibe Makapane was made chief in Mosetlha in Hammanskraal, Ramarutlhware Sikwane, great-grandfather of Ba Setshedi refused to be ruled by Makapane saying that Malebye should be the one who should take the kingship. There was a misunderstanding, therefore Sikwane left with his whole lineage and lived a nomadic life until he reached Modikwe in Brits, where some of his children settled.

He went further until he reached the mountain of Moremothuloe in Phokeng. This place was then named Mmathagana. They settled at what is now called Lenatong, that is, across the river, because they were alien, until the day the chief came to see them and saw that this clan had beautiful girls, who could be married into the royal clan to produce beautiful children. Therefore Sikwane was made to move and stay next to the royal clan so that the royal boys could see his girls. They were given a place called Kwa Mosetlha, named after their place of origin.

The clan changed their surname from Sikwane to Setshedi, which is Ramarutlhware's grandfather's name.

Leboko la Sepeke Magano (Pitso)

1. Ke nna Sepeke sa maboakgwana e re e lela 2. Ya petekanya kodu 3. Ya kete ke kgwana ya madira a magolo, 4. E tswe e Ie kgwana ya madira a mannyane. 5. 0 ntse a re bothepha bo e tla 6. bo tswa kwa 'tsatsing 7. Bo ntse bo jana ka dinala 8. Bo ntse bo re, bo ra foo re fete 9. Re ye go bona tladi tshwaana 10. Kwa Bote-Sefogole, 11. Kwa tlase kwa Matsukubyane, 12. Mfera wa bo-oitau Ie Ramoroa. 13. 0 ntse a re itlhabanele 14. Ga 0 na motlhabanedi 15. Ngwana ga rraago ke thebe Ie marumo 16. ke letlalo fela, 17. La kgomo ya Nthimotse-a-Molefe 36

18. Motho a gaabo Makgopong 19. Yo saleng a tsoga a kgabile, 20. A ntse a bokwa ke batho, 21. Ebile a ntse a bokwa ke Makoko a Baphuthing. Praise-poem of Sepeke Magano (pitso clan)

1. I am Sepeke returning cow, bellowing 2. Gave a big sound 3. As if it is a big cow of a royal clan 4. In fact, being a cow of a junior clan. 5. He is saying, girls are coming 6. coming from the east direction, 7. Scratching each other 8. saying, let us pass 9. Let us go and see white lightning, 10. At Bote-Sefogole 11. Down at Matsukubyane, 12. The place of Ditau and Ramoroa. 13. He is saying, fight a good fight 14. Because you do not have anyone to defend you, 15. Your father's child is your shields and spears 16. It is only the hide 17. Of the cow of Nthimotse of Molefe. 18. A person of Makgopong 19. Who was well-dressed the whole day 20. Praised by people 21. Even praised by the multitudes of Baphuthing.

Historical background of the poem

Sepeke praises himself as he enters the village from the initiation school. He compares his voice with that of the royal clan. Like all the boys of his age, Sepeke assumes that he will immediately get a wife now that he is through with bogwera. He is so confident that he is the best and that girls will come from the east, fighting to be married to him.

Leboko la Molefi Molobye (Mathetshwaana)

1. Nna ke nna Ramebila, 2. Ramebila a Matsietsa Kgope 3. 0 ntseng gotwe basimane ba Bakgatla 4. Ba nyetse go setse Ramebila, 5. Kante Ie ene ga a sala 0 tla nyala. 6. Ke kgagarapa phelehu, e mphikela 7. 0 ne 0 thetse ka nko fela, 8. Ka dintlha tsa go ka hularelwa. 9. Ke setsepatsepa sa lebelo, 37

10. Tsitsipa kwa ga Mmanape-a-Tshukudu. 11. Erileng go sa, phalafala ya marumo 12. Ya kgelebetega kwa thabeng tsa Mogale 13. Ya utlwala kwa ga Mmanape-a-Tshukudu 14. Banna ba ema ka diema, 15. Ba re na 0 kae Setsepa, 16. Setsepa, Ie mmatlelang mo lapeng, 17. Le tswe Ie itse e Ie Ramebila, 18. A ba a Ie kwa mebileng. 19. Ramebila ga se ene 0 setseng a raletse, dithota Ie dithotana, 20. A tshela molapo Ie melatswana, 21. A ba wela madiba a magolo, 22. Noka tse dikgolo, tsa metsi a kgaso e kwa godimo, 23. A lelesela ka thelli bodiba, 24. A ba yo tsena, kwa mafatsheng a sele, 25. A tshela mafatsheng a boeng 26. Mafatsheng a bo-gomosagabosing. 27. Ramebila ke ene a tlileng a gapile kgongwanatshwaana, 28. A tla a gapile kgongwana-tshwaana 29. Kgomo ya lesika, 30. o ntseng go twe Ramebila 0 nnetse 31. Go ala meseme ya basadi, 32. Dikgomo di tla diswa ke mang? 33. Ya phanya naledi e tswa ka fa Borwa, 34. Gwa rotha Motlogelwa, 0 tlogetsweng 35. Ke bomogolowe, A ba opa mokgosi are: 36. Bo-nkgonne, mpoeleng Ie seke la ntlogela, 37. Ke ngwanagaabo Mogatusi-a-Marumo, 38. Ge tau di duma sekgweng, 39. Ngwana Mogalefi-a-Marumo, 40. Marumo a bolla. 41. Kgaitsadia MmaSeleka Ie Mmankwane. 42. A 0 nke 0 bue gape Thaka ya Magata, 43. A re ge nka tswelapele, 44. Nka Ie tlhomolapelo.

The praise-poem of Molefi Molobye (Mathebetshwaana clan)

1. I am Ramebila (man of the streets) 2. Ramebila of Matsietsa Kgope, 3. People are saying, bakgatla boys are all married 4. Ramebila is the only one left, 5. Nevertheless he will get married, 6. He is a strong ram full of mucus 7. Touch only the nose. 8. With the horns, that can be turned back, 9. He is Setsepatsepa that is fast, 10. A strongman of Mmanape of Tshukudu. 11. The one who, in the morning strongman of Spears, 12. Arrived at Mogale mountains 13. And was heard at Mmanape of Tshukudu. 14. Men stood up in their dignity, 15. Saying where is Setsepa, 16. Setsepa cannot be found in the house, 38

17. Why do you look for him in the house, 18. Knowing well that he is in the streets, 19. He is in the streets. 20. Ramebila has already crossed mountains and hills, 21. Crossed rivers and riverlets 22. And has fallen in big wells 23. Big rivers of big waves, with a strong sound, 24. Sailing with a ship 25. And reached faraway countries 26. Crossed strange countries 27. Countries of Egypt, fifty five. 28. Ramebila came with a white calf. 29. Came with a white calf 30. A cow with a lineage 31. People are saying Ramebila 32. You are spreading mats of women who will look after the cattle? 33. A star burst from the South, 34. And the herdboy was born, 35. Motlogelwa who was left by his elders shouted in a big voice 36. Saying: My elders, come back to me, do not leave me, 37. He is the child of Mogatusi of Marumo, 38. When lion roar in the forest, 39. Child of Mogalefi of Marumo, 40. Spears going for initiation. 41. Brother of MmaSeleka and Mmankwane. 42. Speak again Thaka of Magata, 43. He says if I can go on, 44. I can break your hearts.

Historical background of the poem

Molefi Molobye is termed Ramebila because he was always away from home. Even when his wedding banns were announced, ready for him to get married, Molefi left for the Anglo-Boer war on the week of his wedding and wrote a letter to his wife-to-be whilst in . Durban. People were disillusioned about him getting married and having a family. He came after a year, and got married to Boshadi Motsepe his wife-to-be, and was first blessed with girls before he had a boy. He was reprimanded by the elders who asked: "0 nnetse go ala meseme, dikgomo di tla diswa ke mang?". He is bearing girls, who is going to look after the cattle? He eventually had a son and settled down. He later went to pretoria, where he worked in a dairy. 39

This section is based on five clans because of the limitations of this study.

2.3 Performance

An oral culture is predominantly communal. It is knowledge that is shared by the society at large, hence it is anonymous. Due to the questions of acquisition, memory and recall, oral knowledge is very creative, non-individualized and slow to change. It is stored by means of mnemonic devices in proverbs, etc. Some of the devices are thematic formulas, rather than word for word recall. The poet has to inspire his audience. He cannot address his work to eternity, like the poet with his pen, waiting to be appreciated by the later generation. The audience is in front of him, and his aim is to hold their attention. It is this demand that explains the liveliness of oral poetry. Implicit in the very mechanics of performance is an expectation that something of pUblic interest is being said, and said in a manner worth attention (Vail and White, 1991:xii).

Therefore it is no mystery that the first and most basic characteristic of oral literature, even though it is constantly overlooked in collections and analyses, is the significance of the actual performance. Oral art is by definition dependent on a performer who formulates in words on a specific occasion; there is no other way in which it can be realized as a literary product. The bard therefore uses gesture and the tone of his voice to kindle and sway the emotions of the audience during a poetic performance. However, poetry itself has power.

Performance is the facet in oral art which reveals the status of an oral artist in action to determine the various factors that will ensure the success of the art. We shall examine the circumstances surrounding performance of African oral literature so as to understand how its oral nature is realized within the context where it is meaningful before an audience. Performances 40 differ in accordance with factors such as the age and energy of the performer; the nature of the occasion, be it death or merriment; the setting, whether the audience is in an open space or hall. Performance also takes place in a socio-political climate. Movements are important for the effectiveness of oral art. The significance of dramatic movements to the text of oral literature is sUfficiently clear. In many an oral peformance, the words spoken are only part of the general spectacle designed to please both ears and eyes.

