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Culture Matters
CRF-2008-04r-080-098.qxd:HRIC-Report 1/14/09 2:57 PM Page 82 CULTURE MATTERS A Parable of Talent Gone to Waste BY THOMAS E. KELLOGG Philip P. Pan’s Out of Mao’s Shadow is poor peasant from rural Shandong Out of Mao’s Shadow: a parable of talent gone to waste . Pan province. After winning a widely-pub - The Struggle for the Soul introduces us to Cheng Yizhong, who licized case securing free access to the of a New China created China’s first fully marketized Beijing subway for handicapped per - By Philip P. Pan newspaper, the Southern Metropolitan sons, Chen was besieged with requests Simon & Schuster Daily , in 1997 . The newspaper, which for help from local villagers on any November 2008 brought Chinese readers hard-hitting, number of egregious injustices . Ignor - 368 pages, $28.00 high-quality news reporting and ing advice from friends impressed by innovative feature sections on every - his courage but fearing for his safety, thing from cars to real estate, was an Chen took on several cases certain to instant hit. It turned its first profit in rankle the authorities. In the nearby 1999 and soon became a widely-emu - city of Linyi, Chen challenged local lated model for media entrepreneurs officials to end their abusive enforce - nationwide. ment of the one-child policy . It proved to be a costly decision. Yet Cheng’s success was not enough to insulate him from serious trouble. In For his efforts on behalf of the poor early 2003 , Cheng found himself run - and the dispossessed in his home ning afoul of local authorities over his county, Chen was arrested on the paper’s coverage of the government’s streets of Beijing in September 2005 . -
28. Rights Defense and New Citizen's Movement
JOBNAME: EE10 Biddulph PAGE: 1 SESS: 3 OUTPUT: Fri May 10 14:09:18 2019 28. Rights defense and new citizen’s movement Teng Biao 28.1 THE RISE OF THE RIGHTS DEFENSE MOVEMENT The ‘Rights Defense Movement’ (weiquan yundong) emerged in the early 2000s as a new focus of the Chinese democracy movement, succeeding the Xidan Democracy Wall movement of the late 1970s and the Tiananmen Democracy movement of 1989. It is a social movement ‘involving all social strata throughout the country and covering every aspect of human rights’ (Feng Chongyi 2009, p. 151), one in which Chinese citizens assert their constitutional and legal rights through lawful means and within the legal framework of the country. As Benney (2013, p. 12) notes, the term ‘weiquan’is used by different people to refer to different things in different contexts. Although Chinese rights defense lawyers have played a key role in defining and providing leadership to this emerging weiquan movement (Carnes 2006; Pils 2016), numerous non-lawyer activists and organizations are also involved in it. The discourse and activities of ‘rights defense’ (weiquan) originated in the 1990s, when some citizens began using the law to defend consumer rights. The 1990s also saw the early development of rural anti-tax movements, labor rights campaigns, women’s rights campaigns and an environmental movement. However, in a narrow sense as well as from a historical perspective, the term weiquan movement only refers to the rights campaigns that emerged after the Sun Zhigang incident in 2003 (Zhu Han 2016, pp. 55, 60). The Sun Zhigang incident not only marks the beginning of the rights defense movement; it also can be seen as one of its few successes. -
Hu Jia on Behalf of the Silenced Voices of China and Tibet
Sakharov Prize 2008 Year for China Hu Jia On behalf of the silenced voices of China and Tibet Hu Jia and his wife, Zeng Jinyan, were nominated for last year's Sakharov Prize and were among the final three short-listed candidates. Hu Jia was consequently imprisoned and remains in prison to this day. Hu Jia is a prominent human rights activist who works on various issues including civil rights, environmental protection and AIDS advocacy. He was arrested shortly after his testimony on 26 November 2007 via conference call before the European Parliament's sub-committee on Human Rights. In his statement, he expressed his desire that 2008 be the “year of human rights in China”. He also pointed out that the Chinese national security department was creating a human rights disaster with one million people persecuted for fighting for human rights and many of them detained in prison, in camps or mental hospitals. He also said: "The irony is that one of the people in charge of organising the Olympics is the head of the Public Security Bureau in Beijing who is responsible for so many human rights violations. The promises of China are not being kept before the games." As a direct result of his address to members of the European Parliament, Hu Jia was arrested, charged with "inciting subversion of state power", and sentenced on 3 April 2008 to three-and-a-half years' in jail with one year denial of political rights. He was found guilty of writing articles about the human rights situation in the run-up to the Olympic Games. -
Congressional-Executive Commission on China Annual Report 2019
CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ANNUAL REPORT 2019 ONE HUNDRED SIXTEENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION NOVEMBER 18, 2019 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: https://www.cecc.gov VerDate Nov 24 2008 13:38 Nov 18, 2019 Jkt 036743 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 6011 Sfmt 5011 G:\ANNUAL REPORT\ANNUAL REPORT 2019\2019 AR GPO FILES\FRONTMATTER.TXT CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ANNUAL REPORT 2019 ONE HUNDRED SIXTEENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION NOVEMBER 18, 2019 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: https://www.cecc.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 36–743 PDF WASHINGTON : 2019 VerDate Nov 24 2008 13:38 Nov 18, 2019 Jkt 036743 PO 00000 Frm 00003 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 G:\ANNUAL REPORT\ANNUAL REPORT 2019\2019 AR GPO FILES\FRONTMATTER.TXT CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS House Senate JAMES P. MCGOVERN, Massachusetts, MARCO RUBIO, Florida, Co-chair Chair JAMES LANKFORD, Oklahoma MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio TOM COTTON, Arkansas THOMAS SUOZZI, New York STEVE DAINES, Montana TOM MALINOWSKI, New Jersey TODD YOUNG, Indiana BEN MCADAMS, Utah DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California CHRISTOPHER SMITH, New Jersey JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon BRIAN MAST, Florida GARY PETERS, Michigan VICKY HARTZLER, Missouri ANGUS KING, Maine EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS Department of State, To Be Appointed Department of Labor, To Be Appointed Department of Commerce, To Be Appointed At-Large, To Be Appointed At-Large, To Be Appointed JONATHAN STIVERS, Staff Director PETER MATTIS, Deputy Staff Director (II) VerDate Nov 24 2008 13:38 Nov 18, 2019 Jkt 036743 PO 00000 Frm 00004 Fmt 0486 Sfmt 0486 G:\ANNUAL REPORT\ANNUAL REPORT 2019\2019 AR GPO FILES\FRONTMATTER.TXT C O N T E N T S Page I. -
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2003: China (Includes Tibet, Hong Kong and Macau)
Page 1 of 66 China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau) Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2003 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 25, 2004 (Note: Also see the section for Tibet, the report for Hong Kong, and the report for Macau.) The People's Republic of China (PRC) is an authoritarian state in which, as directed by the Constitution, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP or Party) is the paramount source of power. Party members hold almost all top government, police, and military positions. Ultimate authority rests with the 24-member political bureau (Politburo) of the CCP and its 9-member standing committee. Leaders made a top priority of maintaining stability and social order and were committed to perpetuating the rule of the CCP and its hierarchy. Citizens lacked both the freedom peacefully to express opposition to the Party-led political system and the right to change their national leaders or form of government. Socialism continued to provide the theoretical underpinning of national politics, but Marxist economic planning has given way to pragmatism, and economic decentralization increased the authority of local officials. The Party's authority rested primarily on the Government's ability to maintain social stability; appeals to nationalism and patriotism; Party control of personnel, media, and the security apparatus; and continued improvement in the living standards of most of the country's 1.3 billion citizens. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, in practice, the Government and the CCP, at both the central and local levels, frequently interfered in the judicial process and directed verdicts in many high-profile cases. -
Rights Defence Lawyers As Dissidents in Contemporary China
International JournalRights of Defence China LawyersStudies as Dissidents in Contemporary China 325 Vol. 3, No. 3, December 2012, pp. 325-344 Rights Defence Lawyers as Dissidents in Contemporary China Feng Chongyi*, Colin Hawes** and Gu Ming*** University of Technology, Sydney Abstract Rights defence lawyers in contemporary China have attracted tremendous attention. Their supporters take them as a leading force for social and political change toward justice, the rule of law and democracy, whereas the hardliners of the ruling Chinese Communist Party regard them as a dangerous hostile force of political dissent. In this article, we will trace the resumption and development of the legal profession in China since the 1980s after its forced disappearance for three decades. Then we will explore the emergence of a group of “rights defence lawyers” in the context of recent economic, social and political changes. The article will end with a discussion about the potential role of rights defence lawyers in China’s social and political transformation. We argue that the name “rights defence lawyer” reflects the current politically charged environment for the legal profession in China and the dual identities of socially concerned lawyers as both legal professionals and rights advocates. We also argue that lawyers in China become political dissidents when defending clients whose rights are violated by the party- state and power holders, and that, in response to political persecution, rights defence lawyers have interacted with other lawyers, other rights activists and the wider society to advance their causes of bringing about justice, the rule of law and democratic political reforms in China. -
