National Programmes, Technical Projects An

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

National Programmes, Technical Projects An The London School of Economics and Political Science National Programmes, Technical Projects An ethnography of the One Laptop per Child (OLPC) programme in Uruguay Daiana Beitler A thesis submitted to the Department of Sociology of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, October 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 99,686 words. I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Carole Pearce. 2 Abstract This thesis is an ethnographic study of the Uruguayan programme CEIBAL, which aims to promote social inclusion by providing children and teachers with laptop computers. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that it illustrates empirically the complicated work of conceiving, implementing and sustaining policy in practice, both at the macro level and through local instantiations. This was achieved in three inter-related ways. First, by looking at how the national project of development was conceptualised around themes of techno- modernity and consolidated the promise of inclusiveness through claims on the universality of ‘technical needs’. Technology provided the conceptual space in which to resolve a presumed dichotomy between themes of equality, education and paternalistic state and those of economic development, modernisation and innovation. Second, it was analysed by exploring the way in which heterogeneous assemblages of people, values, laptops, and interests, were mobilized to stabilize the programme’s material and conceptual order across a wide range of sites and actors. This was based on the recognition of a ‘natural affinity’ between CEIBAL and Uruguay, which concealed differences, provided coherence and built a strong sense of ‘national consensus’. And finally, as a result of the other two, it was analysed by examining the relationship between ‘the technical’ and ‘the social’ as inscriptions and ‘fudged’ values objectified in the device faced users and their expectations. This implied looking at how CEIBAL officials attempted to make the laptop embody a political and moral project of inclusion, and its infinite promises, so that it could perform them. People in the three localities studied in this thesis (Montevideo, Paysandú and Queguayar) created very tangible strategies for dealing with notions of ‘social inclusion’, expressed different understandings of how technologies created possibilities for them and enacted these beliefs through a wide range of practices. This included the creation of new metaphors of ‘social inclusion’ through the notion of ‘connectivity,’ reconfiguring both social values and definitions of what constitute ‘connections’ as a result: the laptop’s ability to connect children with each ‘wired up the social fabric.’ These negotiations over the possibility of making connections are explored through a new concept that I refer to as ‘geographies of possibilities,’ which describes topographies of power that influence people’s ability to make technology perform. The key to this notion lies in the recognition of several forms of agency that are enacted in strategies to navigate through different geographies: people are not mere recipients of policy but active constituents of its various forms and instantiations in practice. 3 Acknowledgements This thesis was inspired by the people I met in different parts of my country. I had the privilege of getting to know teachers and public officials who tackle their sometimes difficult jobs with incredible joy, resolve and enthusiasm. I am thankful for the time they spent with me and for the work that they do, every day, to make a difference in the lives of others. I am also profoundly grateful to the many families that invited me into their homes, shared long afternoons and washed up mates with me, and so openly talked about their lives and those of their children. I am indebted to so many of them that trying to acknowledge everyone is virtually impossible. But I would like them to know that their contributions have been treasured and valued, that they made this thesis what it is, and that I will always remember them fondly and with enormous gratitude. I can only hope that the love and respect I feel for them is reflected in these pages. I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr. Don Slater, for sharing my enthusiasm for the project and for his insights and invaluable guidance over the years. Also at the London School of Economics, my warmest thanks to my friends Dr. Sandy Ross and Dr. Jill Timms for providing rigorous and constructive comments on these pages –they are infinitely better as a result. I have a special debt of gratitude to my family in Paysandú, the Kanovichs, the Fremds and the Curbelos, for welcoming me with open arms and hearts, showing me their city and the best it has to offer, participating in endless conversations about education and technology, sharing advice and information, and even collecting newspaper articles and children’s magazines for this project. They made the experience much more special than I anticipated. My deepest thanks, as always, to my family for their unconditional love and support on this long