2.3.1 Instances of Performance

(a) Heroic Performance The warrior who has won a battle, or killed the most feared opponent, recites his praises, jumping forward from the assembled audf.enoe, brandishing his spear, and stops in an open space where he can be seen by all. He started his praises in a high voice, moving to and fro at all time, occasionally stabbing the ground with his spear, to indicate the number of victims killed in battle for example Leboko la Mm6pjane the warrior who killed Nkotswe, the most feared warrior of the Mmatau, was praised for killing this warrior by one of the warriors who was jumping up and down, stabbing on the ground with his spear now and then and shouting in a loud voice, saying:

Selepe sa ga Ntlhaka-a-Molose Maremakanye a a bo Mootso Ga se reme ka motho a se bogale.

Translation:

Axe belonging to Ntlhaka of Molose Destroyer of Mootso Only the brave can use it.

(b) Initiation Performance In saying his praises a young man stands in an upright position, holding a little stick in his hand. He chants his praises in an even voice, with his eyes fixed on the raised stick. 41

The praises themselves are mainly hyperbole in that the boys praise themselves on things that are not based on fact, but on imagination and wishful thinking. When Kgosi Mokgatle came from initiation school he referred to the girl that he wished to marry as: o ntse a re oka same sa maoketsa Bantlha ga ba se bona Se bonwe ke bo-Rapuane Sa ba sa bonwa ke Moitshoki A tsamaya a ntshokolola dinao.

Translation:

Who is saying, look after what is mine For it will increase my lineage The first men did not see it It was seen by Rampuane It was also seen by Moitshoki When he took me halfway.

He also identifies himself with very powerful elements like stars, and a tiger that is not always seen, but one will only hear the sound "garagara" (rustling sounds).

(c) Graduation Performance Nowadays praises are also performed at graduation ceremonies. I attended a graduation ceremony at unibo (University of Bophuthatswana). I got an opportunity to record a praise-poem where a young girl was praised by her mother for having achieved well, and actually thanking the ancestors for safeguarding her daughter from all the problems and mishaps that might have occured during the years of studying. This is also done to remind the celebrant that she must uphold her culture even if she is educated.

The particular mother waited for the graduant's name to be called, and as she ascended the stage, she started praising her in a loud voice, standing up so that everybody could see her. The whole audience ululated and clapped hands, and someone in the audience who knew the praises of the praised one also stood up 42 and started showering the celebrant with praises, and there was excitement and ululating again. The officials of the university always see this as a hindrance, because the excitement does not die down until the next graduant's name is called. The person calling out the names of the graduants is therefore not heard, and has to wait until everybody is quite again.

Nevertheless this has not stopped parents from praising their children. They see it as an achievement on their side as well, in terms of proper upbringing, and having achieved a goal even under repressed conditions of socio-economic lifestyles that Blacks have been living under, and deprivation of proper educational standards at primary and secondary level. For a child to pass at university is a breakthrough for parents and their excitement cannot be controlled. The same exercise is repeated when the celebrant arrives home.

(e) Wedding Performance Weddings are part of the Setswana ritual where families both from the bridegroom's side and from the bride's side meet to celebrate the union of their children. This event is very sacred as it is seen as a way in which the lineage of the family will be extended. According to Setswana tradition, especially the Bafokeng of Phokeng, it is imperative that both families request the blessings from the ancestors, through slaughtering, singing and chanting praise poems to calIon the ancestors to bless the occasion. The families also introduce the newly-weds to their respective ancestral in-laws. This exercise is done on both sides as both ancestors should jointly bless the couple.

The head of the family, who is the most senior in the clan, recites the praises of his ancestors. The praiser accompanies his praises with gestures as the excitement increases. He suits the actions to the words and the words to the actions; the performance is indeed dramatic. The researcher attended a wedding ceremony in the village of Phokeng, and came in just when 43 the bridegroom and the bride arrived from church. Traditionally they stop at the gate which is called Kgorwana (the gate of the courtyard) and the aunt (Rakgadi) and uncle (Malome) are given a chance to praise the bridal couple. This is done to invite the ancestors into the lives of the couple and to tell the audience who the celebrants really are, in terms of their ancestral lineage.

The audience had an opportunity to listen to Koko Kanyane, who was a senior aunt to the bridegroom. Since she is known to be the aunt and an expert in praising, the audience was already ululating and showering her with confetti saying TIaaka tsona 'kgadi e kgolo (Come with them senior aunt). By this time Koko Kanyane, who had a broom in her hand, was already sweeping in front of the bridal couple, which is an indication that the bride (ngwetsi) daughter-in-law sweeps the courtyard (lapa) every morning. Whilst she was doing this, the other clan women were stamping with "metshe" (stampers), indicating to the daughter-in law that she has to stamp millet (sorghum); others had "dinkgo" (calabashes) to indicate that she has to draw water from the river.

She then started praising the bridegroom, reciting the praises of the bridegroom's ancestors - especially those of the great grandfather Mmalenala. This time the audience was excited and shouted and saying ipolele (tell about yourself) while others were saying ke ne ke Le teng (I was there), and the praiser always paused for ululation and addition to take place. The praise-poems followed according to seniority of family members and the sequence ended. The uncle of the bridegroom said "A ba tsene" (Let them come in). The bridegroom and the bride are only allowed in when they are given permission to do so, which is an indication that the performance is over. The audience ululated and started singing a wedding song to let the bridal couple in. 44

(e) Funeral Performance At a funeral sometime ago of a certain grandmother who was well known to me, an old man by the name of Thageng Magano, the village bard, started showering the deceased with praises. He praised the deceased as the coffin was carried out of the house, leaving for church. The researcher was later told that this was done to inform the ancestors that their child is leaving her home and that they should receive her. This is also done to inform the deceased that she is going out of her house for good and that she must not turn back (go gadima) which is a sign of doubt or dissatisfaction. This also means that the remaining people should not be haunted by her spirit.

This performance is very solemn; nobody speaks and nobody remarks, although the members of the family become very hysterical, because it now confirms that they will never see the deceased again. The same exercise (praising) was repeated at the grave-side. When the corpse was lowered the uncle performed a dirge with much gravity.

2.4 Conclusion

Discussion of the continuity of oral and written poetry takes as its reference point the text of oral poems. The idea that there is something called "the poem" such that one can discuss its oral or other characteristics, or how widely it and similar instances can be found throughout the world, is how the subject has commonly been approached. But the text is, of course, only one element of the essence of oral literature - a fact which emerged in the previous discussion. Oral poetry does indeed, like written literature, possess a verbal text. But in one respect it is different: a piece of oral art, to reach its full actualisation, must be performed. The text alone cannot constitute the oral poem (Finnegan, 1992:28). Therefore performance is an essential mode of presenting and even enlightening the community about their culture, their history as 45 well as their genealogical lineage. sometimes the oral text is long, which makes it difficult for the performer to remember all the details faithfully. Therefore the limitations of human memory, gaps which are filled by imagination and omissions which occur because of lapse of time, should not be disregarded. The only important fact is that the semantics of the praise-poem is not tampered with, even if many versions of a poem result. 46

CHAYI'ER3

3. DIVINING BONES

There are many different methods of divination. The majority of these forms are involved with consciously or unconsciously using spirit beings, by binding them to service or inviting them to reveal the future through the forms of apparent chance happenings.

In traditional African society the two principal figures were the chief and the traditional doctor. The chief carried the highest authority and reigned supreme in all functions both spiritual and physical as it was believed that his or her ancestral line led most directly to God. The healer too, through his vocation, was in direct communication with the spirits of the ancestors and therefore stood as advisor to the chief and intermediary between the ancestral spirits and the people (Boshier and Castello, 1975:1).

Upheavals allover Africa in the last two centuries, especially in kingship, have led to the disappearance of 'traditional r culture resulting therefore in ignoring the chiefs and the traditional doctors and all that they once stood for. Today the offspring of the old chiefs are found scattered everywhere, from workplace to universities and from legislative assemblies to the United Nations. In South Africa this was partly caused by the division of African people into ethnic groups, hence coming up with the T.V.B.C. states, thus causing the chief to stop focusing on matters affecting his village and tribe, but to focus on matters affecting the whole state. These states have led to the breakup of the old order of kinship and hence of putting aside the ancestral line and the advisor of the chief in matters concerning ancestral needs which are carried out by the traditional doctor (ngaka). According to Dathorne (1974:3) 47

the doctor is the inheritor and donor of traditions, its custodian and its liberator. He is a spokesman for the society in which he lives, sharing its prejudices and directing its dislikes (in a limited form of satire) against what is discountenanced.

The pressure on tribal society is very drastic. The chief still has a part to play, but his role has changed. Most of the time he has become a figure head and has lost power over his people. The missionaries have contributed to this loss.

3.1 The diviner/doctor

The term doctor has always been associated with man or woman performing a host of malevolent deeds, while in actual fact the doctor is the one who professes to cure disease and counteract witchcraft by magic arts. Gettings (1986:22) describes witchcraft as follows: Belief in witchcraft arises basically from the notion that the devil or his demons cannot wreak havoc in the world save through human agency, therefore the devil seeks to bind into his services (by both treachery and pact) humans who will do this for him; the basis of witchcraft is a Pact. Occultists have no hesitation in affirming that witchcraft, in its widest sense as the practice of "one in close and deliberate confederacy with the devil" has always existed in all parts of the world and is by no means unknown today.

Charlatans are also plentiful. These, as in other professions, can attract the most attention. It is also common that the tragic cases are always the best pUblicized. There appears to be no single term that accurately describes the role of the 'traditional' doctor in this country, although it has been indicated by previous references that the title witchdoctor is not derogatory, which is why its use has been maintained. The African people believe in a God who is so omnipotent and beyond our understanding that in many cases He cannot even be named. 48

African people have always believed that the ancestors being of spirit are closer to the Almighty and that they can play an intermediary role between Him and man.

