Namibia: the Ideology of National Liberation Kimmo Kiijunen We in SWAPO have come to the realisation that the basic criterion for SWAPO's action character- the decisive factor in our liberation struggle, now ises SWAPO as not only a national movement and in the future is the conscious participation of but also a liberation movement. the people. By conscious participation, we mean a deep-going process of debate, criticism and self- In terms of national struggle, SWAPO's action is criticism, that we are in the struggle to put an end part of the general decolonisation process in the to the exploitation of man by man in our society; Africancontinent.Itsideologicalrootsand that we are in the struggle to put an end to all strategy are closely linked to the tradition of forms of ethnic or national oppression; that we African nationalism, which provided the ideo- are in the struggle to make the toiling masses of logical framework for the general decolonisation Namibia, the workers and peasants, have direct of the continent in the late 19 50s and the early access to the means of production; and that we 1 960s. When analysing 'African nationalism' four are in the struggle to open wide all the doors to all dominant ideological components emerge: anti- the educational and cultural institutions to all colonialism, Pan-Africanism and neutralism, nat- Namibia people without regard to race,sex, ional unity and egalitarianism. colour or ethnic origins. [Nujoma 1976] Due tothelatenessof nationalstrugglein Introduction Southern Africa there are some new elements in This paper examines the ideology of the South the liberation theory and social analysis of the West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO) as national liberation movements, drawn, at least expressed in its public statements. It shows how this partially, from the experiences of other African ideology has changed over time in response to states during their first years of political indepen- changing circumstances. This ideology is related to dence. While other African countries had achieved SWAPO's goals for the society of independent formal politicalindependence, dependence re- Namibia. This paper, however, is not centrally mained in structural, social, economic and cultural concerned with the likely pattern of public policy relations with the former colonial powers. Thus a after independence.* This must depend on the new concept emerged: neo-colonialism. Kwame circumstances in which liberation is obtained. Nkrumah defined this as 'the process of handing independence over to the African people with one hand, only to take it away with the other hand' Nationalism, Liberation, Social Aims [Davidson 1971: 126]. The foregoing statement by SWAPO's President, Sam Nujoma, defines the specific nature of the Patterns of neo-colonial dependency were used by nationalliberationstruggleinNamibia. He the liberation movement to explain why it had emphasizes the need for consciousness. He puts not been possible to provide an alternative to the forward goals of social equality and basic human present unequal international division of labour rights, and stresses that to achieve them structural and tothe consequent underdeveloped social changes in society are needed. The objectives are structures in Africa. In reaction, there developed not restricted to furthering the interests of any the strategic concepts of 'self-reliance', the fulfil- ethnically, regionally, sectorally or socially dis- ment of basic human needs and the demo- tinguishablegroup,but are nationwide.This cratisation of social structures and institutions differentiateshismovementfromseparatist, [Väyrynen 1978]. tribalist or class-based forces and makes it a national movement. National consciousness does A social policy which emphasises these objectives notprevent SWAPO fromrecognisingthe has thus come to complement the framework of existence of social conflicts and contradictions; traditional African nationalism. Together, they rather, Nujoma's statement emphasizes the need imply three new ideological components: anti- for their solution. The fact that President Nujoma imperialism, mobilisation of both material and stresses not national aims but social progress as human resources, and social justice. Subsequently these concepts have served to define the nature of See Green's article on Namibia in this Bulletin. social development in the post-colonial societies. Bulletin, 1980, vol. 11 no.4, Institute of Development Studies, Sussex 65 From Anti-colonialism to Self-reliance ment' it is vital to organise the mass of the The theory inherent in the process of national population and to raise general consciousness; liberation in Southern Africa ismanifested in ie mobilisation: SWAPO's Political Programme, adopted in August - in a widespread liberation struggle involving 1976 by the General Committee. The paragraphs different sections of the population with the defining the general political goals state: workers and peasants actively engaged, the The tasks before SWAPO at present and in the objective of social reform becomes a 'classless, immediate future are non-exploitative society', ie social justice. 1 the liberation and winning of independence for the people of Namibia, by allpossible It is clear that SWAPO's programme is socialist in means, and the establishment of a democratic character despite the fact that the word 'socialism' people's government; appears in the party programme only in the section 2 the realisation of genuine and total indepen- quoted above. In fact, it is more akin to main bodies dence of Namibia in the spheres of politics, of socialist thought and practice than several other economy, defence, social and cultural affairs. ideologies or party manifestations that are classified under the label of 'African socialism'.1 However, In order to achieve these goals, SWAPO has 'African socialism', 'socialism in Africa'2, and the resolved: socialist-oriented policies of the liberation move- 1 to persistently mobilise and organise the broad ments - including FRELIMO and MPLA - of masses of the Namibian people so that they can Southern Africa have one common feature. Their actively participate in the national liberation social analysis and strategy for action are based on struggle; local social and economic conditions. 'The main 2 to mould and heighten, in the thick of the burden for the liberation of Namibia rests solely on national liberation struggle, the bond of national the Namibians and on their ability to understand and political consciousness amongst the Nami- their own society' [Hall 1970: 23]. bian people; 3 to combat all manifestations and tendencies of Panafricanism and Neutralism tribalism, regionalism, ethnic orientation and racial discrimination; SWAPO's progamme strives: to foster and stengtht'n the anti-imperialist unity 4 to unite all Namibian people, particularly the amongst the national liberation, world socialist, working class, the peasantry and progressive progressive and peace- loving forces in order to intellectuals into a vanguard party capable of eliminate all forms of imperialism, colonialism safe-guardingnationalindependence and of building a classless, non-exploitative society and neo-colonialism. based on the ideals and principles of scientific The panafricanism of the early l960s similarly socialism. [SWAPO l976a] stressed solidarity and the need for unity. Its slogan SWAPO's political goals and strategy for action as was 'Africa for the Africans' and it emphasised the articulated here, are nationwide; the movement similarity of problems in the continent. These were remains faithful to the populist tradition in African based on the struggle against the 'joint enemy', nationalism. The Political Programme emphasises colonialism and white supremacy. SWAPO leans anti-colonial struggle to achieve national sover- on this tradition and aspires: eignty. The objective is to create a unitary state in to support and promote the ideals of unity of which the interests of different population groups Africa as provided for in the Charter of the and regions would be equally represented. The Organisation ofAfrican Unity: national movement is a common front combining to work in close cooperation with all progressive the separate interests of different classes, social governments, organisations and popular forces strata and social groups. forthetotalemancipation of theAfrican continent. [SWAPO 1976] At the same timeSWAPO's generalsocio- economic goals include social liberation, in the I 'African socialism' has been specifically rejected by Angola, form of a strategy of self-reliance: Mozambique, Algeria, Ethiopia, Somalia, Guinea, Guinea Bissau and Tanzania. This is partly a reaction to its application - in addition to political changes, social restruc- to a particularly inegalitarian capitalist dynamic (Kenya), and to a system combining external capitalist dependence, a secondary turing is required to abolish all relations of state capitalist sector and major bureaucratic and neo-feudal external domination, ie anti-imperialism; elements (Senegal). It is therefore a highly confusing term since different authors apply it in very different ways. - to realise 'genuine and total independence', 2Sekou Touré's term, and one more acceptable to most Africans and to form 'a democratic people's govern- who reject the concept of'African socialism.' 66 The idea of a United States of Africa, vigorously policy of 'separate development', which tries to sponsored especially by Nkrumah, never came to revive tribal segregation by forming