journey. Ady, Maria y Julia, Baba y Zeide, Talma, Denny y Steve, Miguel y Zoides, Etel, Egon y Ruth, Monica y Martina: de corazón, gracias. I am thankful, most of all, to my parents, Roberto and Vivian, who are the kindest and most tenacious people I know –the best in me, I owe to them. I would like to dedicate this thesis to my partner, husband and best friend, Alan, who has been part of this adventure from the very beginning. He is clever and generous, encouraging and optimistic, funny and unfailingly wise –and I simply would not have been able to complete this thesis without him. To Alan, “mi amor, mi cómplice y todo...” 4 Contents Chapter I: Introduction ....................................................................................................8 Conceptual framework ...........................................................................................................12 The ‘Switzerland of Latin America’ .........................................................................................22 Plan CEIBAL .............................................................................................................................25 Structure of the thesis ............................................................................................................29 Chapter II: Methodology ............................................................................................... 38 Grasping CEIBAL ......................................................................................................................38 Conducting an ethnographically informed study ...................................................................40 Reflecting on the experience ..................................................................................................66 Chapter III: Political Compositions ................................................................................. 70 ‘No one is better than anyone else’ ........................................................................................70 The materiality of political compositions ...............................................................................91 The organization of the programme .......................................................................................98 Conclusion .............................................................................................................................102 Chapter IV: Material delegations ................................................................................. 104 Conceptual framework: a chapter on ‘the object’ ................................................................105 Part A: Inscribing normative use ...........................................................................................108 Part B: Interpreting delegations ............................................................................................129 Conclusion .............................................................................................................................152 Chapter V: Local negotiations ...................................................................................... 153 Conceptual framework: towards geographies of opportunities ..........................................154 Part A: Encountering CEIBAL’s self-defining values ..............................................................158 Part B: Negotiating social values through the XO .................................................................176 Conclusions ...........................................................................................................................203 Chapter VI: Conclusions ..............................................................................................
Recommended publications
  • Democracy and Educational Expansion: Evidence from 200 Years
    Democracy and Educational Expansion: Evidence from 200 Years Agustina S. Paglayan - UC San Diego LSE-Stanford-Universidad de los Andes Conference on Long-Run Development in Latin America, London School of Economics and Political Science, 16-17 May 2018 DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATIONAL EXPANSION: EVIDENCE FROM 200 YEARS Agustina S. Paglayan* June 1, 2018 Because primary education is often conceptualized as a pro-poor redistributive policy, a common political economy argument is that democratization leads to increases in its provision. But primary education can also serve the goals of autocratic regimes, including industrialization, inculcation of loyalty, and nation- building. To examine the relationship between regime type and education provision empirically, this paper leverages new country-level datasets spanning 200 years. Difference-in-differences and interrupted time series estimates indicate that democratization had no or little impact on primary school enrollment rates. The analysis reveals two historical patterns that can explain this null finding: first, state-controlled primary education systems emerged about a century before democratization; and second, in most countries, a large majority of the population already had access to primary education before democratization. These findings challenge the centrality given to democracy and the enfranchisement of the poor in existing theories of what drives governments to provide basic education. * Assistant professor of political science and public policy, UCSD (starting July 2018); and postdoctoral