The doctors are those persons whom the ancestors have chosen to interpret God's will on earth. Doctors in Southern Africa, depending on their category, have always played the role of priest, prophet, physician, herbalist, psychiatrist, diviner, rainmaker and exorcist. They are also, to a large extent, the tribal historians. In spite of the inroads of Western thought and teaching in Africa, together with the influence of missionaries and modern education, the doctor is still active among the African folk.

Breutz (1953: 71) describes the majority of the Bafokeng tribe as:

Christians, but there has been a certain tension between the chief and the mission for some time, since the former performed rain ceremonies in January 1949. A cattle kraal was built on a hill behind his village and a black ox was slaughtered for sacrifice on the day before, and the skin and the bones were burnt after the people had eaten the meat.

There is a sacred hill near Turffontein, called Malejane, where Chief Thethe placed a medicine pot to have rain-medicine made by his trusted medicine-man (ngaka) and the water for this medicine was fetched from a certain waterfall. Young girls then had to sprinkle the medicine on the fields and paths. However this is no longer done today. The Bafokeng tribe still believes that a newly built house has to be protected, therefore charms (dipheko) are still put under the door and walls, so that the house is protected from witchcraft which may be in the form of lightning or any evil spirit that may be cast on them by the local witches, or other doctors. For this a fee is charged in a form of money or a cow. The older generation complains that there are no genuine medicine-men (dingaka) left. It is maintained that only few people still believe in witchcraft, but this is probably an 49 understatement, because their cattle and houses and even their children are protected through ritual ways (Breutz, 1953:71).

3.2 Divination

De Jager and Seboni (1978:2) state that:

Divination is a process of arriving at a jUdgement of the unknown through the study of incomplete evidence as found in various signs, and of which astragalomaney is one manifestation, is, like all magic is to man, part of the cosmic impulse. In it we see reflected the unending variety of mankind's eternal quest for life and meaning.

Divination is, however, never something solely belonging to the realm of the occult. It is not a disconnected activity, but part of the social system consisting of a response to a need. One can also define divination as a phase of social life where there is interaction between an individual and the broader society. Thurwald (1931:418) aptly puts it as: a starting point from which the social life of people may be approached. Divination is a study of the various personalities since social life starts from the interaction of individuals.

Divining bones are kept by the doctor (ngaka), although there is a distinction between the doctor who keeps divining bones, and one who does not. The one who does not use bones is called "hornless doctor" (ngaka e tshotswa). Divination, however, may be practised by any woman or man who has gone through the necessary training. De Jager and Seboni (1978:3) state that:

To qualify for the position of professional diviner the candidate usually has to pass through a very severe course of training. The apprentice is prepared for handling the dice by a regularly repeated rite in which medicated fluid and beer are poured into a dish into which the doctor throws the bones. 50

At the end of the period of training as a doctor, a brief ritual consisting of the slaughter of a fowl or sheep is performed and the novice has to drink a concoction called letsakala which induces excessive vomiting and is claimed to have the effect of preventing forgetfulness as well as that of strengthening his divining power for the rest of the period during which he will be practising this art.

One of the doctors who was interviewed said that sometimes one is trained by his or her ancestors in a dream. The divining bones are sometimes found at a place where the apprentice is shown by an ancestor in a dream. Herbs are taught in the same manner by the chosen doctor. She said that one would dream of being with one's ancestor, digging herbs in the forest and one would be shown the way to the place in a dream and be told to go there first thing the following morning. She said that this strengthens the expertise of the professional doctor chosen by the ancestor, and that this would lessen the payment for the training. It is also believed that not anyone can become a doctor, but only a chosen few. An ancestor who was a doctor is the one who chooses to whom he/she will bequeath the heritage.

3.3 Names of divining-bones

The principal number of divining bones of a Motswana doctor is five. They are called Moremogolo (big tree), its spouse kgadi (father's sister), jaro (fleet-footed), its spouse kgatsane (father's little sister) and Modimo (God) (Lesejane, 1973:128).

These are made of the bones of domestic animals, especially the cow. In addition to these five core pieces, a set of divining bones may include a number of astragali which may signify various totem groups, seashells usually representing Europeans, bones of the flamingo representing rain, tortoise scales, and possibly also other bones. There are strong indications that these tortoise scales were taken over from the Shona and Pedi people 51 and that they are not originally Tswana (de Jager and Seboni, 1978:5).

3.3.1 Function of divining bones community people consult for various reasons, be it for illness, strayed livestock, proposed plans such as marriage or travel, seeking emp Loymerrt; or the possibility of keeping it, being consulted by a chief or tribe about the likelihood of rain, for the smelling out of cUlprits, and so forth (Moloto, 1970:40). The five principal divining bones will function in the following way: Moremogolo (big tree) is always seen as the most important male piece, that is the senior of the two male bones. It means literally "the great medicine". When named thus the bone represents the owner or head of the homestead, and where the tribe is involved, it represents the chief. It may also represent a male ancestor in the patrilineage, (de Jager and Seboni, 1978: 5) .

The second principal male, called Jaro (fleet-footed), also signifies sonna (a man). It is sometimes called tlhako a potlana which signixies junior paternal uncle or monnao (your younger brother). This bone then is named and used to investigate the affairs of one's uncle or younger brother. This bone can sometimes also be called legwame which represents one's father. Another nane often applied to this principal bone is serumi which signifies motho yo monnye (a junior person in social status). In this context it points out that the patient's elder brother has sometning against him, which is usually witchcraft, because of jealousy or 0 mo tshwere ka pelo (he is holding him by the heart). This means he wishes that something bad should happen to him.

The most Lnport.ant; female piece is called kgadi (father's sister) which is sometimes called mmamotse (mother of the homestead). This is tne most senior female bone. When this bone refers to 52 the wife of the chief of the tribe it is called mosadi wa motse (wife of the village head) or senior wife in the case of polygamous marriage. It also represents an ancestor in the matrilineage of a woman not belonging to one's own family.

Thwagadima, which is also called jaro (fleet-footed) or younger male, is associated with vigour and young manhood and refers to tladi (thunder) and ntwa (warfare). This bone often signifies that one will die a violent death. Thogwane which is also called kgadi (father's sister) which is also jaro's (fleet-footed) wife is a diminutive form for thwagadima and it signifies calamity, death, annihilation and is related to mishaps. It may portray death or danger, but is not as serious as that portrayed by thwagadima (de Jager and Seboni, 1978:8). Modimo (God) always signifies that the ancestors are on your side. Sometimes a particular ancestor will be named after grandfather or an ancestor who is protecting you from evil spirits.

3.4 Performance

We have noted that performance takes place only when there are participants. In this case our participants will be the doctor and his patient. Although sometimes we do have an audi.ence, this is only when the doctor has trainees, who should be watching and learning and sometimes commenting to show how much they have learned. The divination praise poems are different, therefore they are performed differently. Their function is to praise the divining bones, prompting them to reveal the unknown.

Upon consultation, the diviner brings forth his hide bag or polecat bag, and the patient is required to sit flat on the floor or on a goat's hide or on a mat, and take off both his shoes. It is a belief that the solution to the problem will not be difficult to find if one is completely relaxed. The divining bones are given to the patient who breathes into them, and tells what the problem is. The divining bones will then be thrown on 53 the goat skin. sometimes the divining bones will tell without being told what the problem is, but if they are not clear, they are picked up again and told what the problem is. If the problem is loss of livestock then the patient will say: "I am in search of my livestock, I want to know where they have gone to; you bones of the dead have eyes, I have none; tell us where to find them."

The bones are then scattered again and turned upside down to allow tilting. They fallon the skin, and the fall is called lewa from the verbstem -wa (to fall). As they lie, they are praised, and it is noted especially how the principal ones lie.

The most important things in lewa (lie) is the pattern or combination in which the bones fall, and the surface on which each piece falls. When the decorated side of the bone faces downwards the piece signifies death, dying, inactivity and related mishaps. When the bone falls with the decorated side on top, it conveys walking, movement, liveliness and the like. The direction in which the bone points is also very important. The bones fall with either their faces facing downwards or upwards. (The face of the dice is the decorated side). If the bones fall with their faces towards each other it means approval, friendliness, co-operation and the like. When they fall with their backs towards each other, the combination conveys antagonism, unfriendliness and the like (Junod, 1927:8).

3.4.1 Different lies

3.4.1.1 Mpherefere Mpherefere is a noun indicating confusion, disputes or trouble. Mpherefere (disputes, trouble etc.) is a lie which was praised this way: 1. Mpherefere 0 matepe 2. 0 losa Bosetoti, 0 losa Bosetototo 3. 0 re 'tsatsing wa pharuma, 54

4. Ware moriting wa pharuma, 5. Wa rua kgomo ya bolawa 6. Wa rua motho a bolawa. 7. Lengwana la Bahula 8. Ga ke batle go laola kgosi, 9. Ke rata go laola ngaka 10. Gonne ngaka e tla re gakwa ya nkgakolola. 11. Mmangwana, 0 setlhogo jaang! 12. ke bolawa ke matlhongoletsa mollo wa dibi, 13. Ke bolawa ke mala 0 nkapeela lefata, 14. 0 ntheka sealo sa Mankokodisa 15. Lefisa go rakalala, sediba go wela.

Translation: 1. Disputes you are cheeky 2. You cause the setotis and the Setototo's to fight 3. You jump when it's sunny 4. You jump when it's shady. 5. You rare a cow and it is killed 6. You raise a person and he is killed. 7. You the hated of Bahula. 8. I do not want to examine a king 9. I want to examine a doctor 10. Because a doctor will help when I falter 11. Mother you are so cruel; 12. I am killed by cow-dung fire 13. I have a stomachache; you give me cooked mealies 14. You bUy with an inferior sleeping mat of Mankokodisa, 15. The up will stay up and the down will fall in a well.

