Running head: IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING

“KREYÒL PALE, KREYÒL KONPRANN”: HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER

TONGUE LEARNING IN MATÉNWA,

By

Rachèle-Jeanie Delva

A thesis for the degree of

Masters of International Community Leadership

Westminster College

Salt Lake City, Utah

April 2017

HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Abstract

LKM, a small island school in the Matènwa community engaged in the reform of Haitian learning from a postcolonial system to culturally relevant methods , focuses on mother tongue instruction to legitimize the Creole and new practices of cultural awareness to develop Haitian identity in . The children attending LKM reach competence in the L1 to L2 method while their learning derives from local contexts, creative processes such as the LKM mother tongue book initiative, and emphasis on children’s rights and non-violence. Through observations, interviews, a focus group, and prolonged stay in the field methods, this research aimed to understand the impact of LKM’s learning on the children, notably the 1st and 6th graders and to promote the hope that this learning model represents for the future of Haiti.

HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Dedication

To my grandmother, Inécile, my oldest and dearest connection to Creole and Haitian .

HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Acknowledgements

Thank you to all the people who made this thesis possible.

Thank you to LKM for opening its classrooms for me to learn. I would like to acknowledge the school’s founders Chris Low and Abner Jean for their remarkable contribution to Haitian education. I would like to thank all of the 1st and 6th graders, their Vana and Gypsot, my interviewees Kenny and Abner, the focus group parents, and the primary school director Delson who participated in the research. To the staff in the computer lab, the , and charging station, and the school recording studio, thank you for the many technical assistances and all the other children and teachers who welcomed me on campus. A special thanks to Madan Kapi who hosted me in her home and treated me like family.

I would thank the program director, Peggy Cain, for her inspiring example of leadership and Shelly Erikson for helping me track of my progress on the program standards. I would like to acknowledge and thank my thesis advisor, Jamie Joanou, for her council. Thank you for your patience and understanding.

I would also like to thank all those who help me with recommendations and ideas for my capstone project. Thank you to my peers who reviewed my drafts and those who I quietly learned from.

I would like to thank my family for their unwavering belief in me. Thank you manmi for your unconditional support. Thank you papi for being my sounding board after every trip from La Gonave to Port-au-Prince. Thank you Bénédicte and Lussandie for all the countless FaceTime sanity chats.

I am thankful for all those who inspired my research of mother tongue and Creole culture, those who introduced me to people in the field, those who helped me in first round of research in 2016, the people at Guadalupe school and ESCL who gave me the opportunity to be a community through the instruction of language and culture.

HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Table of Contents

Chapter I: Introduction………………………………………………………………………….1

Purpose………………………………………………………………………………………….1

The Background of Educational Inequality in Haiti…………………………………………....3

The Structure of Haitian Schools…………………………………………………………….3

Biliguism Inequality………………………………………………………………………….4

Economic Inequality…………………………………………………………………………4

The barrier of inequality………………………………………………………………...... 5

This Research……………………………………………………………………………….…..5

History of Haiti and Root Causes of Linguistic Inequality………………………………….….7

History of Haiti………………………………………………………………………………....7

Root Causes………………………………………………………………………………...…..8

Ethnocentrism………………………………………………………………………………..8

Colonization…………………………………………………………………………………9

Imperialism…………………………………………………………………………………10

Neoliberalism……………………………………………………………………………….10

Significance……………………………………………………………………………………11

Chapter 2: Literature Review………………………………………………………………….12

The Complexity and Importance of ……………………………………………….12

The Delegitimization of Haitian Creole……………………………………………………….13

The Origin of Creole………………………………………………………………………..13

Creoles…………………………………………………………………………………...13

Haitian Creole……………………………………………………………………………14

HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Delegitimization of Haitian Creole…………………………………………………………15

Post-colonial state………………………………………………………………………..15

Delegitimization in schools………………………………………………………………16

Delegitimization in society………………………………………………………………17

Creole Resilience………………………………………………………………………...18

Language Acquisition Within Psychosocial Development and Self-Awareness……………..18

The Stages of Psychosocial Development………………………………………………….19

Overview…………………………………………………………………………………19

Purpose of psychosocial development…………………………………………………...19

The Ego Awareness………………………………………………………………………...21

Self-consciousness, self-concept, and self-esteem……………………………………….21

Learning In Haiti……………………………………………………………………………....23

A Disconnect in Language………………………………………………………………….23

Effective Bilinguism………………………………………………………………………..25

Culturally Relevant Pedagogy and The Banking Theory……………………………………..27

Indigenous Model of Education……………………………………………………………….29

Mother Tongue………………………………………………………………………………...30

Mother Tongue Human Rights……………………………………………………………..30

The Obstacles of Mother Tongue Education……………………………………………….32

Success of Mother Tongue Education……………………………………………………...33

Recommendation for Mother Tongue Education…………………………………………..33

The Role of Mother Tongue in Haitian Learning…………………………………………..34

The Future of Mother Tongue………………………………………………………………36

HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Conclusions ……………………………………………………………………………………36

Chapter 3: Methods…………………………………………………………………………….39

Research Context……………………………………………………………………………...39

La Gonave…………………………………………………………………………………..39

Lekòl Kominotè Matènwa………………………………………………………………….40

Participants…………………………………………………………………………………….41

Methods………………………………………………………………………………………..43

Research Phases…………………………………………………………………………….43

Analysis……………………………………………………………………………………..46

Issues During Research………………………………………………………………………..47

Ethical Implications/Considerations…………………………………………………………..48

Data protection……………………………………………………………………………...48

Participant consideration……………………………………………………………………49

Researcher Reflexivity and Validity…………………………………………………………..49

Conflict and Bias……………………………………………………………………………49

Validity……………………………………………………………………………………..50

Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………….52

Chapter 4: Findings…………………………………………………………………………….53

The Legitimization of Haitian Creole…………………………………………………………53

Normalization of Creole……………………………………………………………………54

Acceptance of Creole……………………………………………………………………….55

Elevation of Creole…………………………………………………………………………58

Culture Expands the Mind to Learning………………………………………………………..61

HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Knowledge Sharing…………………………………………………………………………62

Culturally Relevant Pedagogy……………………………………………………………...63

New Practices for Education………………………………………...... 68

The Practice of Children Rights…………………………………………………………….68

The Practice of Community Learning………………………………………………………71

Local needs………………………………………………………………………………71

Community relations……………………………………………………………………..72

Hope………………………………………………………………………………………...... 74

Conclusion……………………………………….……………………………………………77

Chapter 5: Discussion………………………………………………………………………….78

Implications……………………………………………………………………………………78

Recommendations……………………………………………………………………...... 79

Limitations…………………………………………………………………………………….81

Future Research……………………………………………………………………………….82

Learning Objectives…………………………………………………………………………...82

Personal Impact………………………………………………………………………………..83

References……………………………………………………………………………………….85

Appendix A: Consent Form for Adults………………………………………………………..97

Appendix B: Parent/Guardian Permission Form…………………………………………….99

Appendix C: Assent Form for Minors……………………………………………………….101

Appendix D: Interview Guide for ………………………………………………...... 102

Appendix E: Interview Guide for Director………………………………………..….……..103

Appendix E: Focus Group Question for Parents……………………………………...…….104

HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Appendix F: Recruitment Script……………………………………………………………..105 1 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Chapter I: Introduction

In May of 2015, I visited La Gonave Island in Haiti to inquire more on the topic of . I had an eye opening experience during a visit at an impoverished primary and , Phard de l’Ile, where I interviewed the head mistress and some of the students. I approached a group of little girls from the first grade to informally ask how they felt about their school. I asked one girl who was celebrating her birthday for her name and age in

Creole. She answered me in French each time. I asked her specifically if she likes the school.

They all enthusiastically answered yes. I continued a light conversation with the group then asked them whether they preferred Creole or French. They all answered Creole and I asked them why. They seemed to not know the answer right away. I asked them the question again, why do you kids prefer Creole? After many giggles and hiding behind each other, the group pushed one girl forward to be the spokes-person. She said that she preferred Creole because she speaks it well. I asked her if she also speaks French well. She replied that she did not. I asked her if she would like to speak French well. She admitted yes and when I inquired why she would like that, she said because she would know how to read.

I pondered on that experience long after I left the school. I wondered why a Haitian child would answer me in French when I asked her a question in Creole. In her mind, is French the proper way to answer me in a formal manner? I also wondered why a Haitian child would think that she must speak French in order to be literate. She must not know that Creole can also be used for learning.

Purpose

Eighty-five percent of primary schools in Haiti are privatized (USAID, 2016). Half of public sector teachers lack basic qualifications and 80% of teachers are not trained (USAID, 2 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING 2016). Nearly 75% of students after 1st grade and half of students after 2nd grade cannot read

(USAID, 2016). Primary school enrollment is roughly 75% (USAID, 2016). These staggering numbers demonstrate that the Haitian education system is failing. But one factor causing the system failure cannot be enumerated and therefore receives less attention. That is the fact that education is offered in French, while the majority of students speak Creole (Hebblethwaite,

2012). Another ignored factor is the gradual removal of Creole culture from school values

(Zéphir, 2010). The hegemony of French is derailing the country’s development by limiting its number of educated and conscious citizens in two ways. One, who are not competent in

French have fewer opportunities to become successful in a society that does not prioritize Creole

(Dejean, 1993). They are forced to survive in a system that does not value them. Two, Haitians are educated in foreign contexts because they study mainly from French books coming from

France and , while they live in a Haitian reality (Dejean, 1993). From a colonialist lens,

Haitians are educated to serve other developed countries, but not Haiti. Because of the delegitimization of the and Creole culture in learning, many are disconnected from their Haitian identity. This is an issue worth researching.