    [Show full text]
  • Primary Education.Pdf
    1 CDD 300 ISSN: 1510-5628 Serie Documentos de Trabajo del IPES / Colección Monitor Social Nº8 Uruguay asiste a una radical transformación de su matriz social y de sus mecanismos de integración social. El Monitor Social del Uruguay recoge los aportes de los investigadores del IPES a la comprensión de dichas transformaciones y de la realidad actual del Uruguay social. Este Monitor pretende aportar información y análisis que permita el seguimiento de la situación social de los uruguayos. Mediante tales aportes se busca contribuir a modelar agendas sociales así como lograr una mejor comprensión de las dinámicas económicas y sociales que operan en la producción de desigualdad, pobreza y exclusión social del Uruguay. Programa IPES Facultad de Ciencias Humanas Universidad Católica del Uruguay Dep. Legal 326.861 2 © 2006, Universidad Católica del Uruguay Para obtener la autorización para la reproducción o traducción total o parcial de este documento debe formularse la correspondiente solicitud a la Universidad Católica del Uruguay (IPES), solicitud que será bien acogida. No obstante, ciertos extractos breves de esta publicación pueden reproducirse sin autorización, con la condición de que se mencione la fuente. 3 Primary Education: Changing Mainstay of Uruguay Juan A. Bogliaccini La versión original de este trabajo fue publicada en Noblit, G. and Pink, W. (2006) International Handbook of Education. University of North Carolina & Marquette University. USA. 4 ABSTRACT The Uruguayan public educational system is undergoing profound changes in response
    [Show full text]
  • URUGUAY by Pablo Landoni
    URUGUAY by Pablo Landoni Landoni, P. (2012). Uruguay. In C. L. Glenn & J. De Groof (Eds.), Balancing freedom, autonomy and accountability in education: Volume 3 (397-415). Tilburg, NL: Wolf Legal Publishers. Overview In 2008, Uruguay approved a new education law (Ley General de Educación, subsequently LGE),1 as a result of a reform process begun by the new left-of- center government that took office in 2005. The law adopted was a substitute for a law of deep significance, because it was the second law approved after the restoration of democracy in 1985, following a decade of military rule. This previous law2 enjoyed the unanimous support of the political parties and social organization that made up the Comisión Nacional Programática (CONAPRO), a coordinating group for policies as the country returned to democracy. The reform strategy adopted by the government that took office in 2005 has been defined as “bottom-up,”3 in the sense that it was intended that the law be the result of an extensive process of participation by educators and by society. The process began with the so-called “Debate Educativo” organized by a Commission of twenty- two individuals coming from the Ministry of Education, educational institutions, teacher and student organizations, and some civil-society organizations. Political participation was indirect, through the Ministry. The discussion was organized through regional assemblies in the entire country. This process culminated with the National Education Congress in 2006, with more than six hundred delegates from the most diverse civil-society organizations and public and private educational institutions. The opposition political parties stayed aloof from this process.4 In addition to emphasizing the participatory nature of the design of the new education law, there was an effort to distinguish it from earlier reforms.
    [Show full text]
  • From the Uruguayan Case to the Happiness Economy
    Dipartimento di Impresa e Management Cattedra: International Macroeconomics and Industrial Dynamics From the Uruguayan case to the Happiness economy RELATORE Prof. LUIGI MARENGO CANDIDATO ANDREA CASTELLANI Matr. 690601 CORRELATORE Prof. PAOLO GARONNA ANNO ACCADEMICO 2017/2018 2 INDEX INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................... 5 CHAPTER 1: HAPPINESS AS A LIFE GOAL POLITICAL ECONOMICS MUST CONSIDER IN ITS DECISION-MAKING ............................................................................. 8 1.1 Happiness as a life goal ..................................................................................................... 8 1.2 The effect of institutional conditions on individual well-beings .................................... 9 1.2.1 The importance of the “Constitution” .................................................................... 10 1.2.2 Weighing the effect of a certain kind of Constitution ........................................... 12 1.2.3 How good governance affects well-being “above and beyond” income ............... 13 1.2.4 The real connection between Governance and Subjective Well-Being ............... 20 1.3 Measuring utilities and criteria to assess happiness and life satisfaction ................... 21 1.4 The Way Income Affects Happiness .............................................................................. 24 1.4.1 The effect of time on the income-happiness relation ............................................