Apostrophe and personification is used to emphasize how these problems have manifested themselves in the family. The doctor is reprimanding Mpherefere (disputes) as one who brings disputes among fellow brothers as in line 2: 0 losa Bosetodi, 0 losa Bosetototo, (You cause the Setodi's to fight, you cause the Setototo's to fight), using syntactical parallelism to emphasize 55 how cheeky and how cruel Mpherefere (disputes) are. This is emphasized in line 3 by way of final linking 0 re 'tsatsing wa phuruma; 0 re moriting wa phuruma (You jump when it is sunny, you jump when its shady). Contrast is used here, meaning that disputes are there all the time, even when one thinks, because it is warm (tsatsing). It is indicated in lines 5 and 6 that nothing can live in these disputes; everything dies, be it cattle or people. It is further said that the creator of these disputes is the mother in line 11. She is supposed to be the mediator, but instead she is stoking the fire of dispute. It is said that when the child comes with problems to her, she literally throws him out: Ke bolawa ke mala 0 nkapeela lefata (I have a stomachache - you give me cooked mielies) line 13. The patient will be asked if she/he agrees.

3.4.1.2 Motlhakola ka sephiri Assuming it was the cause of death that had to be divined, the lie (lewa) might be the following: 1. Ke motlhakola ka sephiri 2. Se se tlhakotseng mogatsa' kgosi 3. Ie ngaka sa e tlhakola. 4. Tlhabadima ya wa letsibogo 5. Le Bakgaga ba wa ka lona 6. Tlhapatlopu ke go inoga noka.

Translation: 1. It is motlhakola in secret 2. That which killed the chief's wife 3. It will kill the doctor too 4. A thunder fell on a bridge 5. Even Bakgaga fell on it 6. Tlhapatlopu is to come out of the river.

Motlhakola is a tree of the berry type which is a bad omen. The doctor confirms this in lines 2 and 3; if this tree can remove the queen it will also remove him. He says a very powerful sound 56 fell on the bridge, brave people held it and managed to survive. This lie indicates that there is hope, that even if there were signs of death, powerful ancestors (Bakgaga) have protected the patient. The remedy is found in the divining bones themselves.

3.4.1.3 Morero wa maboni The divining bones are depicting sickness and the lie is Morero. 1. Ke khupamarama ke swa ka yona 2. Kgaka ke mebala 3. Ga ke fofa ke mebala mentsho. 4. Ke morero wa maboni. 5. Sa morero ga se kgakala 6. Se makgatlha a ntshu nko Ie molomo.

Translation: 1. It is a secret I will die with, 2. I am a colourful guinea fowl, 3. When I fly, I have black colours. 4. It is circling that is known. 5. The circling is not far, solution is eminent 6. It is between the mouth and the stomach.

The name of this lewa (lie) is morero meaning "circling around the family and making it difficult to trace". Maboni alludes to the problem within the family courtyards surrounded by the same hedge as that of the patient. This is a secret that will never be disclosed by any member of the family who knows it; line 1: Ke khuparama ke swa ka yona (It is a secret I will die with). Line 2 portrays the patient as a beautiful and dignified person although there is a black cloud or colour which denotes a bad omen; Ga ke fofa ke mebala mantsho (when I fly, I have black colours). There is a pause betweens line 3 and line 4; this is allowed by the doctor, watching the patient for reaction. If he understands and assents, the suspense is shorter. Creating suspense is one of the doctor's techniques. 57

3.4.1.4 Lematla la mabofe The divining bones are taken by the patient. He/she breathes into them in the superstitious belief of establishing contact with them as a medical practitioner with his patient by means of the stethoscope. He/she asks them what the chances of restoration of health are, casts them down and with a bit of luck the lewa is: 1. Ke mogolori, ke mokaupa, 2. Ke mogolo, ke ja tsa uta 3. Tsa uta, tsa nkga, 4. Ntlokgolo a Mosate 5. E ila tshitshiri, e ila lefele 6. E ila di lomang tsotlhe.

7. Ke lematla la mabofe.

Translation: 1. I am strong, I withstand the worst 2. I am great, I eat stale ones, 3. stale and smelly 4. Great house of the King 5. It hates bedbugs, it hates cockcroache 6. It hates all that bite.

7. It is a heartbreak.

There is no direct telling, which is an important feature of poetry. There is apostrophising in a metaphoric sense. Ke mogolori, ke mokaupa (line 1) both refer to a brave person who has gone through the worst. An immune person who eats stale and even smelly food will still survive. It is a vivid image. This portrays the restoration of health by the divining bones, although the enemies are heartbroken. Line 7 emphasise this: Ke lematla la mabofe. The divining bones reassure the patient that the sorcery of the family circle will heal. This is what 58 the bones say, even if it takes some time because of lematla, the heartache of the witches.

The parallelism in lines 5 and 6 emphasizes how the divining bones depict the patient as a cautious person in terms of relationships. He or she hates people who contaminate relationships; people who are not honest. This is used in a metaphoric sense using a cockcroach for contamination and a bedbug for dishonesty, and hurting others.

There is a vowel rhyming pattern which also denotes a poetic device and rhythm in lines 1, 2 and 3, ending with the vowel "a", while lines 4, 5, 6 and 7 end with the vowel "e".

3.4.1.5 Thwaqadima When the divination or lie denotes Thwagadima (danger, death, lightning) then it means grave danger. 1. Ke thwagadima ya Marutla-Thudi, 2. E epa ka legwama 3. Lerumo Ie Ie botlhoko 4. Lerumo Ie Ie tlhabileng mme 5. Le nna Ie tla ntlhaba.

Translation: 1. It is a thunder of Marutla-Thudi, 2. Digging with a broken heart. 3. A painful spear 4. A spear that stabbed my mother 5. It will stab me too.

The witches have pursued the patient using thwagadima (lightning) which is emphasized by the possessive (ya Marutla-Thudi) , meaning wrenching lightning. These witches are heartbroken (legwame). They feel that what killed the mother will also kill the son, so it becomes obvious that they are responsible for the death of the patient's mother. 59

The alliteration in lines 3, 4 and 5 confirms the poetic nature of this type of text. Lerumo Ie Ie botlhoko Lerumo Ie Ie tlhabileng Le nna Ie tla ntlhaba.

The initial final linking in lines 3 and 4 (lerumo) emphasizes the danger and the power and impact that thwagadima (lightning) will have on the patient emotionally, psychologically and physically.

3.4.1. 6 Morupi 1. Ke morupi wa Mmakubela 2. 0 reng 0 tsamaya ka morupi wa Mmakubela 3 . 0 Le morero 4. Ka mollo 0 tsamayang ka selumi.

Translation: 1. It is within the family of Mmakubela 2. Why are you walking with the family of Mmakubela 3. Being encircled 4. By fire that is carried by a big man.

Here the patient is advised that the misfortune is within the family (morupi). This misfortune is following the patient wherever she goes. It is circling (morero) in the family. This also denotes danger caused by a big man (selumi). There is parallelism in lines 1 and 2 in a form of final linking (morupi wa Mmakubela). This emphasizes the power of Mmakubela who might be one of the elderly women in the family. This might also refer to a misfortune that Mmakubela had herself, so it is transferred to her children. This misfortune is also spread by a big man who is going along carrying fire, spreading danger, destruction and even death. 60

3.4.1.7 Makgolela When the patient asks the doctor further what the cause of the disputes or misfortunes can be, he throws the divining bones again, telling the patient to ask them what the problem can be, and where it comes from. The lie of the divining bones was: 1. Ke segolobe sa makgolela 2. Ke ntse, ke ruthubetse 3. Gago 'tsapa Ie mphisang pelo, 4. Motho ga kgolelwe 5. . o kgolelwa gaabo 6. E ntse e Ie morero.

Translation: 1. I am a bird of war in the household 2. I am seated, I am relaxed, 3. I have no problems, 4. A person does not fight 5. He fights at his home 6. Being circled.

In this investigation the patient is told that the dispute is internal and that the patient is relaxed; this is where the witches take advantage. The doctor explains that normally one gets bewitched from one's homestead as one opens up to his or her extended family. This lie also indicates morero (circling) around the family, a problem which is difficult to unravel, because it is within, and can also be caused by lematla (heartbreak) or envy by one's family members.

3.4.1.8 Legwame Finally, when the patient inquires from the bones, the lie is legwame, meaning the ancestors are involved: 1. Ke legwame la Mafakudu 2. Le Ie tsamayang ka morupi 3. E Ie lematla 4. Ke bongaka, bogarantsha dingaka. 61

Translation: 1. It is an ancestor of Mafakudu 2. Who is among the family 3. Who is heartbroken 4. It is a divinity which confuses professional doctors.

The patient eventually receives the solution from the bones. The ancestors choose him to inherit the profession of being a doctor, but the patient denies it all the time, even when he sees the signs. Therefore all the misfortunes are caused by lematla (dissatisfaction and heartbreak) from Iegwama (ancestors). This is explained by the fact that Ie tsamaya ka morupi (it runs in the family) meaning that this profession runs in the family. Therefore, the patient is next. The doctor explains that Iematia (heartbreak) can be very dangerous, the patient will forever be in trouble if he does not adhere to the ancestors' command. The doctor explains that the gift cannot be seen by any doctor, but he is chosen to reveal it (bogantsha dingaka) , it confuses doctors.