The little girl that I previously mentioned is a product of this failure to educate Haitians for Haiti. Unfortunately, there are many more like her. That is why, it is imperative to start exploring culturally relevant pedagogy capable of steering education in a new direction and giving learning a new meaning in Haiti. Lekòl Kominotè Matènwa, a school in La Gonave Haiti that teaches only in Creole, is working towards this effort. Their use of culturally relevant pedagogy includes Creole mother tongue and a respect for the local culture. In order to understand the impact that this model can have on the children of Haiti and the future of Haiti, my research aimed to answer the following question. How does culturally relevant pedagogy 3 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING focused on mother tongue instruction and cultural awareness impact learning at LKM? And how does this model impact identity development in Haitian children? The findings from this research project at LKM could prove to be an influential example for other schools in Haiti.

The Background of Educational Inequality in Haiti

The Structure of Haitian Schools

To understand where the failing education stems from, it is necessary to highlight the current structure of the Haitian education system. In Haiti, education is divided into four levels: , primary school, secondary school, and professional school or (“Haiti

Education System”, 2012). Kindergarten lasts three years, from age three to five. Children generally learn to read and write during the last year of Kindergarten at age five. Primary school starts at age six and consists of six grades during which children study mathematics, Haitian history, , and French in French books and most often instructed in French. Typically, students do not have a Creole course until the 4th grade. Creole courses are instructed in Creole unless the status of a school requires French instruction (“Haiti Education System”, 2012).

Secondary school starts from 7th to 13th grade. During the first three grades, students build on primary school knowledge. Then during the last four grades, they learn new subjects such as algebra, chemistry, physics, foreign languages English and Spanish, world history, French , French and . Students must pass national exams from the department of education at the end of 9th and 13th grade in order to graduate. After secondary school, students either attend or professional schools depending on their financial situations.

Professional school lasts one to two years depending on the program, and university lasts four years at the exception of medical school, which is seven years (“Haiti Education System”, 2012).

A delegitimization of Creole occurs during all four levels of education when a Haitian person has 4 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING limited opportunity to learn in the mother tongue (Dejean, 1993). Also during the four levels of education, a Haitian person receives an education that is purely theoretical based on core subjects in foreign contexts since many of the school materials do not represent local contexts (Dejean,

1993). Therefore, the learning experience in Haiti fails to teach appreciation for the Creole language and discovery of the Haitian identity.

Biliguism Inequality

Haiti is officially a Creole and French bilingual country. However, more than 95% of the population is monolingual in Creole and less than 5% is fluent in French (Hebblethwaite, 2012).

Close to 100 % of the population speaks Creole (Hebblethwaite, 2012). Even when Creole is the most spoken of the two languages, French is still recognized as the official language of education

(Dejean, 1993). As a result of the hegemony of the , Haitians do not have a choice but to learn in a language that they do not master. For example, many teachers do not personally master the French language, but their require them to teach in French

(Hebblethwaite, 2012; see also USAID, 2016). This common scenario is one of the main reasons for the failing education system (Dejean, 1993). Furthermore, current pedagogical practices emphasize memorization of French lessons without comprehension of the language. Not utilizing

Creole language to teach where it could help improve the learning experience is a form of delegitimization. And the delegitimization of the language prevents many from accessing education (Hebblethwaite, 2012).

Economic Inequality

Education in Haiti is also highly privatized, about 80% of schools are private (Carlson,

Desir, Goetz, Hong, Jones, & White, 2011; see also USAID, 2016). Tuition rates are disproportionate with the average Haitian household income due to minimal government 5 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING and the fact that private schools are not held accountable to the same standards as other schools (USAID, 2016). Children of the vast lower class go to poorly funded public schools or lower ranking private schools taught by untrained educators (Haokip, 2012).

Additionally, those low-income children do not typically speak French in their home, which complicates their first years of primary learning and later secondary learning instructed most entirely in French and using French materials (Shirazi & Shah, 2016). The literature review in chapter two present the practices of First Language (L1) to Second Language (L2) learning model as a solution to this problem.

The barrier of inequality

Linguistic inequality is both a cause and effect of education. In multilingual developed countries, education is offered in all spoken languages. In those countries, such as Switzerland, linguistic inequality is rare (Daryai-Hansen, Gerber, Haller, Ivanova, Krumm, Lörincz & Reich,

2015). However, in developing countries and colonized countries, where linguistic inequality is more prominent, natives have a have a harder time taking pride in their own languages (Faon,

1961). One, part of the native is still obsessed with the language of the colonizer, even after colonization. Two, the colonizer continues to undermine the legitimacy of the native’s language

(Fanon, 1961). Consequently, children from developing countries and former colonies struggle to value their native tongues and education from a young age (Perlin, 2014). This is also the case of

Haitian children who speak Haitian Creole, but must use French for learning purposes.

Automatically, the notion of linguistic superiority and inferiority take roost in those children’s mind.

6 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING This Research

My previous experience in May of 2015 compelled me to return to La Gonave Island, where I conducted research on the topics of language, culture, and learning. Translated to

English as Matènwa Community School, Lekòl Kominote Matènwa uses Haitian Creole as the language of instruction and teaches respect for the local culture. Among many other initiatives, the school operates a mother tongue book program, where students author and illustrate books that are printed and shared with other children. This model is one of a kind in Haiti, because everywhere else the language of instruction is French and the core Creole values are not taught.

Embracing Creole as the main language and teaching Creole literacy before French are two practices that can change Haitian education (Dejean, 2010). Instilling in students the respect for others and appreciation for nature are also cultural practices that LKM is employing to educate

Haitian children for Haiti. That is a philosophy supported by Freire (2005) when he said that

“Education as the practice of freedom—as opposed to education as the practice of domination— denies that man is abstract, isolated, independent, and unattached to the world” (P.81).

According to this philosophy, learning is an outreach from the students to their community, their language, and their culture. LKM embraces this education model that mother tongue rooted in cultural awareness can impact learning.

Several researchers have already demonstrated that mother tongue instruction positively impacts learning (Benson, 2004; Degraff, 2015; Haokip, 2012, Khan, 2004). But my research went further to understand: how does culturally relevant pedagogy focused on mother tongue instruction and cultural awareness impact learning? And how does this model impact identity development in children? I engaged in an explanatory research study to understand the effects of

Creole and cultural inclusions in learning to then propose new practices for a better Haitian 7 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING education. I spent two months in the Matènwa community, observed classrooms at LKM, interviewed teachers and parents to understand the school’s current practices and the students’ learning experience. I uncovered how the school’s model impacts learning and helps the students develop Haitian identity. To benefit the school, I produced a short video about the step-by-step creative process that students at LKM use to write mother tongue books. This video will help promote the learning model of LKM and elevate this practice within Haitian society.

History of Haiti and Root Causes of Linguistic Inequality

The rhetoric of Creole language and Creole culture inclusion in Haitian education is new.

But the history and root causes that led to the exclusion of Creole go back into the very origin of

Haitianism - a tale about slavery, , oppression, and resilience. Nevertheless, they are important to be understood. These root causes to the marginalization of Creole are ethnocentrism, colonization, and imperialism. They link the ongoing problematic structures and systems of the country to its failure in education.

History of Haiti

Haiti is marked with a history of epic rebellion, victory, and political drama. Before the conquest of the Spanish in 1492, the entire island of was inhabited by Tainos people.

After a peace treaty of Ryswick in 1625 to split Hispaniola Island in half, the western side, Haiti, became a colony of populated by Western African slaves (Philippe, 2011). Since the land was fertile, France exploited the slaves’ labor on sugar cane plantations to become an imposing sugar merchant in Europe. Haiti was known as La Pèrle des Antilles, the pearl of the Antilles, and contributed immensely to the wealth of France (Valdez, 2015). But after more than a century of abuse, in 1789 the slaves started to rebel with vengeance against their white masters (Glick, 8 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING 2016). This revolutionary period saw rising heroes like Toussaint L’Ouverture and defining moments in the country’s history like the Voodoo ceremony of Bois Caiman that was held to strengthen the slaves in battle against their masters (Figueroa, 2015). On November 18, 1803 during the famous battle of Vertières, the slave army defeated Napoleon’s army. Then two months later, on January 1, 1804 Haiti declared its independence as the first black republic in the world and became the second independent country in the western hemisphere (Philippe, 2011).

The first century of post-colonialization started with tumults then ended with political conflicts.

This led to an American occupation from 1915 to 1934 which ended because of insurrections of the people (Schmidt, 1971). In the following decades, the nation experienced many more dictatorships, uprisings, and coup d’états. The seventies and eighties were marked by the impunity and terror of the Duvalier’s regime, father and son (Dorff, & Wilentz, 1989). Then corruption and economic downturns continued in the nineties and the new millennium (Lundahl,

1991).