International PEN NGO in Consultative Status with ECOSOC
International PEN NGO in Consultative Status with ECOSOC Appendix to the Contribution to the Universal Periodic Review Mechanism 4th Session of the Working Group of the UPR (2 – 13 February 2009) Submission on the People’s Republic of China 1 September 2008 Case samples International PEN has been monitoring repression of writers and journalists in China, and concludes, as evidenced by the case samples, that rather than improving, freedom of expression in China continues to be disregarded by the authorities. The following are a list of International PEN’s main cases of writers imprisoned in China as of 29 August 2008 CHEN Daojun: Dissident writer and journalist, arrested on 9 May 2008, and charged with ‘inciting splittism’, apparently for an article he published following the Tibetan democracy protests in March 2008 which condemned the Chinese government’s violent crackdown on protesters that month. Chen is currently being held at the Detention Centre of the Public Security Bureau of Jintang County. CHEN Shuqing: Dissident writer and leading member of Zhejiang Branch of the banned Chinese Democratic Party (CDP), arrested on 14 September 2006 and sentenced to 4 years in prison for ‘inciting subversion of state power’ The conviction is reportedly based on sentences quoted from various articles published and posted on the banned magazine of the Chinese Democratic Party, and overseas Chinese websites including Boxun, Epoch Times, China Affairs Forum, China E Weekly and Duowei News. His appeal was rejected by the Zhejiang High People’s Court DU Daobin: Dissident writer and member of the Independent Chinese PEN Centre, arrested on 21 July 2008, at his workplace by National Security police who also searched Du's home and confiscated two computers and some letters. -
The Legacy of Tiananmen: 20 Years of Oppression, Activism and Hope Chrd
THE LEGACY OF TIANANMEN: 20 YEARS OF OPPRESSION, ACTIVISM AND HOPE CHRD Chinese Human Rights Defenders (CHRD) Web: Hhttp://crd-net.org/H Email: [email protected] THE LEGACY OF TIANANMEN: 20 YEARS OF OPPRESSION, ACTIVISM AND HOPE Chinese Human Rights Defenders June 1, 2009 Twenty years since the Tiananmen massacre, the Chinese government refuses to accept responsibility, much less apologize or offer compensation, for killing, injuring, imprisoning and persecuting individuals for participating in peaceful protests. The number of the victims, and their names and identities, remain unknown. Families continue to be barred from publicly commemorating and seeking accountability for the death of their loved ones. Activists are persecuted and harassed for independently investigating the crackdown or for calling for a rectification of the government’s verdict on the pro‐democracy movement. Many individuals continue to suffer the consequences of participating in the pro‐democracy movement today. At least eight individuals remain imprisoned in Beijing following unfair trials in which they were convicted of committing “violent crimes”. Those who were released after long sentences have had difficulty re‐integrating into society as they suffer from continued police harassment as well as illnesses and injuries resulting from torture, beatings and mistreatment while in prison. Many of those injured have had to pay for their own medical expenses and continue to struggle as the physical and psychological scars leave them unable to take care of themselves or to work. Some who took part in the protests still find it difficult to make ends meet after they were dismissed from comfortable jobs or expelled from universities after 1989. -
Laogai Handbook 劳改手册 2007-2008
L A O G A I HANDBOOK 劳 改 手 册 2007 – 2008 The Laogai Research Foundation Washington, DC 2008 The Laogai Research Foundation, founded in 1992, is a non-profit, tax-exempt organization [501 (c) (3)] incorporated in the District of Columbia, USA. The Foundation’s purpose is to gather information on the Chinese Laogai - the most extensive system of forced labor camps in the world today – and disseminate this information to journalists, human rights activists, government officials and the general public. Directors: Harry Wu, Jeffrey Fiedler, Tienchi Martin-Liao LRF Board: Harry Wu, Jeffrey Fiedler, Tienchi Martin-Liao, Lodi Gyari Laogai Handbook 劳改手册 2007-2008 Copyright © The Laogai Research Foundation (LRF) All Rights Reserved. The Laogai Research Foundation 1109 M St. NW Washington, DC 20005 Tel: (202) 408-8300 / 8301 Fax: (202) 408-8302 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.laogai.org ISBN 978-1-931550-25-3 Published by The Laogai Research Foundation, October 2008 Printed in Hong Kong US $35.00 Our Statement We have no right to forget those deprived of freedom and 我们没有权利忘却劳改营中失去自由及生命的人。 life in the Laogai. 我们在寻求真理, 希望这类残暴及非人道的行为早日 We are seeking the truth, with the hope that such horrible 消除并且永不再现。 and inhumane practices will soon cease to exist and will never recur. 在中国,民主与劳改不可能并存。 In China, democracy and the Laogai are incompatible. THE LAOGAI RESEARCH FOUNDATION Table of Contents Code Page Code Page Preface 前言 ...............................................................…1 23 Shandong Province 山东省.............................................. 377 Introduction 概述 .........................................................…4 24 Shanghai Municipality 上海市 .......................................... 407 Laogai Terms and Abbreviations 25 Shanxi Province 山西省 ................................................... 423 劳改单位及缩写............................................................28 26 Sichuan Province 四川省 ................................................ -