3.5 Conclusion

Sorcery poses problems allover Southern Africa especially in the Batswana tribes, since it seems as if the diviner at the level of esoteric interpretation really regards his divinatory objects as having intrinsic power. This can be seen from the fact that although it is the diviner or the complainant who throws the bones and the diviner who interprets them, it is the bones which bring and produce the remedy and the solution. The divining bones therefore have the occult power and they are claimed to be even more potent when made from the bones of animals offered in sacrifice (de Jager and Seboni, 1978:16). 62

CHAPTER 4

4. STRUCTURE OF THE PRAISE-POEMS OF THE BAFOKENG TRIBE

In examining the art of composition in oral literature and specificallY praise-poems, we must bear in mind the moment of performance, and the emotional relationship between the poet and the audience 1:hat makes this tradition of art form different from the literary variety. Each performance is a product of one specific moment or context and is never exactly repeated. However, there are some fixed structural laws which the praise poem will obey, such as the nature of its oral medium, mood and atmosphere (Okpewho, 1979:135). structure is the internal organization of a poem. It is structured through its particular organization of rhythm, eulogues, repetition, through to verse paragraphs which develop to a particu~ar pattern, giving a poem its form or shape. By analysing the structure of a poem, we are able to compare, to appreciate, to enjoy and to evaluate the poems we are reading.

Praise-poems were performed on the spur of the moment in honour of a chief or a brave warrior, who made his mark on the battlefield. These praise-poems constitute one structural whole, with no apparent divisions. According to Guma (1977:159)

These poems were to a large extent intended for the ear and not for the eye, for a listening pUblic and not a reading one. For this reason, the conveyance of thought and action, embellished in various stylistic ways, was uppermost. Such thought and actions were conveyed in poetic language without, however, following each other logically or systematically from beginning to end. Nor were they given in any great detail, 63

in that only the major points were mentioned in a telegraphic style, and the rest left to the listener's imagination.

Guma goes on to say that a thought is developed, expanded and concluded. Another thought follows, which is different from the first one and is given the same treatment. This results in a series of independent thoughts, which follow each other without a logical sequence and without agreement. Thoughts are made up of several lines at the end of which there is a pause. A pause denotes a verse paragraph. A series of such pauses or verse paragraphs makes up a praise-poem.

It is possible, however, to distinguish verse paragraphs in traditional poetry according to the grouping of ideas and the pauses which aid these ideas. To suit the requirements of a written poem authors create 'breaks' dividing poems into 'stanzas'. Although there are no established rules as far as the form of stanzas in written traditional poetry is concerned, the following pattern-like character can be exposed, especially in the opening lines: statement Development Conclusion.

The statement line usually indentifies the praised one by means of a.praise-name or names, the development line is characterised by further information about the praised one, and the conclusion phase ends the information given in the previous phase by coming to a conclusion (Vista Manual, 1992:23).

These phases usually centre around a certain praise motif or sUbject. In the following examples these phases can be identified as the statement, verse line 2 as development and verse line 3 as the conclusion.

1. Ke nna Ramebila, Ramebila a Matsietsa Kgope, 64

2. 0 ntseng gotwe basimane ba Bakgatla ba nyetse go setse Ramebila 3. Kante Ie ene ga a sala otla nyala.

Translation: statement: 1. I am Ramebila, Ramebila of Matsietsa Kgope Development: 2. Of whom people are saying, all the Bakgatla boys are married except Ramebila Conclusion: 3. Yet he has not remained behind, he shall marry.

In most traditional praise-poetry we note that there is reintroduction or a further identification of the praised person, by means of praise-names. compare lines 1, 2 and 3 of the poem of Chief Lebone Molotlegi:

1. A re ke Tau ya Maganelwa 2. Nkgakganthe, seokama dichaba 3. Kwena e ntsho e kwa Direpotsane Phokeng ga Mmanape-a Tshukudu.

Translation: 1. He says, he is lion of Maganelwa 2. Invincible/hoveror over nations 3. The black crocodile at Direpotsane Phokeng of Mmanape of Tshukudu.

In the first line Chief Lebone is introduced as 'Tau ya Maganelwa' lion of Maganelwai he is then reintroduced as Nkgakganthe and as Seokama dichaba, and further reintroduced as Kwena e ntsho (the black crocodile). This repetition of praise names function as boundaries between units of thought. The most important binding element in verse paragraphs are formulaic expressions which convey a certain motif or thought from one line to another, for example by the repetition of ideas or by suggestion, for instance: 65

Naledi ya masa ya gaabo Rakobotwa Naledi ge e tlhaga ka Moremothulwe e batla Matebele.

Translation: Early morning star of Rakobotwa When the star comes from Moremothulwe it is looking for the Matebele.

There is also the narrative element versus the descriptive element, whereby the narrative in the poem can refer to an event in the past in which the praised one was either directly or indirectly involved. Compare: 1. Ke nna motho gaabo Sekete semodumo > Descriptive 2. Seketemela dichaba tsa Phokeng > Descriptive 3. Ga Mmanape-a-Tshukudu > Descriptive element 4. Erile go twe 0 tlhabile segopa kgatikitiki 5. Magosana a ipela are: > Narration

6. Sekete 0 hule re tla robala > Narration.

Translation: 1. I am the person of Sekete with a big sound 2. Above the multitudes of Phokeng 3. At Mmanape of Tshukudu. 4. When it was said, he attacked a mob (kgatikitiki), 5. Headmen became proud and said 6. Sekete is dead; we shall sleep.

Lines 1, 2 and 3 are descriptive while lines 4, 5 and 6 are narrating an event which has taken place in the past, and the praised one was directly involved.

4.1 Eulogues other prominent features in praise-poems are eUlogues. EUlogues are praise-names given to a hero as gesture of respect and 66 honour. These eulogues are often metaphorical in nature, in that the hero does not become a "naledi" (star) literally, but the poet uses images to laud the hero. Praise-names are also given to commemorate an important event which took place at a particular time. According to Kunene (1971:11): In naming a child, the Basotho did not, as a rule, choose a name simply because the parents liked it, but for its relevance to a given situation or for a certain purpose that the name was supposed to fulfil. It is also against this background that eulogues were composed. Names or praise names were attached to heroes for achievements and for various episodes in which they distinguished themselves.

The types of praise-names found in the traditional poetry and especially in the Bafokeng praise-poems are: 1. Deverbative eUlogues 2. Metaphorical eulogues 3. Regimental eulogues 4. Clan eulogues and 5. Associative eUlogues.

4.1.1 Clan eulogues The Batswana are linked to an animal or a natural phenomenon. This is called their totem. The people who have the same totem are called a clan. For instance, the Bakwena clan have a crocodile as their totem, and they usually refer to one another as Kwena. This can easily be misunderstood for metaphoric usage and one has to rely much on context to distinguish a metaphorical eUlogue from a clan eulogue.

The word totem is derived from an American Indian word, 'nintotem' which meant mark of my people or my family. It is an honoured ancient device to show identity and commitment as well as to associate with one ancestor. The word totem is currently used by people to describe and explain the emblems and flags of the tribes of Central and Southern Africa (Wright, 1983:3). 67

A totem (sereto) for the Tswana people is usually derived from nature and it is used to link tribal genealogy. This lineage to the totem is usually chosen to commemorate an event of great importance in tribal history, for instance the Bafokeng people are said to be "people of the dew" because when they arrived in Phokeng they found that the valleys amongst the hills captured a heavy overnight dew which boded well for husbandry. It would be a fertile land and the tribe would prosper.

In Phokeng clans also have their lineage to common ancestors, for instance the people of Kwa-pitso in Phokeng are called "Dinyela gae tsa Mmaphatshwana". Mmaphatshwana is the great-grandmother of the Kwa-pitso clan, so this is how they identify with their relatives. In heroic poems, heroes are often addressed by their clan names. For instance, in the praise poem of Chief Lebone Molotlegi, the Chief is addressed as "Kwena e ntsho e kwa Direpotsane" (The black crocodile at Direpotsane).

According to Kunene (1971:46), the poet often uses the animal name not only as a clan name, but also as a metaphorical eulogue, and goes on to bestow upon the hero attributes associated with the animal in question. For example, Chief Lebone Molotlegi is regarded as: "Tau ya Maganelwa" (The lion of Maganelwa). Here Chief Molotlegi is praised for bravery, leadership skills, prowess and strength.

4.1.2 Metaphorical eulogues These eulogues identify the hero with phenomena of nature which are noted for possessing to the highest degree the quality observed in praising the hero. These eulogues are metaphorical in nature in that the hero does not become Lebone (light) literally, but the poet uses images to laud the hero. The quality observed in the praised one should warrant that he/she be called "a light". The images used in this eulogue are that 68 the praised one is seen amongst his people as the educator, guide, leader and selfless person who is ready to help at all times.

Chief Mokgatle is regarded as a "star": "Naledi ya masa, ya gaabo-Rakobotwa Naledi ge e tlhaga ka Moremothulwe e batla Matebele".

Translation: The early morning star of Rakobotwe When the star comes through Moremothulwe looking for Matebele.

The information we get from this eUlogue is that the praised one is a star, shining, giving light, standing out, and drawing attention. He is not merely a star; repetition emphasizes that he is also a star in protecting his own people, looking for and tracking down the enemies.

The village of Phokeng is regarded as a "rock". Letlapa le le kwa Moremogolo (The rock that is at Moremogolo). The village of its united tribe is rich in sorghum, cattle, and today also rich enough in minerals to stand on its own.

4.1.3 Deverbative eulogues These eulogues are derived from verbs, that is they are deverbatives which indicate actions by the hero as in the praise poem of Chief Lebone Molotlegi, where he is regarded as Seokama motse> from the verb okama (hovering).