Root Causes

Ethnocentrism. Ethnocentrism, one of the principal root causes to the structural and systemic inequities in Haiti, has as many origins as consequences. Ethnocentrism, the belief that one's culture is superior to others , leads to racial superiority (Dawson & Cameron-Kelly,

2010). Inflated ego and self-interest also drive ethnocentrism. One example of this is looking back at the Roman Empire and the Egyptian dynasties that fulfilled their grandiose accomplishments because of slave labor. Some scholars maintain that slavery served mainly to economic purposes or was simply a means to an end (Dawson & Cameron-Kelly, 2010). But slavery engendered and harmed the world beyond economic scams. After the enlightenment, Gobineau claimed the superiority of the Aryan race over the yellow and black 9 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING races based on linguistics and anthropology (Gobineau 1853). This notion spread through

European nations and to legitimize the practice of slavery (Zontek 1996). The, the ethnocentric notion continued covertly well into the 20h century to rationalize racial discrimination, where human beings either deserve or do not deserve certain opportunities solely because of their skin color (Beeman, 2012). Haiti, a former slave colony, was deprived of more than just freedom. Haitians’ natural rights and human rights were stripped away because of ethnocentrism (Fick, 2007). The slaves, from the time they were forced from Western Africa to the , ceased to be citizens. Belonging to their masters and having no properties, the one thing that Haitian slaves aspired to was having families (Fick, 2007). A slave with a family had a connection to the land and therefore a sense of . A slave with a family felt as a non-inferior human being and wanted human rights (Fick, 2007). A slave with no family had to create had to create other connections to the land, such as the practice of Voodoo (Pierre, 1977).

Colonization. In his 1961 book, The Wretched of the Earth, Frantz Fanon explained “The colonized thus discovers that his life, his breathing and his heartbeats are the same as the colonist’s. He discovers that the skin of a colonist is not worth more than the native’s. In other words, his world receives a fundamental jolt” (p. 10). This is what rebellion did for the slaves of

Haiti. With a conviction that they were equal to their white masters, they wanted to be free and independent. But colonization was a hard practice to discontinue, not only from a monetary perspective, but also from race relations and diplomacy perspectives (Gonzalez, 2014). After

Haiti declared its independence in 1804, the country simultaneously became a menace and an outcast. Fearing that the fame of the newly independent black nation would influence rebellion among other colonies, France and other world powers like the employed the of non-recognition towards Haiti (Gonzalez, 2014). Unwilling to trade with non-white world 10 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING leaders, their diplomacy scams started the Haitian economic downturn. By 1825, Haiti had already accumulated a debt of 150 million francs as France requested indemnity for the loss of a lucrative colony (Gopal, 2016). During the first decades of independence rather than investing in more sale of coffee, sugar, and to boost her , Haiti had to spend more energy in shipments of arms and gun powder for protection against foreign invasion (Gonzalez, 2014).

Imperialism. In the later decades that ushered the age of imperialism, Haiti’s debt took the form of loans from IMF, France, and the United States that facilitated their control

(Caple James, 2004). Imperialism replaced colonization with the same disregard for human dignity. But imperialism took a humanitarian approach. Developed nations, the United States in particular, took on the role of abolitionists to end slavery, colonization, and dictatorship in the world. Nonetheless they meant to protect their own self-interests. This abolitionist movement discredited the struggles for freedom that slaves went through and took credit for the emancipation of nations (Fergus, 2010). Furthermore, imperialist countries downplayed the legitimacy of the cultural heritage of countries like Haiti and the linguistic competence of Creole to exclude it from education (Metallic & Seiler, 2009).

Neoliberalism. Eventually imperialism lead to neoliberalism, which influenced the global scourge of underdevelopment. Like many underdeveloped countries, Haiti is now underdeveloped and accustomed to numerous structural and systemic issues affecting even education (Hebblethwaite, 2012). Neoliberalism has a domino effect on , corruption, and privatization that keep the country from reaching its potentials in education and other matters. The high rate of privatization, like international NGOs dedicated to education, contributes to instability since accountability is removed from the government. It is also fair to 11 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING place responsibility on the Haitian leaders for the country’s failing economy leading into failing education (Lundahl, 1991).

Significance

This research and the findings outlined in this thesis are significant for two reasons. First, the fact that LKM uses Haitian Creole to instruct and cultural awareness to inspire primary age children before gradually introducing French is significant. The findings contribute to previous research on mother tongue based learning of primary age children. The study’s participants were primary school age students ranging from 1st to 6th grades. At these ages, children are actively engaged in the development of their psychosocial growth and their ego awareness, which represent important foundation stages for their adult lives. While LKM children learn in their mother tongue and about their culture, they also learn about their Haitian identity. This is especially significant in Haiti where there is a need for Haitians to be educated for Haiti. Second, the findings presented here will contribute to changing the narrative around Haitian education.

Most previous studies on the topic of Haitian education mainly cover the hegemony of the

French language and the country’s current economic status as the principal reasons for the failing education system. There are not enough studies focused on the Haitian Creole language rooted in

Creole culture as a suggested solution. My research is bringing awareness to this approach with a fresh perspective. Throughout the thesis, I explain the importance of languages and cultures in learning.

12 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING

Chapter 2: Literature Review

In this literature review, I explore the roots of Creole to understand the delegitimization of Creole in Haitian society. I continue with the ego development of children to address the importance of self-confidence in academic learning and cultural awareness. Then I discuss the barriers to learning in Haiti, followed by exemplary learning models for multilingual and multicultural education system as well as exemplary teaching methods. Towards the end of the chapter, I focus on mother tongue as a human right, a practice, and a solution to learning.

The Complexity and Importance of Languages

Languages exist for the basic needs of self-expression and communication. Those basic needs are as relevant now as they were in early human history. But the origin of language is harder to track than any other aspects of human existence because of its abstract form (Russell,

2011). However, the protolanguage theory claims that early humans spoke one language for thousands of years before the evolution of other languages (Baronchelli, Chater, Pastor-Sotarras,

& Christiansen, 2012). This protolanguage could be viewed as the first mother tongue of mankind. But now in modern time, the diversity and amount of spoken languages in the world exceeds the imagination (Russell, 2011). The of language is indeed complex. That is why a language does not represent just one person or one era, but rather is the glue that unifies communities and connects the heritage to contemporary life.

Languages advance as a result of the evolutionary elements that shape human history- biodiversity, planetary changes, and human migration (Baronchelli, Chater, Pastor-Sotarras, &

Christiansen, 2012). The Haitian Creole language, for example is the result of human migration-

Europeans and Africans living together on a Caribbean island. Considering human migration, 13 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING researchers found that people who live in close proximity to each other speak similar languages

(Dale & Lupyan , 2016). That is why even under the unfortunate circumstances of slavery, in the context of Haiti, African slaves and their European masters crafted a common language - Haitian

Creole (Thomason, 2003). However complex and diverse languages are, they unify. For this reason, a common language is a strength to a community or country (Hamilton, Leskovec, &

Jurafsky, 2016). A people can use a common language to learn and share with each other to develop their country. To this end, the Creole language should unify communities in Haiti and could be the force to steer the country in the right direction. The Haitian motto goes “L’Union

Fait La Force”, Unity makes Strength (“Haiti Flag and University Day”, 2015). The unity that comes from Creole can strengthen communities in Haiti. This motto is indicative of unity and strength is Haitian culture.

Because language and culture are interconnected, both play an equally important role in restructuring the Haitian education system. I reviewed literature on the topic in the following pages to frame an understanding of culturally relevant pedagogy focused on mother tongue instruction and cultural awareness impacts learning at LKM and helps the children develop their

Haitian identity.

The Delegitimization of Haitian Creole

The Origin of Creole

Creoles. The term Creoles can be referred to describe ethnicity, language, and culture altogether (Thomason, 2003). As there are different variations, in general Creoles’ roots derive from the mixture between African and European cultures that resulted subsequent to colonization and slavery (Knapik, 2009). Some argue, however, that there are other forms of Creole that do 14 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING not stem from European slavery practices (Thomason, 2003). Nevertheless, the majority of western European countries participated in the slave trades around the world and Creole emerged in all the regions where they established their colonies among indigenous people and African slaves (Knapik, 2009). In this same fashion, Creoles with similar mix of African and European bloodlines tend to have similar ethnic features and skin complexion (Knapik, 2009). This is true for Creoles in the Caribbean, South America, and South African islands who resemble their respective regional ethnicity. A study on the evolution of language reports that people who share similar genes tend to speak similar languages (Sun, Zhou, Huang, Liu, Lin, Yu, &Yang, 2013).

In the Caribbean for example, the French colonies speak an interchangeable French Creoles, but each country’s Creole has a different accent (Kelly, 2008). The Creole cultures also resemble each other in their cuisines, dances, spiritualties, and tales. Altogether, Creoles are a mixed people with complex origins (Knapik, 2009). Creole is a culture of diversity. Nonetheless, Creole languages and Creole cultures represent a comfort and refuge for all displaced and marginalized people, however diverse their background may be (David 2009). Creoles represent hope.

Haitian Creole. Haitian Creole originated from complex mixture of culture, language, and ethnicity (Thomason, 2003). African and European backgrounds are the main composites of

Haitian Creole (Chaudenson, 1978). However, Haitian Creole also has some recessive influences of the Taino people who inhabited the Hispaniola island and the Spanish conquistadors who

“discovered” the island (Valdez, 2015). Many Tainos from the west side of Hispaniola died from yellow fever or from the torture inflicted by the conquistadors (Valdez, 2015). Later the remaining Tainos and the Spaniards moved to the eastern half of the island, the current day

Dominican Republic, after the treaty of Ryswick (Valdez, 2015). Although Haiti has some lingering Taino and Spanish influences, the cultural, ethnic, and linguistic heritages are 15 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING predominantly West African and French (Thomas, 2003). As the French colonized the western half of the island and brought over thousands of West African slaves, the Haitian Creole language originated (Chaudenson, 1978). Masters and slaves created a common language to communicate and coexist during the exploitation of labor that only benefited France (Kelly,

2008). The displaced slaves and free also created a new culture based on their memories of and the realities of their new lives in the Caribbean (Knapik, 2009). Long after

Haiti became independent in 1804, the Creole culture and language have remained the Haitian people’s heritage. Creole prevails in Haiti because it is the most spoken language; nearly 100% of the population speaks it (Hebblethwaite, 2012). French remains the dominant language in

Haiti because it is spoken by 5% of the population representing the elite class (Hebblethwaite,

2012). Even when Haitian Creole has more voice in Haiti, French has more power, leading to the delegitimization of Creole (Dejean, 1993).