    [Show full text]
  • Uruguay and Marijuana Legalization: a New Tupamaros Strategy ? by Fabio Bernabei Rome, 12 August 2013
    Uruguay and Marijuana legalization: a new Tupamaros strategy ? by Fabio Bernabei Rome, 12 August 2013 The consequences of what’s happening in Uruguay are certainly not destined to remain within the boundaries of that South American nation and could have important consequences for the peoples all over the world. The Uruguay left-wing government have decided to pass a national law, for now in the Lower House by a narrow margin (50 votes against 46), pending the vote in the Senate, which unilaterally wipe out the obligation to respect the rules and controls set under UN Conventions on Drugs, legitimizing the cultivation and sale of cannabis.1 José Alberto Mujica Cordano, current head of State and Government, is the kingpin for this decisive turning-point against the population will who’s for 63% contrary to the legitimacy of cannabis.2 The President Mujica Cordano, at the beginning of the parliamentary process to ratify that unjustified violation of international law, refused to meet the delegation of the International Narcotics Control Board-INCB, an independent body that monitors implementation of the UN Conventions on Drugs by the signatory States such as Uruguay. The INCB, stated in an press release, in line with its mandate, “has always aimed at maintaining a dialogue with the Government of Uruguay on this issue, including proposing a mission to the country at the highest-level. The Board regrets that the Government of Uruguay refused to receive an INCB mission before the draft law was submitted to Parliament for deliberation”3. A one more (il)legal precedent disrespectful the International Community.
    [Show full text]
  • Vi Brazil As a Latin American Political Unit
    VI BRAZIL AS A LATIN AMERICAN POLITICAL UNIT I. PHASES OF BRAZILIAN HISTORY is almost a truism to say that interest in the history of a I' country is in proportion to the international importance of it as a nation. The dramatic circumstances that might have shaped that history are of no avail to make it worth knowing; the actual or past standing of the country and its people is thus the only practical motive. According to such an interpretation of historical interest, I may say that the international importance of Brazil seems to be growing fast. Since the Great War, many books on South America have been published in the United States, and abundant references to Brazil may be found in all of them. Should I have to mention any of the recent books, I would certainly not forget Herman James's Brazil after a Century,' Jones's South Amer- ica,' for the anthropogeographic point of view, Mary Wil- liams's People and Politics oj Latin Arneri~a,~the books of Roy Nash, J. F. Normano, J. F. Rippy, Max Winkler, and others. Considering Brazil as a South American political entity, it is especially the historical point of view that I purpose to interpret. Therefore it may be convenient to have a pre- liminary general view of the story of independent Brazil, 'See reference, Lecture V, p. 296. IC. F. Jones, South America (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1930). Wary W. Williams, The People and Politics of Latin America (Boston: Ginn & CO., 1930). 312 Brazil as a Political Unit 313 emphasizing the characteristic features of the different pe- riods.
    [Show full text]
  • URUGUAY: the Quest for a Just Society
    2 URUGUAY: ThE QUEST fOR A JUST SOCiETY Uruguay’s new president survived torture, trauma and imprisonment at the hands of the former military regime. Today he is leading one of Latin America’s most radical and progressive coalitions, Frente Amplio (Broad Front). In the last five years, Frente Amplio has rescued the country from decades of economic stagnation and wants to return Uruguay to what it once was: A free, prosperous and equal society, OLGA YOLDI writes. REFUGEE TRANSITIONS ISSUE 24 3 An atmosphere of optimism filled the streets of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Montevideo as Jose Mujica assumed the presidency of Caribbean, Uruguay’s economy is forecasted to expand Uruguay last March. President Mujica, a former Tupamaro this year. guerrilla, stood in front of the crowds, as he took the Vazquez enjoyed a 70 per cent approval rate at the end oath administered by his wife – also a former guerrilla of his term. Political analysts say President Mujica’s victory leader – while wearing a suit but not tie, an accessory he is the result of Vazquez’s popularity and the economic says he will shun while in office, in keeping with his anti- growth during his time in office. According to Arturo politician image. Porzecanski, an economist at the American University, The 74-year-old charismatic new president defeated “Mujica only had to promise a sense of continuity [for the National Party’s Luis Alberto Lacalle with 53.2 per the country] and to not rock the boat.” cent of the vote. His victory was the second consecutive He reassured investors by delegating economic policy mandate for the Frente Amplio catch-all coalition, which to Daniel Astori, a former economics minister under the extends from radicals and socialists to Christian democrats Vazquez administration, who has built a reputation for and independents disenchanted with Uruguay’s two pragmatism, reliability and moderation.