This denotes that the Chief is the head of the tribe, he is above everybody in the tribe, because of his status which is also his birthright. Deverbatives are also extended by various words; in Seokama motse, motse (village) is an object noun. Maapara nkwe, 69

"the ones that wear a tiger's skin", is derived from the verb apara, meaning "wear". This is a symbol of royalty, to wear a tiger's skin (go apara nkwe). In the poem of Queen Semane we find the deverbative Motlhabanedi a fighter, fighting for someone, derived from the verb tlhabana "fight". Here the emphasis is on protection; the queen has to fight for herself since she has nobody to fight for her. This also depicts how queen Semane Molotlegi is today. She is fighting for her rights, banished by the Bophuthatswana government because of leading the Bafokeng Women's Club which stood for the rights of the tribe.

4.1.4 Regimental eulogues In every tribe, boys and girls are placed in regiments when they come of age, and especially when they leave initiation school. In Phokeng, the researcher was told, names of the regiments were derived from the names of the previous regiments. Nobody was able to tell how the names were coined, although they elicit qualities that are alluded to the regiment. For example, Chief Mmanotshe Molotlegi belongs to the Mafenya Regiment, and historically Chief Mmanotshe won many disputes that could have caused the village to split in half. He won a court case between himself and Reverend Brumrehoff who was questioning the structure of the Tribal council in Phokeng.

The regiment after that was called Mangana.

4.1.5 Association eulogues These eulogues refer to relationships or associations between people. A hero is named by association with his relatives, his peers, by genealogical references or by his place of origin. For example Association with relatives: Tlhasi-a-Diala-Morwa Makgala (Tlhasi of Diala son of Makgala) Here the hero is associated with his ancestor Diala and also with his father Makgala. 70

Association with peers: Tau ya Maganelwa (Lion of Maganelwa) Here Chief Lebone Molotlegi is associated with his peers as the leader of Maganelwa regiment.

Association with tribal origins: Setlogolo sa Bapo (Nephew of Bapo tribe) Here Chief Lebone Molotlegi is associated with the Bapo tribe, because his mother is from the Bapo tribe, so genealogically he is attached to the Bapo tribe.

Reference to his place of origin: Thella-a-Mmanape-a-Tshukudu (Slide of Mmanape of Tshukudu) Chief Mokgatle is associated with his place of origin, Ga Mmanape-a-Tshukudu, which is Phokeng village. This can also be regarded as genealogical association because Nape was the fifteenth on the list of the Bafokeng Chiefs and ruled between the years 1590 and 1620. Tshukudu was the fourteenth on the list and ruled between the years 1560 and 1590. Chief Mokgatle is therefore associated with his ancestors as well as his place of origin.

4.2 Sound usage Words are built up from sounds and the utilisation of sounds is one of the devices the poet uses to put his message or theme across. Emphasis can be shown by sounds, the attention of the listener or reader can be drawn to certain information and a certain rhythm can be created by the use of sounds. The poet also uses rhyme in the form of alliteration and assonance.

In traditional poetry, end-rhyme is not exploited. In poetry it is not always functional and can be used for decorative purposes in which case the poet should rather not use it. A poet's main 71 objective is to carry the message or the theme across, and rhyme should be used functionally to achieve this objective. Sound usage in traditional poetry is determined by the ordering of formulae in the same or succeeding verse-lines of poetry, as well as the grouping of like-sounding words and/or parts of words around such formulae (Vista Manual, 1992:28).

In the praise-poem of Chief Mokgatle both alliteration and assonance occur: Kg ng kg sg nosi Ke ng kg na 19 Moitshoki

The sound-pattern I el is assonance providing the middle rhyme and therefore enhancing the rhythm in the poem.

The sound-pattern Ikl is also repeated in the same verse line to provide middle rhyme and rhythm.

The words in the praise-poem of Kgosi Sekete are describing how the group which was with Chief Sekete was attacked, the internal rhyme emphasizes the attack: "0 tlhabile segopa Kgatikitiki" He attacked a mob Kgatikitiki.

The repeated Iii and the repeated ItI and Ikl are used in this word to describe how the group was attacked, and it is also used as a praise-name.

In the same poem of Chief Sekete, alliteration is used to illustrate how powerful Sekete was. He is described as: Seketg se modumo, Sekgtgmgla dichaba tsa Phokeng.

Translation: Sekete with a heavy sound Above the multitudes of Phokeng. 72

The lsI sound is used to emphasize this, and the leI sound forms the internal rhyme (assonance) and also provides rhythm. (Sekete with a great sound, sounding heavy and very strong to protect the tribe of Phokeng.)

4.3. Word usage Since literature is also a work of art, it speaks for itself that words have a prominent role to play in these creations. A poem is usually a shorter text as compared with other genres, therefore it relies on word usage for its prominence. Poets have to use appropriate words so as to drive home their points with the least amount of words. The poets therefore exploit all the potential the word can offer. This is the case in both modern and traditional poetry.

4.3.1 Archaic words Archaic words are often found in these poems and one has to find out what they mean so as to be able to take them into account when one interprets or analyses the poem in which they are included. In the poems of the Bafokeng tribe, we have words like bora meaning give way; another word that could have been used is tshaba or suta. We also have Mfera meaning cattle ranch. An alternative word could have been moraka. Another word is kgelebetega 'arrive'; the usual word could have been goroga. Mokgokgotsho is another word meaning untouchable; the usual wordlphrase could have been 0 senang boyo/botseno.

In poetry all the different meanings a word can have are utilised. A tree may mean more than one can imagine, by providing life in terms of oxygen, fruit, giving shade, providing furniture for firewood; the list is endless.

4.3.2 Duplication of verb lexemes Duplication of verb lexemes may lead to a certain sound effect or emphasis on certain information, and is also a phenomenon frequently exploited by poets. Compare Setsepatsepa (a very 73 strong warrior): the lexemes tsepatsepa are duplicated to show his ability in using a spear, tsepa meaning "to pierce". The sound effect also emphasizes the action. Dikgokakgoka (big muscles) also refers to a strong man and enhances the sound to emphasize his strength. Lenyogonyogo means "a very difficult person". Lenyogo could have been used, but this attitude had to be emphasized by duplication to show to what extent the praised one is difficult. Prefixes are used in verb-stems to indicate the habitual action, and it is common praise to suggest the hero's character e.g. se in setsepatsepa (the piercer).

4.3.3 Deverbatives Deverbatives also form part of the praise-names given to heroes and chiefs. Chief Molotlegi is addressed as Seokama dichaba "hoveror over nations". Seokama is a deverbative derived from the verb okama (hover). This emphasizes how powerful he is in terms of authority. Mmopjane, the warrior who killed Nkotswe in the war between BaMmatau and Bafokeng is addressed as Maremakanye meaning "destroyer", a deverbative from the verb rema "chop". He is given this praise name for having saved the Bafokeng tribe from the rage of Nkotswe the BaMmatau, a most feared warrior.

4.4 Sentences Poetry is always characterized by specific constructions and types of sentences. Traditional poetry is no exception. The following are some examples:

4.4.1 Short initial verse-lines The construction of sentences tends to be expressed in few words. Initial verse-lines sometimes consist of a few words and the absence of verbs is conspicuous. Compare the initial verse-lines of the following poems: Setshedi sa Magaba a boteng. Kgabo tonna Tebele. 74

Translation: Setshedi of deep stomach. Kgabo leader of Tebele.

4.4.2 Succession of nouns: Sentences are sometimes characterized by an unusual succession of nouns. Compare: Leiyane, Lenyogonyogo, Letswala ka 'pati tsa batho.

Translation: Leiyane, Lenyogonyogo, closer with people's doors. Here the praised one is showered with praise-names using three praise-names in one sentence, describing and exposing the origin of the praised one.

4.4.3 Interchanging types of sentences These poems are characterized by distinct forms of expression, for example positive statements, interrogative sentences and an interaction between affirmative and negative sentences.

4.4.4 Rhetoric questions Rhetoric questions introduce meditational and dramatic elements in the poem. They are also persuasive in nature. These questions help to sway the audience into believing what the praiser is putting across. Consider the following lines from the praise poem of Rangaka: A nnare Mmalenala 0 ntsaya masepa? (Mmalenala are you taking my faeces?) Here the praiser is reflecting to the audience in a dramatic way how the doctors in Phokeng felt when he defeated the curse that was in Phokeng at the time. They felt threatened, because they themselves could not defeat the curse that was in their own villages, so they regarded Mmalenala as a witch, coming to bewitch all the doctors in Phokeng. 75

4.4.5 Interaction between affirmative and negative sentences Interaction between affirmative and negative sentences emphasizes specific ideas. Compare lines from the praise poem of Molefi Molobye: A tla a gapile kgongwana tshwaana ya lesika, o ntseng go twe Ramebila 0 nnetse go ala meseme ya basadi, Dikgomo di tla diswa ke mang?

Translation: He came with a white cow of lineage They are saying Ramebila, you are spreading women's mats Who is going to look after the cattle?

These sentences emphasize that even if Ramebila did well by marrying a woman of lineage, he only has girls, and there is no one to look after the cattle. He does not have a son to increase his lineage in the future.

4.4.6 Arrangement of name or praise-name Sentences are often initiated or ended by means of a name or praise-name, be it metaphoric or according to lineage; compare the verse lines of the praise poem of Mokotedi: 'Tlhaka la noka, ngwana ga Magakwe-a-Mokotedi! Translation: A river reed, child of Magakwe of Mokotedi!

Here Mokotedi is compared to a river reed, because he was tall and slender. He is also associated with his father Magakwe of Mokotedi.

4.4.7 Enjambement This device is visible in almost all praise poems, when an idea continues to the next sentence and even beyond the end of the second line of a couplet. Compare the verse lines from the praise poem of Molefi Molobye: 76

Ke nna Ramebila Ramebila-a-Matsietsa Kgope o ntseng go twe basimane ba Bakgatla ba nyetse go setse Ramebila Kante Ie ene ga sala 0 tla nyala.