Delegitimization of Haitian Creole

Post-colonial state. Fanon’s (1961) interrogation of the repercussions of colonization is essential to furthering an understanding of the contemporary Haitian context. Fanon explains that a colonized people feels resentment and envy toward the colonists long after independence.

Resentment over past oppression generates a state of continued violence that mostly affects the average and poor individuals of the colonized country. They envy the wealth of the colonists and the opportunities of the who appear closer in status to the colonists. He then concluded that as this obsession with the colonists continues, the colonized people diminish their own cultures and languages (Fanon, 1961). Haiti is a representation of this synthesis. The post-colonial state mentality persists in Haiti, especially at the level of languages (Dejean, 1993). The off-balance power struggle between Creole and French affects the majority more than the elites, hence the 16 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING marginalization of Creole speakers (Kelly, 2008). The marginalization of Creole speakers is reflected especially in education (Dejean, 1993). French speakers in Haiti receive a better education and French is required to be well-educated (Hebblethwaite, 2012). This linguistic radicalization causes inequality in education and the subjugation of Creole heritage (Perlin,

2014).

Delegitimization in schools. Creole is delegitimized in Haitian learning. This unfortunate fact holds true since French is the language of education while the majority only speaks Creole (Dejean, 2010). It is problematic because the majority of Haitians living in Haiti are not educated and can neither contribute nor participate in the development of the country

(Chaudenson, 1978; Dejean, 2010). The people’s language is not used to its capacity to educate.

For example, educators use Creole when teaching complex material, since 80% of them do not master the French language and 95% of their students only speak Creole (Hebblethwaite, 2012 &

USAID, 2016). Yet the Haitian Creole is not legitimized in most schools. Valdez (2015) points out that “the myth of a fully bilingual Haiti has been particularly detrimental to language policy and ” (p. 5). The reality is that only 5% of the population speak both Creole and

French and therefore can succeed in the current education system (Hebblethwaite, 2012). Unless the government realizes that learning is more effective when provided in the language of the people, the Haitian education system will never educate Haitians for Haiti (Dejean, 2010). The dropout rates will continue to be high and the passing rates in the national exams will continue to be low (Benson, 2004). The language barrier limits primary school enrollment is only 75% and represents a crisis for the country (USAID, 2016).

The conflicting roles of the two languages in Haiti cause several aspects of the Creole language and culture to be dismissed and excluded from education. Most academic subjects are 17 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING not representational of one specific language. For example, can be experienced in any language, as scientific truths hold true in native languages and indigenous knowledges (Metallic

& Seiler, 2009). This is to say that even when native languages are perceived as inferior, they can be used to convey complex scientific knowledge. This concept reinforces my conviction that knowledge does not pertain only to some languages, but that knowledge can be communicated in every language. Not integrating native languages in education, is obstructing progress that could impact humanity. For this reason, I see the value of what LKM can contribute to the future of

Haiti.

Delegitimization in society. After graduating school and university, a Haitian who enters the professional workforce finds that French is still favored. In fact, French is favored in all official aspects of Haitian society (Dejean, 2010). As Valdez explains, the superiority of the

French language stems from slavery when slaves were inferior to the French masters (Valdez,

2015). The inequality upon which the Haitian society was founded created the delegitimization of Creole. The delegitimization thereof persists when the French speaking elites control the masses (Valdez, 2015). Based on the reasoning of Fanon (1961), as long as French continues to be the administrative language for all official matters of the country, of which the 95% of population only speaks Creole, violence and instability will remain the status quo. Consequently, the Creole speakers grow up in confusion and self-loathing (Fanon, 1961). This has two negative effects on the Haitian society. One, some Haitians do not develop Creole cultural pride or lose their sense of Haitian identity. They become more susceptible to embracing globalization, since their patriotic and cultural bond to Haiti is superficial (Arnet Jensen, 2003). Two, many Haitians resort to leaving the country in the search for more equality and opportunities (Hebblethwaite,

2012). The country lacks educated men and women to make change happen, because the systems 18 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING and institutions work against Haitians rather than for Haitians. Zéphir (2010) suggests “that the normalization of Haitian Creole and the vigorous legitimization of Creolophones are key to the reconstruction of post-earthquake Haiti” (p. 60). Only an education that resonates with Haitian can give them confidence and serve them in the country’s development.

Creole Resilience. A language is a representation its speaker. Creole languages and

Creole cultures originated from the struggles and pain of slavery (Thomas, 2003), and yet they have remained resilient (Chaudenson, 1978 & Thomas, 2003). Creoles continue to exist to preserve the culture or the essence of their speakers (Degraff 2005). In this regard, Haitian

Creole has been the source of Haitianism throughout the generations. David (2009) reiterates

“(linguists) took their time to decide that colonial creoles were not just ‘broken’ or ‘bastard’ or

‘aberrant’ versions of genuine languages, but were new languages in their own right and worthy of study” (p. 268). Several studies throughout this chapter will reiterate that Creole languages,

Haitian Creole specifically, are legitimate languages. Through learning, young Haitians should come to this realization, which will empower them. At LKM, the Creole literacy competence of children translates into confidence and empowers them. When people have a culture and when they have a personal voice in preserving that culture, the results can be extraordinary (Koro,

Walden, Smith, Dewar, Muller, Ndeke, & Simmons, 2016). For Haiti, this means that taking pride in Creole language and culture is the legitimization of Creole.

Language Acquisition Within Psychosocial Development and Self-Awareness

To legitimize Haitian Creole, Haitians, especially young Haitians, must learn Creole

(Zéphir, 2010). If those young Haitians are Creole educated and can use Creole to exercise their education, Creole will be legitimized. But it starts with learning. Particularly in mother tongue 19 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING based learning, children should learn to value their linguistic and cultural heritage (Dejean 2010).

In order for children to learn and grow from their learning, they must be surrounded by positive influences and become self-aware (Andrews, 2016 & Coppersmith, 1967). These values are what

LKM aims for in its learning model. Psychosocial development and self-awareness are two frameworks that support the learning model.

The Stages of Psychosocial Development

Overview. Social psychology, a branch of psychology, studies the psychosocial development of individuals, from infancy to adulthood, based on the resolution of conflicts that emerge at each stage of development and the relationship with the people in their lives. One of the main contributors to the field was Erik Erikson, a German psychoanalyst, who was also a of Sigmund Freud in Vienna (Benson, 2015). Erikson’s book The Stages of Development is a staple in psychosocial development and the study of ego. According to Erikson, there are eight stages to ego development. In each stage, individuals face conflicts in relation to both their age and their relationships. Throughout their developments, individuals are maturing as they achieve positive resolution of conflict at each stage before progressing to the next stage

(Markstrom, Sabino, Turner, & Berman, 1997).

Purpose of psychosocial development. The framework of psychosocial development helps to understand the LKM culturally relevant mother tongue learning model in three ways.

First, the stages of development are a progression system in which each level of development is important to the succession of next (Markstrom, Sabino, Turner, & Berman, 1997). Similarly, in education systems, each grade prepares students for the next grade and altogether constitute the learning progression. In Haiti, the primary school gradually introduces students to more advanced subjects, in each grade, based on foundation subjects that they have previously 20 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING been exposed to (“Haiti Education System”, 2012). LKM takes this progression learning approach one step further by educating children primarily in Creole during the earlier school years, then gradually teaching them French after competence in Creole literacy (“Matènwa”,

2015). That is one way the LKM mother tongue model coincides with the stages of development.

Second, the successful resolution of conflicts during each stage of development depends on individuals’ positive relationships (Wilt, Cox, & McAdams, 2010; Lobar & Phillips, 1995). In the early stages of development, from age three to age twelve, children face conflicts such as autonomy versus shame, initiative versus guilt, and industry versus inferiority (Dunkel, &

Harbke, 2016). But positive relationships with parents, peers, and teachers help support the children in resolution of their conflicts during their development (Capps, & Carlin, 2014). In the same fashion, LKM has a community based learning model and partners with the community of

Matènwa. Parents, peers, and teachers, all support the learning development of each child

(“Matènwa”, 2015). Third, conflicts and resolutions that occur in the stages of development shape the character of individuals (Markstrom, Sabino, Turner, & Berman, 1997). And by the acquisition of trust, autonomy, initiative, industry, identity, intimacy, generativity, and ego integrity that come with the conflict resolutions of all eight stages of development respectively, individuals attain self-awareness (Wilt, Cox, & McAdams, 2010). In the same way, LKM”s cultural education model aims toward cultivating character and self-awareness in the students

(“Matènwa”, 2015). For example, the hegemony of French in the education system limits the

Creole language and the Creole culture, and therefore limits the students’ connections to their

Creole identity (Dejean, 2010). Consequently, LKM takes a similar approach the stages of development to instill in the students certain values such as accountability and citizenship to help them connect to their Creole identity. 21 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING The Ego Awareness

Self-consciousness, self-concept, and self-esteem. To fully learn the Creole language and utilize it for learning, the Haitian child needs to be self-aware as a Creole person. The self- awareness that helps the acquisition of a marginalized language requires a child to understand one’s ego and have self-esteem (Coppersmith, 1967). Such understanding is required because a language that is marginalized is a language that competes with another. In Haiti for example, the majority of Haitian children only speak Creole in their homes, but are required to learn in French at schools (Hebblethwaite, 2012). This conflict between the two languages would end in either two ways for children with no self-esteem: the devalorization of Creole language at the school or the repression of Creole culture in the home (Dejean, 1993). Children who understand the ego and have self-esteem likely have supportive parents and teachers who validate, and encourage them (Pretorius, & Van Niekerk, 2015). During the young ages of primary, understanding of the ego and having self-esteem to speak a marginalized language is not a reflection on children’s character, but a reflection on the education that they receive. To fulfil this responsibility, the

LKM learning model also adopted this framework of self-awareness.