Changing China Published by Oxford University Press, Inc
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS Oxford University Press, In c., publishes works that further Oxford University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education. ~~~ c Auckla nd Cape Town Dares Salaam Hong Kong Karachi 0 n t e fl ts Ku ala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With offices in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switze rl and Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Copyrig ht © 2on by Susan L. Shirk Changing Media, Changing China Published by Oxford University Press, In c. 198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York Joo16 Susan L. Shirk www.oup.com 2. China's Emerging Public Sphere: The Impact of Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press Media Commercialization, Professionalism, and the All rights reserved. No part of thi s publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, Internet in an Era of Transition 38 electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, Qj_an Gang and David Bandurski without the prior perm iss ion of Oxford University Press. Library of Congress Catalogin g-in-Publicati on Data 3· The Rise of the Business Media in China 77 Changing media, changing China / edited by Susan L. Shirk. Hu Shuli p. em. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-o-19-975198-3; 978-o-19-975 197-6 (pbk.) 4· Between Propaganda and Commercials: 1. Mass media-China. 2. Mass media and culrure-Chin a. Chinese Television Today 91 I. Shirk, Susan L. -
A Study of Judges' and Lawyers' Blogs In
Copyright © 2011 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College. 2011 / Exercising Freedom of Speech behind the Great Firewall 251 reminding both of them of the significance of law, the legal and political boundaries set by the authorities are being pushed, challenged, and renegotiated. Drawing on existing literature on boundary contention and the Chinese cultural norm of fencun (decorum), this study highlights the paradox of how one has to fight within boundaries so as to expand the contours of the latter for one’s ultimate freedom. Judging from the content of the collected postings, one finds that, in various degrees, critical voices can be tolerated. What emerges is a responsive and engaging form of justice which endeavors to address grievances in society, and to resolve them in unique ways both online and offline. I. INTRODUCTION The Internet is a fascinating terrain. Much literature has been devoted to depicting its liberating democratic power in fostering active citizenry, and arguably, an equal number of articles have been written that describe attempts by various states to exercise control.1 China has provided a ready example to illustrate this tension. 2 And this study focuses on the blog postings by judges and public interest lawyers in order to understand better how the legal elites in China have deployed routine and regular legal discussion in the virtual world to form their own unique public sphere, not only as an assertion for their own autonomy but also as a subtle yet powerful form of contention against the legal and political boundaries in an authoritarian state. Chinese authorities are notorious for their determination to stamp out dissenting voices both online and offline. -
Weiquan Online 2006
WEIQUAN ONLINE 2006 . 3, NO RIGHTS FORUM AN HRIC BACKGROUNDER1 CHINA This excerpt from a forthcoming HRIC White explores the development and use of the term weiquan in a vari- 17 Paper on the Internet in China examines how ety of different contexts online, to develop a more comprehen- sive picture of the growing rights defense phenomenon. China’s rights defense movement is adopting increasingly sophisticated communications What is weiquan? ONTLINE technology to educate people on their basic Weiquan can be translated as “rights defense,” or the activity of lawfully defending one’s legal rights. However, HRIC’s prelimi- rights and to rally support for the domestic nary survey of online usage reveals that there is no one defini- rights defense movement and its activists. tion of what this entails.The term can be used in any of the following ways: AKES THE FR Since 1994, the Internet in China has grown in coverage, a verb sophistication and accessibility.With more than 111 million “to defend one’s right” weihu quanli users,2 China is now second only to the U.S. in numbers of people connected,3 and it is estimated that 300 million users a professional title will be online in China by 2008.4 Chinese Internet users are “rights defense activist” weiquan doushi RIGHTS DEFENSE T blogging, chatting, creating Web sites and in some cases using “rights defense lawyer” weiquan lüshi the Internet as an advocacy tool for a variety of issues, includ- “rights defense professional services” weiquan fuwu ing exposing corruption, pushing for a clean environment and “rights defense investigator” dajia weiquan protesting land grabs.