Translation: I am Ramebila Ramebila of Matsietsa Kgope Of whom people are saying Bakgatla boys are married, Ramebila is the only one not married It came about, that he was not left behind, he eventually got married.

4.5 Repetition Cope (1968:38) distinguishes certain elements that praise poems possess. He says:

Poetry has a greater richness and greater concentration, it is more evocative, more emotive and more memorable. These qualities are achieved by use of imagery reinforced by repetition in various guises: repeated rhythms, repeated final syllables, repeated sentences and repeated words expressing the same idea.

On a semantic level, unique grammatical features are of prime importance. It is through this aspect that imagery is enhanced. This aspect of poetry stimulates the imagination embedded in the poem and also stirs the inner emotions of the readers. Imagery refers to the words suggesting power as well as their sense so as to exhibit the intensity of imagination. An image is generally an imaginative picture created by relating one object to another in a creative way. Such an image should present a description so graphic to the reader that he appreciates it (Cohen, 1973:50-51). 77

4.5.1 Parallelism Cope (1968:40-41) describes parallelism as

a variety of repetition to be found par excellence in Zulu poetry, since poetry makes a lot of use of repetition of various kinds which includes rhYme.

An example of perfect parallelism, is found in Chief Mokgatle's praise poem, emphasizing the people who saw his girlfriend, the beautiful girl he wants to marry:

Sa be sa bonwa ke bo-Rampuane Sa be sa bonwa ke bo-Moitshoki.

Translation: It was seen by Rampuane It was seen by Moitshoki

Ke ne ke se nosi Ke ne ke na Ie Moitshoki

Translation: I was not alone I was with Moitshoki.

This repetition is used by the poet to emphasize the action and the situation surrounding the praised one at the time.

4.5.2 Linking and repetition of words Linking is also a form of repetition, in which the following line is linked to the first line by repetition of either the first word (initial linking) or the last word (final linking). We also have Oblique repetition which links the line from an oblique angle. This kind of repetition repeats the idea with an identical word or stem or root. Linking is able to emphasize certain information through repetition to elevate that which has 78 been said through synonymous repetition, and to create suspense and create a specific rhythm. Repetition should be able to unify ideas through chain-linking.

4.5.2.1 Initial linking or vertical linking Examples from Chief Mokgatle's praise poem. Naledi ya masa ya gaabo Rakobotwa Naledi ge e tlhaga ka Moremothulwe e batla Matebele.

Translation: The early morning star of Rakobotwa When the star appears from behind Moremothulwe It is looking for Matebele.

The praised one is referred to as a star, he is amongst his people like a star that shines early in the morning, giving light, standing out and drawing attention. He is not merely a star; repetition tells us that he is also a star in war and a warrior of repute.

4.5.2.2 Final linking or interlocking Interlocking is regarded as primary linking, since it uses the idea at the end of a line to start the next line. This has been illustrated in the praise poem of Chief Mokgatle. Motho yo tumileng ka dichaba a tuma A tuma Phiritona go se gaufi.

Translation: A person who became famous among nations and became famous Also became famous even in far away Phiritona.

This aspect emphasizes and highlights the fame of Chief Mokgatle, for restoring the peace in the Bafokeng tribe, although he usually questioned the Boers for selfishly marking his land: 79 o ntseng a re ntlheng naga etsho Ie baya matlapa Le baya dipene mabasa.

Translation: Who keeps saying, why are you marking our land with stones You are marking it with pens "my baas".

4.5.2.3 Oblique repetition Pattern with right to left slant. Examples from the praise poem of Queen Semane: E re e lela ya re, re fe bana lejabatho Re fe bana lekometsa batho.

Translation: Whilst it cries it says, give us children Give us children, swallower of people.

The repetition stresses how desperate parents become if they lose one of their children. They go to the extent of facing the enemy themselves.

4.5.3 Repetition of thought This is also known as semantic repetition and it refers to the repetition of an idea in the same or successive verse-lines by making use of synonyms and indirect references. Examples from the praise poem of Chief Lebone Molotlegi are as follows:

A re ke Tau ya Maganelwa Nkgakganthe, Seokama dichaba Kwena e ntsho e kwa Direpotsane.

Translation: He is the lion of Maganelwa The invincible hoveror over multitudes 80

Black crocodile that is at Direpotsane.

Chief Lebone is regarded as a lion for his bravery and leadership skills. He is invincible for conquering battles or problems in Phokeng. He is hovering above the multitudes of Phokeng. This emphasizes his fatherly and leadership skills as well. He is regarded as a crocodile because this is his totemic praise-name. All these praise-names are emphasized to show the worth of Chief Lebone Molotlegi to his people.

4.5.4 Repetition through duplication Repetition through duplication of word-Iexemes contributes to a specific sound effect. An example from the praise poem of Chief Thethe follows:

Tlhang tlou e tIoga e ipona dikgoka E ipona dikgokakgoka Thebethe-a-ga-Thebe-a-phologolo.

Translation: Why is the elephant regarding itself as strong, It regards itself as very strong, Thebethe of Thebe of Phologolo.

Although the repetition creates a specific sound effect, because of the reduplication of Kgoka-dikgokakgoka, the emphasis is on Thethe's amazement. He wonders why Kgaswane and his son are thinking that they can defeat the Bafokeng tribe, and drive their royal herd of cattle.

4.6 Five indications of freguency of occurrence in Bafokeng praise poems

The following information on poetic devices that was drawn from the heroic poems and the clan poems, that is 263 lines altogether, shows the most imminent characteristics in the praise poems of the Bafokeng tribe. 81

Poetic Device Frequency of % occurrence

Eulogues (A) 120 46 Repetition (B) 80 31 Alliteration (C) 52 20 Enjambement (D) 58 22 Interaction between 40 15 Narration and Description (E)

The information from the above table reflects that the majority of the poetic devices (A, B, C, D and E) occur in all praise poems of the Bafokeng tribe, and according to statistics above, the eulogues (A) play the most prominent role in the imagery of these poems, followed by B, then by D and only then by C and E. It is important to note that assonance and alliteration are largely incidental. 82

CHAYfER5

5. CONCLUSION

My research for this dissertation has been a widening experience. This research somehow revealed the declining of our culture in terms of our history as African people and especially the ancestral lineage of the Bafokeng tribe, their praises and their traditional rituals. This has happened as a result of westernization and Christianity. It has become evident that in the Bafokeng society the extension of the family goes on generation after generation and the individuals claim decent from the common ancestor, who is Mmanape-a-Tshukudu. This is now upheld by a few in Phokeng, who will not even tell you why Phokeng is also called Ga-Mmanape-a-Tshukudu.

The clan is no longer a localized group, and its members can be found scattered throughout the neighbouring villages and elsewhere in the Republic of South Africa and beyond its borders (Nkabinde, 1988:133). This is why it has been a very difficult task to collect, compile and research the praise-poems of the Bafokeng tribe, because people no longer see it as a necessary exercise, which poses a problem during family rituals.

The arrival of the missionaries also played a very big role in the fading away of our culture. After the arrival of the Lutheran Missionaries in Phokeng, people were termed barbaric if they were not Christians. At a grandmother's funeral, the priest boldly introduced the deceased as the daughter of Enerstina Ramoroa and Modisakeng Ramoroa who was uncivilized, meaning he never succumbed to Christianity. The people of Modisakeng's calibre were the ones who upheld the tradition of the initiation school, which upheld the tradition of praise-poems. Now that this has stopped as a result of the influence of Christianity, the development of praise-poems has stopped. 83

Rainmaking was also stopped by the missionaries. Chief Mokgatle of Phokeng had arguments with the Lutheran Missionaries about this, but after his death this was also stopped. This means the tribe abandoned the traditional ritual which was handed down to them by their ancestors. It was during these rituals that doctors and the Chiefs would praise themselves for their achievements and bravery. Now that this has also stopped the development of praise-poems has also stopped. The older generation that is still there is clinging to the residue of the praises, of both their forefathers and their chiefs, and it is very difficult to get these from them, because they regard them as very precious; they do not understand when one explains that this is for the purpose of preservation. They see a researcher as robbing them of their heritage. Most elderly people never got an opportunity of going to school, and see the praise poems as their pride. They also see them as knowledge, and this gives them power, so that when rituals like weddings are performed they are the only important people to exhibit this knowledge. They are also held in high esteem amongst the educated during graduation ceremonies, so if a researcher wants to rob them of their precious knowledge, there is much resistance.

It was also not an easy task to collect poems and historical information from many would-be-informants, especially since this was the very first time this kind of study was made, and since there has been lack of performance because of the fading away of this culture. In the first place many seemed not to understand the purpose of the research, especially since some people were termed sell-outs, sent by the Bophuthatswana Government to spy on the Bafokeng tribe. The tape recorder made them even more SUSP1C10US. It is also amazing how young people in Phokeng have neglected the culture of praise poems and see it as the cult for older people. They were actually shocked that the researcher was going around Phokeng looking for older people and sitting with them for hours listening to the historical backgrounds of both the tribes and the praise-poems themselves. When focusing on 84 what is happening in Phokeng today, it was clear that the older people see themselves as a united nation. Their historical background clears their uncertainties and fears and they are able to manage change.The history has revealed that they have always been a strong tribe, and this is not going to make them falter.

This brings me to the conclusion and I share the feelings of Groenewald (1990:151) who says:

In this vast land of ours, man appears only as winds, while the eternal mountains, the primaeval forest and the ancient deserts stand as witnesses of former lives and civilizations, of battle cries and of intimate emotions of the generations which have gone before us, and as signposts of hope for the generations to come. Each thicket, each rock, each hilltop and forest has a story to tell or a direction to offer, a strong filled with the shadows of the ancestral spirits of the land and of the tribes; a directional towards a revelation of deep meaning of life and of society.