First and for most, there are three aspects to the ego: self-consciousness, self-concept, and self-esteem (Hamachek, 1985). In her about ego development and ego growth, Hamachek

(1985) offers clarification on each of the three aspects. First, self-consciousness is “the ability to look at the self from the outside as an object” (p.137). This is the first element of self-awareness, when children at LKM objectively acknowledge that they are Haitian Creole speakers. Self- consciousness coupled with positive psychosocial development that start the formation of trust and autonomy are influenced by the capacity to perceive (Hamachek, 1985). LKM students, who are placed in a supportive learning environment and perceive Creole as legitimate language, can 22 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING trust and see themselves as Haitian Creole speakers with no association of guilt or shame.

Second, self-concept is “that aspect of the self that organizes and assimilates one’s perception and experiences into a coherent self-picture with which one then strives to be consistent” (p.

137). This is when LKM children start to understand who they are as students, capable of learning in Creole and consistently increasing their knowledge. Again, self-concept coupled with positive psychosocial development that encourage initiative and industry lead to the development of social, intellectual, and emotional awareness (Andrew, 2016 & Hamachek, 1985). LKM students read at a faster reading speed than the average Haitian student (Neyfakh, 2011).

However, LKM prides itself in educating the children beyond academic subjects to concepts as culturally relevant as gardening and love of community (“Matènwa”, 2015). Lastly, self-esteem is “an attitude of approval or disapproval, and indicates the extent to which an individual believes himself to be capable, significant, successful, and worthy” (p.137). Even when LKM students are educated in a positive learning environment that legitimizes the Creole language and

Creole culture, self-esteem is the one level of their awareness that they must concretize on their own. Once more, self-esteem coupled with positive psychosocial development that are built on a comprehensive set of personal values result in self-identity or self-awareness (Andrew, 2016 &

Hamachek, 1985). The LKM learning model conditions the students during their primary school years to become self-aware and to value their Creole heritage (“Matènwa”, 2015). But their self- esteem will depend on the realization of their competence and the acknowledgement of their identity as Haitian Creole speakers.

Psychosocial development and self-awareness frameworks help understand how the acquisition of the Creole language happens for students at LKM. The guidance and support that the children receive at the school from their community: parents, peers, and teachers can 23 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING influence the value that they attach to Creole language and Creole culture (Smith, & McSherry,

2004). But it is through their learning experience that they can discover their Haitian identity.

Learning In Haiti

A Disconnect in Language

Helping Haitian children meet their learning potential is as important as helping them discover their Haitian identity, because they could become the educated citizens that the country will need to develop. However, Haiti misses out on the untapped potentials of many young

Creole speakers for the only reason that French is considered the superior language (Neyfakh,

2011). Many of these young Haitians are smart and are excited about learning, but the education system limits their potentials by imposing French on them, a language that they do not speak

(Neyfakh, 2011). The low academic performance of Haitian children is not a matter of intelligence, rather a matter of language (Neyfakh, 2011). Ninety-five percent of Haitians are

Creole monolingual (Hebblethwaite, 2012). Furthermore, Haiti is not a fully bilingual country

(Valdez, 2015), yet the education system continues to impose French. Students cannot attain their potentials in such a system. Therefore, many of them memorize to later regurgitate, but don’t actually learn (Dejean, 1993). This conflict between their spoken language and the language of instruction result into a disconnect in learning.

Research shows that the disconnect occurs because of a link between reading comprehension and spoken language (Trapman, Gelderen, Steensel, Schooten, & Hulstijn, 2014).

General reading comprehension involves an invisible triangle where grapheme, phoneme, and semantic are aligned in the reader’s native language (Degraff, 2015; Laurent & Martinot, 2009).

The triangle- the connection between graphemes, phonemes, and semantics- must be complete 24 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING for a reader to achieve reading comprehension (Degraff, 2015; Laurent & Martinot, 2009). Two other studies on the disconnect between comprehension and spoken language support the relevance of this theory of alignment in Haitian schools. One, in phonetic languages like Haitian

Creole, it is easier to read and write a word based on its pronunciation and it is easier to pronounce a word based on its spelling. (Buetler, de León Rodríguez, Laganaro, Müri, Nyffeler,

Spierer, & Annoni, 2015). But French is not a phonetic language, therefore spelling and pronunciation are not always evident to Haitian learners. Two, with regard to Haiti’s bilinguism, it is also important to realize that bilingual speakers catch on to the semantics of a second language at a slower rate than monolinguals (Bilson, Yoshida, Tran, Woods, & Hills, 2015).

Haitian learners would be slower at understanding or speaking French.

In Haiti, the triangle is broken for the learners who receive education in French but only speak Haitian Creole. In the predominantly French school system, many learners only have the

French grapheme alignment of the triangle, because they see and can read the words (Degraff

2015). But they struggle with the phoneme and semantic alignments of the triangle, because pronouncing words in a language that they do not speak is difficult and often they do not conceptualize French meaning in a Haitian context (Degraff 2015). The difficulty in pronunciation is understandable since each language has its unique phonetic alphabet, which makes each word sound unique to that language (Dale & Lupyan, 2016). Also, each language has unique grammar, idioms, nuances, and many other modalities which make the meaning of words and concepts unique to that language (Dale & Lupyan, 2016). In the end, this deficiency in reading comprehension affects learning. Therefore, a reform is necessary because this disconnect between the language spoken at home and the language used in school is failing Haitian learners

(Dejean, 1993). 25 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Effective Bilinguism

One reform in the Haitian education system could be the Language (L1) to Second

Language (L2) approach to resolve the disconnect in learning and the conflict between Creole and French. This approach could be the most effective because studies show that language and literacy skills are transferable (Sparks, Patton, Ganschow, Humbach, & Javorsky, 2008).

Literacy competence level in one language can transfer into learning a second language (Sparks,

Patton, Ganschow, Humbach, & Javorsky, 2008). Haitian children would be educated in both languages and therefore have the same opportunities. Additionally, literacy competence in L1 makes learning L2 easier (Piper, Bulat, & Johnston, 2015). One study shows that writing literacy from L1 to L2 is done more effectively through mastery of writing in L1 (Edelsky, 1982). These are supportive evidences why in bilingual countries, children should start literacy in their native language, in the language they feel the most comfortable, before learning the other language

(Sparks, Patton, Ganschow, Humbach, & Javorsky, 2008; Piper, Bulat, & Johnston, 2015).

Hence in Haiti, effective bilinguism should be Creole to French education and not the reverse.

LKM uses the L1 to L2 bilinguism approach. The children start literacy in Haitian Creole, then gradually have French classes as part of the curriculum while they continue learning in Haitian

Creole, and later immerse in bilingual instructions once they are competent in Haitian Creole.

They begin to learn French in 4th grade, which is the age that researchers find to be most effective for children to start literacy in a second language (Laurent & Martinot, 2009). There are other benefits associated to speaking a second language at a young age (Brito & Barr, 2012).

However, literacy in a second language is more complex than just speaking a second language.

There are also many who support a L1 with L2 bilingual approach when children learn two languages at the same time. One study on children who learn L2 while learning literacy in 26 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING L1 shows that bilingual children have higher oral reading accuracy and spelling accuracy than monolingual children (Hussien, 2014). Another study on bilinguism and phonological awareness reports that speaking two languages increase phonological awareness, which makes learning additional languages easier (Laurent & Martinot, 2009). Although these are positive outcomes of

L1 with L2 bilinguism, the L1 to L2 approach to bilinguism is more practical in Haitian education. One, the majority of Haitians are Creole speakers (Hebblethwaite, 2012). It would be easier to become literate in Creole before learning French. Two, many Haitians fear speaking

French and make mistakes because it is the language of the colonist and the educated class

(Fannon, 1961). But if they have literacy competence in Creole, they would have the confidence to see French as nothing more than any other language.

The support for L1 to L2 approach is vast and it could be effective in

Haiti. However, there is a gap to the approach. L1 to L2 bilinguism works better in bilingual countries, like Switzerland, that have not been colonized or experienced linguistic inequality

(Daryai-Hansen, Gerber, Haller, Ivanova, Krumm, Lörincz & Reich, 2015). What makes the case of Haiti different is that education must be either bilingual or it is not effective. A Creole only education does not feel complete to many Haitians because of the delegitimization of Creole and the hegemony of French. To reference the literature on Creole delegitimization, many still think that L1, Creole, is not sophisticated enough to express complex ideas (Metallic & Seiler, 2009).

Therefore, schools are obligated to teach L2, French, that is a more mainstream language

(Degraff, 2015). A French only education would not be complete either because the Creole culture would be missing while it is an important element of Haitian identity (Degraff 2005).