    [Show full text]
  • The United States and the Uruguayan Cold War, 1963-1976
    ABSTRACT SUBVERTING DEMOCRACY, PRODUCING TERROR: THE UNITED STATES AND THE URUGUAYAN COLD WAR, 1963-1976 In the early 1960s, Uruguay was a beacon of democracy in the Americas. Ten years later, repression and torture were everyday occurrences and by 1973, a military dictatorship had taken power. The unexpected descent into dictatorship is the subject of this thesis. By analyzing US government documents, many of which have been recently declassified, I examine the role of the US government in funding, training, and supporting the Uruguayan repressive apparatus during these trying years. Matthew Ford May 2015 SUBVERTING DEMOCRACY, PRODUCING TERROR: THE UNITED STATES AND THE URUGUAYAN COLD WAR, 1963-1976 by Matthew Ford A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History in the College of Social Sciences California State University, Fresno May 2015 APPROVED For the Department of History: We, the undersigned, certify that the thesis of the following student meets the required standards of scholarship, format, and style of the university and the student's graduate degree program for the awarding of the master's degree. Matthew Ford Thesis Author Maria Lopes (Chair) History William Skuban History Lori Clune History For the University Graduate Committee: Dean, Division of Graduate Studies AUTHORIZATION FOR REPRODUCTION OF MASTER’S THESIS X I grant permission for the reproduction of this thesis in part or in its entirety without further authorization from me, on the condition that the person or agency requesting reproduction absorbs the cost and provides proper acknowledgment of authorship. Permission to reproduce this thesis in part or in its entirety must be obtained from me.
    [Show full text]
  • How Uruguay Implemented Its Computer Science Education Program
    How Uruguay implemented its computer science education program Brian Fowler Emiliana Vegas March 2021 How Uruguay implemented its computer science education program Brian Fowler is a research analyst in the Center for Universal Education at Brookings. Emiliana Vegas is a senior fellow and co-director of the Center for Universal Education at Brookings. Acknowledgements The authors are grateful to Cristobal Cobo, whose feedback on a previous draft greatly helped improve this version, as well as to Michael Hansen and Yuri Nesen for their edits and suggestions. The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Brookings gratefully acknowledges the support provided by Amazon, Atlassian Foundation International, Google, and Microsoft. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides is in its commitment to quality, independence, and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment. Brookings Institution 1 Summary Computer science (CS) education helps students acquire skills such as computational thinking, problem-solving, and collaboration. It has been linked with higher rates of college enrollment (Brown & Brown, 2020; Salehi et al., 2020), and a recent randomized control trial showed that lessons in computational thinking improved student response inhibition, planning, and coding skills (Arfé et al., 2020). Since these skills take preeminence in the rapidly changing 21st century, CS education promises to significantly enhance student preparedness for the future of work and active citizenship.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of the Middle Class and the Left in Uruguay: Feelings of Insecurityinsecurity,, Solidaritysolidarity,, and Support for Redistribution
    The Politics of the Middle Class and the Left in Uruguay: Feelings of InsecurityInsecurity,, SolidaritySolidarity,, and Support for Redistribution by Jennifer Fender A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Jennifer Fender 2020 The Politics of the Middle Class and the Left in Uruguay: Feelings of InsecurityInsecurity,, SolidaritySolidarity,, and Support for Redistribution Jennifer Fender Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto 2020 Abstract This dissertation explores the relationships between the middle class and the Left with a specific focus on attitudes towards redistributive policies. The work is based on an examination of the social attitudes and political propensities of the Uruguayan middle class during the Left governments of the Frente Amplio (FA) (2005-2014) including the lead up to their re-election in 2014. In investigating the attitudes and political proclivities of members of the Uruguayan middle class, I incorporate a consideration of the significant political and economic changes that occurred from the middle of the twentieth century onward. The work combines historical analysis and analysis of in-depth interviews conducted by the author. I argue that the presence of two sets of factors that shape individual’s senses of insecurity and solidarity help to explain middle class support for, or opposition to, redistributive policies. One set involves the presence or absence of a complex of insecurity mitigating factors; the second involves socialization processes that inculcate support for the social norms of equality and collective responsibility. I argue that a combination of insecurity mitigating factors and exposure to socialization processes that inculcate norms of equality and collective responsibility, producing social solidarity, tends to contribute to middle class support for the Left and the redistributive measures it stands for.