5.1 Nature of these poems

The researcher discovered that-the nature of the praise-poems of the Bafokeng of Phokeng does not differ from other traditional and modern South African praise-poems in that they also possess all features found in these poems, for example, repetition and rhythm.

5.2 Recommendations

The African world is moving from oral to written literature, and praise-poems should be part of this expression. It is evident that praise poems form part of the art of African people and that it is through their performance and now their written form that the culture, the history, the beliefs, customs and philosophical SYmbolism can be preserved. 85

Most scholars have noted that national states have caused population groups to share common cultural backgrounds hence neglecting their own. It is an obligation for the educated and the elite African people to make it their task to record and analyse the rich heritage of their tribes, of which they will be proud.

It is also imperative that folklore should be preserved since it is increasingly used as a source for emerging African literature in European languages. Traditional culture is also seen as a unifying factor for people who are trying to establish their political and cultural society (Dorson, 1972:3).

One wise man said that the 'Pure' African poet does not disregard the rich store of tribal poetry and fly to new forms entirely. This poetry is a glorious flower which springs from the rich plant of imagery, whose roots lie embedded in the verdured soil of maboko (praise-poems).

It has also become evident that further research has to be undertaken in order to preserve what remains of the tribe's history, by researching the origin of the clans of Phokeng. 86

REFERENCES

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De Jager, E.G. and Seboni, M.O.M. 1978. Bone-Divination Amongst the Kwena of Molepolole District. Africa and Ubersee: No. XLVIII. Dorson, R.M. 1972. African Folklore. Bloomington, Indiana University Press. Dundes, A. 1965. The study of Folklore. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc. Finnegan, R. 1970. Oral Literature in Africa. London, Heinemann. Finnegan, R. 1992. Oral Poetry. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Gettings, F. 1986. Encyclopedia of the Occult: Bergvlei, Century Hutchinson group. Gordimer, N. 1973. The Black Interpreters: Notes on African Writing. Sprocas. Groenewald, H.C. 1990. Oral Studies in Southern Africa. Pretoria, HSRC Publishers. Grinell, R.M. 1988. Social Work Research and Evaluation. Itasca, Illinois. F.E. Peacock PUblishers. Guma, S.M. 1977. The Form Content and Technigue of Traditional Literature in Southern Sotho. Pretoria, J. L. Van Schaik Ltd. Junod, M. 1927. The Man and his Symbols. London, MacMillan. y- I~, Junod, M. 1927. The Life of a South African Tribe. 2nd Edition. London, MacMillan. Kunene, R. 1971. Heroic Poetry of the Basotho. London, Oxford University Press. Lesejane, P. 1963. Letlhaku Le Legologolo. Pretoria, Van Schaik Ltd. 88

Lindfors, B. 1975. critical Perspectives on Nigerian Literature. London, Heinemann. Makgala, C.C. 1952. Marang a Dikgang. Natal Mission Press. ~apanje, J. and White, L. Oral Poetry from Africa. An 1983. Anthology. Essex, Longman. Moloto, E.S. 1970. The Growth and Tendencies of Tswana Poetry. University of South Africa. Nkabinde, A.C. 1988. Anthology of Articles on African Linguistics and Literature. Johannesburg, Lexicon Publishers Okpewho, I. 1985. The Heri tage of African Poetry. London, Longman. Okpewho, I. 1979. The Epic in Africa: Towards a Poetic of Oral Performance. New York: Columbia Press. Opland, J. 1983. Xhosa Oral Poetry. Aspects of a Black south African Tradition. cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Pretorius, W.J. and Swart, Teaching African Literature, J.H.A. 1982. Pretoria, University of South Africa. Satyo, S.C. 1972. Traditional concepts and Literary Conventions in Sinxo's Works:

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Sienaert, E.R. and Bell, Oral Tradition and Education. A.N. 1988. Durban, University of Natal. Swanepoel, C.F. 1987. First Observation on the Organization of Southern Sotho Literature as System. SAJAL. Vol. 7, No.3, Pretoria, De Jager-Haum. Swanepoel, S.A. 1966. Some Aspects of Tswana Traditional Poetry. Limi, Vol. 1-2. Thurwald, Z. 1931. The Missionary and Anthropological Research. London, Oxford University Press. Vail, L. and white, L. 1991. Power and the Praise Poem, south African Voices in History. New York University Press. Vansina, J. 1965. Oral Tradition, A Study in Historical Methodology. London, Aldine. vista Manual, 1992. Traditional Literature. Wauthier, C. 1978. The Literature and Thought of Modern Africa. Lusaka, Heinemann. World Book Encyclopaedia, World Book International, London. 1990. Wright, J. 1983. The Bafokeng. Johannesburg, Webb. PILANE SB ERG GAM E U1\ N

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/.0 Appendix II: LIST OF BAFOKENG CLANS/DIKUTLE TSA SEFOKENG

NAME/LEINA CLANS/DIKGORO VILLAGE/MOTSE 1. Arilius Bogopane Seloko I Phokeng 2. Njurupe Bogopane Seloko II Phokeng 3. David M. Diale Radiala Rasimone 4 • Lucas Diale Machema II Phokeng 5. Phillemon Diale Radiala Phokeng 6. Simon Diale Rathibedi Luka 7. Christopher Katane Katane Phokeng 8. Joel Katane Lefaragatlhe Lefaragatlhe 9. Herson Kgaladi Makete Mosenthal 10. Cornelius Khunou Madibana Phokeng 11. Juas Khunou Mmakhunou Photsaneng 12. Solomon Khunou Photsaneng Luka 13. Shadrack Kwele Maile Diepkuil 14. Nelson Letlape Motsitle Sandfontein 15. David Maakwe Matshwana Phokeng 16. Titus Mafatshe Ramafatshe Phokeng 17. Simon Magano pitso Phokeng 18. David Mahuma Mogajana Mogajana 19. Nicholas Mahuma Mogajana Kana 20. Stone Makgaka (Act) Mabye Luka 21. Abel S. Makgala Ramakgala Phokeng 22. Moses Maledu Lekoshe Kana 23. Meshack Matabane Maile Kopman 24. Israel Mathuloe Magokgwane Phokeng 25. John Mekgoe Phiring Luka 26. Abinaar Mmeti Ramakatswana Luka 27. Motshweneng Mmutle Mantshong Phokeng 28. Makgaka Moagi Punodung Phokeng 29. Modisakeng Matsie Marakana 30. Samorena Mogono Mogono Luka 31. Gabotshepe Mokate Masweung Phokeng 32. Bethuel Mokgatle Bashiga Kana (Act) 33. Patrick Mokgwatlheng Madibana Kana 34. Josia Molobye Mathebetshwane Phokeng 35. Jeremia Molokwane Rathipa Serutube NAME/LEINA CLANS/KGORO VILLAGE/MOTSE 36. stephen Molokwane Rathipa Luka 37. Christopher Molotsane Lekoshe Photsaneng 38. Ishmael Montsho Mogopa Phokeng , 39. Seth Montsho Mogopa Luka 40. Nichodemans Mookeletsi Motsile Sandfontein, 41. Thabo Mosito Maile Roo~ekraalspruit 42. Daniel Motepe Napo Tsitsing 43. Jeremia Motepe Napo Luka 44. Hendrick Mothokwa Bobuampja Bobuampya 45. Johannes Nakedi Rakhudu Tsitsing 46. Jethro Nameng Lemenong Phokeng 47. Amos H. Ntsimane Batlase Tlaseng 48. Conrad Ntsimane Batlase Kana 49. Isaac Ntsimane Tlaseng Luka 50. Johannes K. Petlele (A) Madibana Thekwana 51- Paulus Petlele Madibana Luka 52. Amos Phale Rankunyana Luka 53. Manas Phetoane Machema I Phokeng 54. Daniel Rabyang Tau Serutube 55. Lameck Rabyang Tau Luka 56. Reitz Rakhudu Rakhudu Luka 57. Samuel Ramong Kgophane Phokeng 58. Reagile Ramoroa Metlapeng Phokeng 59. Herman Ramosepele Mphepele Lesung 60. Benjamin Rampete Mabye Tsitsing 61- David Rankoko Ratshwene Luka 62. Joseph Rapetsana Lemenong Kana 63. Isaac Segoe MalIa Phokeng 64. Alphius Senne Ramodutwana Phokeng 65. Feba Jerry Senne Keledi Phokeng 66. Alfred Setshedi Mosetlha Phokeng 67. Joel Setshoane Setshoane Chaneng 68. Gabriel Thethe Dimpeng Phokeng 69. Ephraim Tlabakwe Rakatane Phokeng 70. Cecil Tumagole Kgosing Phokeng APPENDIX III - LIST OF BAFORENG CHIEFS/DIRGOSI TSA PHORENG 1140-1956

1- Phofu 1140-1170 2. Kwena 1170-1200 3. Modia 1200-1230 4. Ntia Phakatsia 1230-1260 5. Masilo 1260-1290 6. Kwena 1290-1320 7. Mmakgapane 1320-1350 8. Mogale 1350-1380 9. Mhete 1380-1410 10. Melora 1410-1440 11- Masilo 1440-1500 12. Kwena 1500-1530 13. Phogole 1530-1560 14. Tshukudu 1560-1590 15. Nape 1560-1620 16. Sechele 1620-1650 17. Mmutle 1650-1686 18. Phogole 1686-1710 19. Milwana 1710-1720 20. Sekete Mmaleriba III 1720-1740 21. Diala 1740-1770 22. Ramoroa III 1770-1790 23. Sekete Mosetsana Wa Mmaleriba 1790-1841 24. Thethe 1841-1891 25. Mokgatle 1891-1896 26. Tumagole 1896-1912 27. Molotlegi 1912-1938 28. Mmanotshe 1938-1956 29. Lebone 1956 to Date