27 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Culturally Relevant Pedagogy and The Banking Theory

Culturally Relevant pedagogy is a that places the responsibly on educators to encourage culture, diversity, and social justice in the learning space (Ladson-

Billings, 2014). In the United States, specifically, it is a pedagogical method used by teachers of immigrant and minority populations (Stovall, 2016). When immigrant students arrive to the U.S., they take English Language Learner classes to adapt to mainstream English. Teachers also adjust their teaching styles to help the students learn by using materials and methods that are culturally relevant (Reese, 2002). For example, teachers may use stories, arts, history from the immigrant students’ home countries. While culturally relevant pedagogy is applicable to teach children of any background, it can also be related critical race theory when teachers use teaching methods and materials that are relevant to students of minority background (Stovall, 2016). Critical race theory acknowledges of racial prejudices in the United States and offers an invitation to critically reflect on those prejudices in order to equalize education for minority groups (Howard, 2016).

Critical race theory is relevant in pedagogy because individuals learn best when education is tailored to their backgrounds (Howard & Navarro, 2016). In Haiti, teachers are rarely faced with students from different countries or ethnicities. Nonetheless, the pedagogical methods employed by teachers should be relevant to realities of Haiti (Hefflin, 2002). From the article Learning to

Develop Culturally Relevant Pedagogy: A Lesson About Cornrowed Lives, some experienced teachers explain that culturally relevant pedagogy relies on methods and materials while making connections to social, cultural, and personal frameworks that their students can relate to (Hefflin,

2002). Teachers can use any combination of these frameworks with their methods or the materials that they use. For example, teachers should ask themselves how the methods they use 28 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING touch on their students’ home or community life and what materials they could use to help students make connections to their personal lives (Hefflin, 2002).

The theory of culturally relevant pedagogy challenges what Freire refers to as the banking model of education. In this model, the oppressed, students of minorities background or students who speak a marginalized language, are on the receiving hands of educational inequality. They are dehumanized by the education systems, racism, and linguistic inequalities that oppress them and keep them from achieving their potentials. However, Freire (2005) affirms that “only power that springs from the weakness of the oppressed will be sufficiently strong to free both” (p 44). This means only the oppressed can put an end to oppression. The change in education can only happen when minority students are educated in environments that sustain their culture and when students who speak marginalized languages are educated in schools that validate their language. The problem-posing pedagogy, similarly to culturally relevant pedagogy, defends that knowledge should not be transferred or imposed on students (Freire, 2005). Good educators should encourage their students to analyze and reflect (Berliner, 2016; Freire, 2005);

Learning should welcome creativity (Giroux, 2009; Freire, 2005).

LKM uses both the culturally relevant pedagogy theory and problem-posing pedagogy.

Some of the culturally relevant pedagogic methods combined with problem-posing pedagogy approaches that they emphasize are mother tongue instruction, respect for the local community culture, valorization of children’s right (“Matènwa”, 2015). As for relevant pedagogical materials, they use Creole books in the classrooms and have a mother tongue initiative for the students to write and illustrate their own books in Creole (“Matènwa”, 2015). At LKM and throughout Haiti, both theories can be applied through the indigenous model and the mother tongue learning model frameworks. The indigenous model of education framework aligns with 29 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING the impact of culture in education and the mother tongue learning model framework aligns with the impact of language in education.

Indigenous Model of Education

Haitians are not an indigenous people, but rather a Creole people (Thomason, 2003).

Nonetheless, their culture is a mixture of indigenous roots, East Africans and Tainos (Minority

Right Group International, 2007). Therefore, the indigenous model of education is applicable to

Haiti. According to Spring (2011) the indigenous education world model agrees that “Indigenous nations control their own educational institutions; Traditional indigenous education serves as a guide for the curriculum and instructional methods; Education is provided in the language of indigenous nation; Education reflects the culture of indigenous nation” (p.20). In an education system built after this model, children would learn about their true culture undiluted by the hegemonic influence of past colonizers (Spring, 2011). Children would learn to value and preserve their heritage. Educators would guide the children to the discovery of their heritage. In

Ecuador for example, the Kichwa elders believe that the children should inherit the wealth of indigenous knowledge and their education should prepare them to apply the knowledge and serve their communities (Maigua, & Gutierrez-Gomez, 2016). Similarly, passing down the cultural heritage to future generations can be good for Haiti. The indigenous model of education framework fits into the culturally relevant pedagogy that LKM uses because it supports cultural heritage and knowledge in tandem. It validates the role of culture in learning (“Matènwa”, 2015).

Education helps preserve heritage and appreciate culture. This notion is elevated at LKM where culture (heritage) impacts learning. The connection between learning and culture is instinctive. For example, in a focus group aimed at investigating the appreciation of indigenous 30 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING knowledge, Romm (2015) explains that “indigenous knowing (within various indigenous cultural heritages) can be defined as linked to processes of people collectively constructing their understandings by experiencing their social being in relation to others” (p. 1). In other words, culture (heritage) which is a commonality that allows individuals to explore as they share what they learn with others. (Romm, 2015). Consequently, culture positively impacts learning in two ways. One, culture opens the mind to more explorations and more discoveries. In order to learn, one has to have an opened mind. Two, culture increase learning because individuals sharpen their knowledge when they share it.

Mother Tongue

While education in Creole is not yet fully recognized in Haiti, there are several other countries that have experimented with mother tongue based learning and started to implement it.

These examples can offer references and recommendations that Haiti can learn from.

Mother tongue education is a framework for culturally relevant pedagogy.

Mother Tongue Human Rights

Several developing countries and particularly in former colonies use the submersion education method, in which students learn in a language that they do not speak at home (Daby,

2015; Skutnabb-Kangas,1981). It is not an inconsequential matter because 50 % of school-age children in the world who drop out live in countries where education is not offered in the language that they speak (Bender, Dutcher, Klaus, Shore, & Tesar, 2005). And the ones who stay in school despite of the submersion method do not perform well because of inadequacy in the second languages imposed on them (Benson, 2004; Daby, 2015; & Khan, 2014). In a case study on mother tongue education, Shirazi and Shah (2016) made the compelling case that “(if) 31 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING education is imparted in a language, which is neither spoken at homes or in surroundings, it causes difficulties in learning and understanding. Most of the times students either fail or drop out from the schools. It is a loss to country and humanity at large” (p. 3197). It is indeed a significant loss of potential talents and skills, since221 million children in the world who speak a different language at home than at school (Khan, 2014). Consequently, organizations like United

Nations, UNESCO, World Bank, and Education for All (EFA) have been promoting the importance of mother tongue education, particularly in primary school (Shirazi & Shah, 2016).

According to the United Nation’s article 29 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, children have rights to grow up in free societies and families given the opportunity to develop their talents and potentials with respect to their personalities and physical abilities. Children also have the that allows them to become able members of their society is (UN

General Assembly Commission, 1989). That is where mother tongue finds its rightful role in education. Khan (2014) explains that “(mother) tongue and the motherland are abstract notions so mother tongue is the language to which the emotional attachment is strongest, the language ensuring all the cultural riches whose destruction results in the destruction of innovativeness and creativity” (p. 149). In essence, mother tongue is the strongest and closest thread between individuals and their culture. And culture impacts learning, as it is explained in the previous section (Romm, 2015). Therefore, mother tongue gives individuals a sense of who they are while allowing them to appreciate their culture and learn secular knowledge (Khan, 2014). Because it is so important, mother tongue is a basic human right (Shirazi, & Shah, 2016). This is especially a children’s.

32 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING The Obstacles of Mother Tongue Education

Many researchers contend that it is in the best interest of all to support mother tongue education (Benson, 2004; Haokip, 2012). However, there are still many around the world, including Haitians, who deny the need for mother tongue education and its benefits. Four of those worldviews are particularly detrimental to the progress of mother tongue education. First, the perception that Europeans have more intelligent languages and the myth that mother tongues cannot express complex ideas are false (Benson, 2004; Metallic & Seiler, 2009). This type of

Eurocentric thinking creates an inferiority complex in the mind of young Haitian, which affects their learning (Neyfakh, 2011). As it was mentioned, children with self-esteem can validate their marginalized languages. Second, most parents in developing countries believe that L2 education offers greater advantages to their children (Benson 2004). In Haiti, where the ability to speak

French comes with certain benefits, it is hard to imagine a parent who does not prefer L2 education (Dejean, 1993; Valdez, 2015). Third, some argue that it would be hard and is simply illogical for multilingual countries to cater mother tongue education for all in each of the respective languages (Haokip, 2012). However, this reasoning is a large-scale education systems fallacy (Freire, 2005). Learning should not be on the basis that one model fits all. Learning should encourage creativity and individualism. This fallacy is an example of the system moving away from the individual, while the individual must chase after the system. Lastly, many think that bilinguism and multilinguism increase intelligence and therefore prefer L1 with L2 education (Gabillon & Ailincai, 2015). These four worldviews maintain the obstruction of mother education and the marginalization of native languages like Haitian Creole.

33 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Success of Mother Tongue Education

Many counties have experienced success with mother tongue. In Vietnam, 68% of 1st graders who attended a mother tongue program achieved the level of excellence as compared to only 28% of students not learning in their mother tongue (UNICEF, 2011). There is a definite global improvement primary school literacy, as over 70 countries are utilizing mother tongue education models (UNICEF, 2015). It has become a global initiative and it is influencing more than just education (Benson, 2004). Three examples from Benson’s study (2004) prove this point. First, during apartheid in South Africa, the gap between languages in education grew wider, leading the Bantu Education Act of 1953 (Heugh, 2003). The act helped develop mother tongue methods and materials for a more equal education (Benson, 2004; Heugh, 2003). In this instance, mother tongue education influenced civil rights. Second, pushing back on the colonial system, more recently Tanzania also adopted the mother tongue initiative in Kiswahili under the

Nyerere’s Education for a Self-Reliance campaign (Benson, 2004). From this example shows how mother tongue education can empower developing countries. Third, the Guatemalan government is also making use of mother tongue based education to retain school enrolment, since 40 % of indigenous marginalized Mayan children were dropping out in the first year.