    [Show full text]
  • Uruguay MINIMAL ADVANCEMENT
    Uruguay MINIMAL ADVANCEMENT In 2016, Uruguay made a minimal advancement in efforts to eliminate the worst forms of child labor. The Committee to Prevent and Fight Trafficking in Persons presented a draft of a comprehensive anti-trafficking law to the Parliament and began updating the hazardous work list for children. However, children in Uruguay also engage in the worst forms of child labor, including in garbage scavenging and recycling, as well as commercial sexual exploitation, sometimes as a result of human trafficking. The Government does not collect or publish comprehensive labor and criminal law enforcement statistics or implement sufficient programs to prevent and eliminate the worst forms of child labor. I. PREVALENCE AND SECTORAL DISTRIBUTION OF CHILD LABOR Children in Uruguay engage in the worst forms of child labor, including in garbage scavenging and recycling, and commercial sexual exploitation, sometimes as a result of human trafficking.(1-14) Table 1 provides key indicators on children’s work and education in Uruguay. Table 1. Statistics on Children’s Work and Education Figure 1. Working Children by Sector, Ages 5-14 Children Age Percent Working (% and population) 5 to 14 6.1(31,955) Agriculture Attending School (%) 5 to 14 97.8 28.4% Services Combining Work and School (%) 7 to 14 6.5 59.1% Primary Completion Rate (%) 103.3 Industry 12.5% Source for primary completion rate: Data from 2014, published by UNESCO Institute for Statistics, 2016.(15) Source for all other data: Understanding Children’s Work Project’s analysis of statistics from Encuesta Nacional de Trabajo Infantil (MTI), 2009.(16) Based on a review of available information, Table 2 provides an overview of children’s work by sector and activity.
    [Show full text]
  • The Non-Democratic Roots of Mass Education: Evidence from 200 Years
    EdWorkingPaper No. 20-245 The Non-Democratic Roots of Mass Education: Evidence from 200 Years Agustina S. Paglayan University of California, San Diego Because primary education is often conceptualized as a pro-poor redistributive policy, a common argument is that democratization increases its provision. But primary education can also serve the goals of autocrats, including redistribution, promoting loyalty, nation-building, and/or industrialization. To examine the relationship between democratization and education provision empirically, I leverage new datasets covering 109 countries and 200 years. Difference-in-differences and interrupted time series estimates find that, on average, democratization had no or little impact on primary school enrollment rates. When unpacking this average null result, I find that, consistent with median voter theories, democratization can lead to an expansion of primary schooling, but the key condition under which it does—when a majority lacked access to primary schooling before democratization—rarely holds. Around the world, state-controlled primary schooling emerged a century before democratization, and in three-fourths of countries that democratized, a majority already had access to primary education before democratization. VERSION: June 2020 Suggested citation: Paglayan, Agustina S. (2020). The Non-Democratic Roots of Mass Education: Evidence from 200 Years. (EdWorkingPaper: 20-245). Retrieved from Annenberg Institute at Brown University: https://doi.org/10.26300/y9nj-4957 THE NON-DEMOCRATIC ROOTS OF MASS EDUCATION: EVIDENCE FROM 200 YEARS Agustina S. Paglayan* June 19, 2020 Because primary education is often conceptualized as a pro-poor redistributive policy, a common argument is that democratization increases its provision. But primary education can also serve the goals of autocrats, including redistribution, promoting loyalty, nation-building, and/or industrialization.
    [Show full text]