(Dutcher, 1995). This demonstrates how mother tongue education renounces racism (Benson,

2004; Dutcher, 1995). These examples show how mother tongue education is a legitimate root cause solution, because it addresses diverse systemic issues that lead to education failure, but also offers solutions to education that can fix the system.

Recommendation for Mother Tongue Education

A recommendation for mother tongue education in Haiti is the bottom up approach. A bottom up approach means that government and organizations that embark in mother tongue 34 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING education reforms should start small, assuring that what started is sustainable before expanding

(Benson, 2004). This approach is wise because there are many obstacles to the approach of mother tongue. Benson (2004) explains that “(introducing) mother tongue schooling from the grassroots level is not easy from a large-scale organizational standpoint, yet it is the most promising in terms of community commitment and sustainability” (p. 7). With the bottom up approach, the voices of all stakeholders- students, teachers, and parents- can be heard to join in the conversation about growth and expansion of mother tongue. This is the kind of change that

LKM is engaged in. LKM sets the example that a small community school can impact not only the students of that community, but become an example for an entire country (Matènwa, 2015).

The Role of Mother Tongue in Haitian Learning

Adopting mother tongue has the potential to impact the learning outcomes in the Haitian education system. Shirazi and Shah (2016) agree that “it is through the mother tongue, the cognitive skills are flourishing in such a manner that the learner is able to critically evaluate, visually imagine and calculate. Likewise, scientific concepts are better built if taught in the mother tongue” (p. 3198). Learning can become more natural and enjoyable. Haitian teachers unofficially teach in Creole to teach mathematics and sciences, even when the materials are in

French because Creole instruction is the easiest way for most students to understand. A mother tongue learning model can legitimize Creole, by making it an official language for learning as well as French. This measure would show that knowledge can be communicated in any language

(Metallic & Seiler 2009).

In order to utilize mother tongue to understand the more difficult subjects, students must already have a competent level of reading comprehension in the mother tongue. To attain a good level of reading comprehension students must also be good writers. Studies report a link between 35 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING reading and writing (Graham & Hebert, 2010). Mother tongue can play a role in simultaneously making children better readers and writers. Both skills can increase intelligence when used in a learning cycle interdependently and with constant practice (Graham & Hebert, 2010). Children can be taught the mastery of both skills at young age (Snowball, 1995). Particularly for writing skills, Graham and Hebert (2010) recommends three steps that educators can use. First, have students write about the texts they have read to summarize, respond, and take notes to improve reading comprehension. Second, teach students the writing skills and processes that go into creating texts because familiarity with sentence structures, spelling, and grammar can facilitate reading speed (Graham & Hebert, 2010). Third, increase how much students write since the creative process prompts them to be more thoughtful and engaged when reading text produced by others” (p. 13). The key elements for these steps is practice, which many younger students struggle with. Children write fictional stories more willingly and they enjoy them more

(Snowball, 1995). A suggestion to encourage children to practice writing in both creative and academic context is to give them nonfiction assignment outside of the classroom (Snowball,

1995). When these recommendations are incorporated in a mother tongue learning model, children have the benefits of mastering three skills: reading, writing, and their mother tongue.

LKM uses this practice wisely through the mother book initiative, in which children write and illustrate books in Creole then also read books that other children write (Matènwa, 2015). During this research, I became familiar with the creative process that the children engage in to write their mother tongue books. It is an exemplary method to couple literacy competence with creativity.

36 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING The Future of Mother Tongue

As it was mentioned earlier, mother tongue competence gives way to continuous learning. Since competence in writing and reading comprehension in mother tongue increases competence in other subjects, literacy competence in L1 makes learning L2 easier (Sparks,

Patton, Ganschow, Humbach, & Javorsky, 2008). Knowing that language and literacy skills can be transferred should welcome mother tongue learning approach in education systems of bilingual countries. However, the approach is not yet global (UNICEF, 2015). Countries like

Haiti, are missing on the benefits of the mother tongue approach by remaining in the submersion model. Benson (2004) explains that “(learning) to read is most efficient when students know the language and can employ psycholinguistic guessing strategies; likewise, students can communicate through writing as soon as they understand the rules of the orthographic (or other written) system of their language. In contrast, submersion programs may succeed in teaching students to decode words in the L2, but it can take years before they discover meaning in what they are reading" (p.3). This is the reason why mother tongue education is the solution to the future of education. UNESCO and other world organizations are strongly in favor of mother tongue education in primary school as they also agree that it is a human right (Shirazi & Shah,

2016).

Conclusion

Haokip (2012) concluded that “(language) constitutes a basic element of Human

Development. Language constitutes the common thread and means that links all the aspects of human development” (para. 1). I agree with Haokip when I see the validity of his conclusion in

Haiti. As a developing country and a former slave colony, Creole is the means for Haitians to 37 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING become educated in order to develop themselves, their communities, and their country (Neyfakh,

2011). In fact, both the Creole Langue and Creole culture are ways to achieve this vison for education (Dejean, 2010). The use of Creole in education legitimizes the language and it is done through mother tongue or L1 to L2 learning models (Degraff, 2005). Khan (2014) asserts that

“language and identity are linked – as the term ‘mother tongue’ implies. A healthy identity balances different aspects of our personalities. A community expresses part of its identity in its languages of instruction and a healthy society makes choices that promote harmonious communities and confident individuals” (p.149). The use of Creole culture in education, mother tongue education, connects the individuals to their communities. This connection is made through self-awareness and self-esteem as a Creole person (Hamachek, 1985). Children are still in search of their identity, therefore rely on parents and educators to help them resolve the conflicts for each stage of their psychosocial development (Wilt, Cox, & McAdams, 2010; Lobar

& Phillips, 1995). Hence the primary school years are crucial for early exposure to the Creole langue and Creole culture. Mother tongue education in the first years should be enforced, because literacy in the mother tongue allows students to have a strong academic foundation, which eases the comprehension of other subjects and to becoming enthusiastic about learning

(Khan, 2014). Furthermore, mother tongue or L1 to L2 education is not a disadvantage to children in a bilingual country like Haiti, since competence in Creole after primary school can transfer into easier and faster competence in French during secondary school easier (Piper, Bulat,

& Johnston, 2015). Unlike other countries that have already seen the success of mother tongue education, Haiti is not yet ready in term of teacher training and materials to launch a nationwide mother tongue education (USAID, 2016). However, even the simple methods of culturally 38 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING relevant pedagogy can start making a difference in the country’s education (Ladson-Billings,

2014).

Throughout this research, I found that LKM is breaking new ground by adopting a culturally relevant learning model focused on Creole language and Creole culture. During the classroom observations and my participation in the Matènwa community, I also experienced firsthand the impact of this learning model on the children who grade by grade are discovering their Haitian identity. 39 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING

Chapter 3: Methods

In this chapter, I provide a detailed background on LKM, where I conducted this research project from January through February 2017. The research context, starting with information about the school followed by its mission, reinforces the significance of the research project. How does culturally relevant pedagogy focused on mother tongue instruction and cultural awareness impact learning at LKM? And how does this model impact identity development in Haitian children? To answer these research question, I primarily engaged in classroom observation me.

Then I used a secondary method based on the community participation of a teacher, school director, parents, and other members in the Matènwa community. This chapter also includes the project limitations, personal biases, and validity measures to ensure the objectivity of the research.

Research Context

La Gonave

The satellite Haitian island, La Gonave, is located in the bay of Port-au-Prince. Known for its tales of fishermen at sea, the island is home to approximately between 75,748 and 100,000 inhabitants. It makes up a relevant representation of Haiti at 743 square kilometers and is the biggest of the satellite islands belonging to Haiti (White, Shao, Kennedy, & Campbell, 2013). La

Gonave is one of the five in the department of Haiti. The is made of two main communes which are subdivided into 11 towns or sections (“La Gonave island”, 2012).

The island is barren in most parts due to the dry and rocky composition of the land. It imports most of its alimentation and other necessary goods from the main land. Because of the added 40 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING transportation cost on merchandises, it is one of the most expensive places to live in Haiti. In contrast, since many live under the global line, it is also one of the poorest places in the county (Veeken, 1993). As expected, the poverty cycle affects education in La Gonave. Many children do not go to school because families do not have the income to pay for private school tuitions and the island does not enough public schools for its population (Veeken, 1993).

Additionally, the fact that the majority of the students are monolingual in Creole while their schools function in French causes many to drop out (Hebblethwaite, 2012). It is in this context that LKM becomes exemplary to La Gonave and Haiti.

Lekòl Kominotè Matènwa

Matènwa is a small rural section of the La Gonave island, which does not appear on the map. It is in fact a community because of its small population and its collectivist culture. Despite poverty and scarce resources, education is important to the community that hosts LKM, a learning center with kindergarten, primary school, and secondary school (“Wise Initiative”,

2013). Within the community, children and adults can all benefit from the resources available

learning at the school. LKM was founded in 1996 and in later years expanded its function into two capacities. Friends of Matènwa, the nonprofit development that accommodates visitors from all over the world to come learn from the LKM education model also helps fund the school. The community learning center is the institute for learning that offers seminars to teachers in La Gonave and other department in Haiti on mother tongue learning model and culturally relevant pedagogy (Matènwa, 2015). LKM’s philosophy is as follows:

Rather than carrying in solutions from the outside, LKM walks with school communities

through a guided experiential process. Through Reflection Circles and Open Space

Technology, people begin to recognize that knowledge, confidence, and self- 41 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING determination can be found in their own experiences and histories. Wisdom is present in

their own circle process of inquiry. At LKM we believe an active participatory education

offers tools and skills needed for building effective institutional and cultural practices.

We believe that education is a conversation. (“Our philosophy”, para. 1)

From this philosophy, LKM represents an exceptional example of culturally relevant pedagogy for Haiti. Their mission, is to empower the local people through education based on their own culture and experiences. This relevant method is changing the perception of Haitians on learning.

LKM’s model teaches that education in mother tongue Creole is both possible and beneficial.

Cultural awareness leads to self-identity, resilience, pride, and independence.

Participants

I completed the observation and interview based research in two months. During the first part of the research, I engaged mainly with children in classroom observation of the 1st and 6th grade classes to better understand how the school’s model impacts learning and self-awareness as well as understand the creative process behind the mother tongue book initiative. My observations often took me outside of the 1st and 6th graders’ classrooms to accompany them and their teachers to other extracurricular learning, such as the music classroom and the library.

During the second part of the research, I interacted mainly with adults by having interviews with a teacher and the school director. Then I hosted a parent focus group to learn about their role in the children’s development and their opinion on culturally relevant pedagogy model for learning.

Furthermore, as I frequented the school regularly and lived with a host family in the Matènwa, I developed rapport with the students, teachers, parents, and members of the community. 42 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING I was welcome by the founders of the school to participate in events of the primary school, observe in the classrooms, interact with any student from the school population, and interview any teacher or parent who agreed to participate in the research.

The research sample was comprised three sets of participants. The first set of participants were the 1st and 6th graders. Although, I informally observed the 5th grade class once for one hour. The 1st graders ranged from five to seven years old and the classroom had an effective average of 19 students each day. The 6th graders ranged from ten to thirteen years old and the classroom had an effective average of 18 students each day. I elected to observe the 1st and 6th graders, to capture the learning experience at LKM by focusing on when children start primary school and when they finish primary school. I wanted to learn from observing the 1st graders the process of mother tongue and the effect of cultural awareness on learning at that age. And from observing the 6th graders, I wanted to increase my understanding of L1 to L2 education as well as the process used by LKM students to write mother tongue books. All of the 1st graders agreed to be participants and only one 6th grader wished to not participate. In the findings, I have modified all the students names to pseudonyms. The second set of participants were 8 adults composed of

3 teachers, 1 school director, and 4 parents. Two of the teachers were Vana and Gypsot, the 1st and 6th grade teachers respectively. The other teacher participant was the LKM 5th grade teacher,

Kenny, who described the role language in learning. The director participant was one of LKM’s founder, Abner, who explained the role of culture in learning. All the LKM staffs, who I refer to in the findings, wanted me to use their first names. And finally, the 4 parent participants, who I will also refer to by pseudonyms: Ana, Berthe, Carmen, and Daphne, clarified the role of community in children’s learning. The third set of participants were individuals with whom I had informal conversations and who agreed to me sharing their comments. 43 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING

Methods

I organized this research into four phases comprised of 36 hours of classroom observation, two interviews lasting 1 hour each, one focus group lasting 1 hours, one video shoot lasting 1 hour. There was a total number of 39 primary children participants and 6 adult participants. Also in this research, a supervisor-researcher agreement stipulates that I ought to contribute to LKM in two ways. The mentioned video outlines the step-by-step creative process behind the mother tongue book program and represents one of my contribution to the LKM.

Research Phases

The first phase of the research was dedicated the classroom observations. I observed 36 hours of class interviews between the 1st and 6th graders. The observation time was split evenly between each class over the course of 10 days. I alternated the observation sessions between class time before and after recess, which was at 10:30 am. The school hours were 7:30 am to

12:00 pm in the first two weeks of January, but were changed to 8:00 am to 1:00 pm because of later sunrise in the winter. I scheduled observation sessions during each of the weekdays to have a representation of the day to day learning experience in both classes. I also scheduled observations around each of the different subjects and activities to assess the students level of literacy competence and LKM’s L1 to L2 approach of mother tongue education. I tracked the time every 15 minutes to briefly note my observations that I later fully recorded in detailed field notes. In 1st grade, I was an active participant and in 6th grade I was a passive participant. The first phase lasted three weeks in January.

The second phase of the research was focused interviews and the focus group. I conducted a 1 hour semi-formal interview with Kenny took place in the parent-teacher circle on 44 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING campus after school; a 1 hour semi-formal interview with Abner also took place on campus in the teacher room during the afternoon; and a 1 hour focus group with the parents took place parent-teacher circle on campus before noon. The interviews were unstructured due to changes in the order of the prepared open-ended questions that were based on the answers provided by

Kenny and Abner. The focus group was more structured as I facilitated the group discussion. All of the exchanges were recorded on an iPhone recording app. This phase of the project lasted 2 weeks in February.

The third phase of the research was focused on the video for the mother tongue book initiative. I spent 4 hours of the time observing the 6th graders to learn LKM’s mother tongue book writing process. I took pictures and videos of the children when they engaged in the creative process of their stories as a class and when they worked on their individual pieces of the books. I had several conversations with their teacher, Gypsot, to outline each step of the process.

Once all the steps were gathered, I explained the video project to the class and assigned lines to the students who wished to participate. The following week, I spent one hour in the 6th grade classroom to shoot the video. I also took pictures of the school’s library where there is a collection of mother tongue books. This phase was completed during the second and third week of February.

The fourth phase of the research focused on collecting additional data to cover the gaps.

After daily routine reviews and coding of field notes, I assessed the depth and strengths of topics or activities to know if I needed to collect more data. In the process, I observed the 5th grade class during a 1 hour outdoor science experiment; I had unstructured interviews, with a LKM secondary students and a LKM employee. This phase was completed during the third week of

February. 45 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Before I recorded any data from my observations and interviews I gave consent forms to the participants to sign. I did not personally interact with the 1st and 6th graders until the approved IRB forms were returned to me. Even when the school approved my presence in the classrooms and interaction with the children, I made sure to obtain permission from the students and most of their parents (Johnson, 2015). I had parents sign form D (Appendix) during a parent- teacher meeting organized by LKM in early January. I had the children sing form E (Appendix) in their classroom. I explained the content of the forms and the purpose of the research to the children and their parents before they signed. Their teachers, Vana and Gypsot, also signed the forms as witnesses (Johnson, 2015).

As I mentioned, in 6th grade, I was a passive participant. Sometimes, I quietly sat at a different desk to observe the children and their teacher. Other times, I sat among the students in the class circle or walked around the class to ask them questions about their work when they sat at their desks. I was not actively engaged in teaching them. The benefit of being a passive participant during the 6th grade observations is that I captured more details since I was focused

(Johnson, 2015). In 1st grade, I was an active participant helping the teacher with some students.

The 1st graders had a rough first period, switching teachers which resulted in them lacking discipline and falling behind on the curriculum. Due to my involvement in 1st grade, I mostly took short hand notes during class that I write later in the same day (Johnson, 2015). Writing fieldnotes everyday shortly after the observations helped me record more details.

Before each interview and the focus group, I gave consent forms B to the adult participants, allowing them enough time to read it. I summarized the content of the form and addressed their questions before they signed. The question guide can be found in the from B

(Appendix). I did not give them the questions guide to them before the meetings. This approach 46 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING allowed the participants to be spontaneous and genuine (Johnson, 2015). The semi-formal formats in familiar setting accompanied by open-ended questions also helped the participants feel at ease (Johnson, 2015). I conducted all the interviews and the focus group in Haitian

Creole, a language in which the participants and me are fluent. I use the audio recording app on my iPhone as a recording devise, but kept with me a cassette tape recorder for back up. I listened to each recording twice on the recorded day, then I transcribed them the next day. After I transposed the interviews, I coded the data and started analysis.

Analysis

During the research, I gave myself time to review my notes and start with early analysis.

The early analysis methods that I used were: contact summary sheets, coding, and analytic memos. After writing the fieldnotes for each observation, I filled out a simple contact summary sheet that I created to do a pre-analysis of the data. It kept track of who did I interact with, what were the main takeaways, what questions did I have before the observation, were my questions answered, what questions did I want to answer during the next observation, and identify what to pay attention to during the next observation. This pre-analysis method also gave more purpose to each observation (Miles, Huberman, & Saldaña, 2014). During phase I and phase II of the research I took days off to reflect on the data collected, then coded the fieldnotes and transcripts.

I coded the data for information and patterns that were important. After phase II, I did a second round of coding analysis to narrow the data to a total of fifteen codes. The coding method consolidated my data into relevant themes (Miles, Huberman, & Saldaña, 2014). It made the data more manageable. I used Microsoft Word for the contact summary sheet and coding pre-analysis and the coding. Throughout my time in field, I was using the analytic memo method to make 47 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING sense of the data, the research question, and the analysis process. I used the audio recording app on my iPhone to record memos every time that I had an interesting thought. This method helped me remember my thoughts during the synthesis and full analysis of the findings in chapter IV

(Miles, Huberman, & Saldaña, 2014). After I left the research field, I engaged in the full analysis of the findings. I used Microsoft Excel to organize the data into the fifteen codes. And to finish with the analysis, I identified four themes to address the research question. Those themes are the backbone of the chapter finding chapter (Johnson, 2015).

Issues During Research

There was a minor incident around the focus group with the parents. The original focus group was planned for 6 parents who had children in either 1st or 6th grade. I made the announcement in 6th grade a week in advance and gave invitation cards to 7 students who have siblings in 1st grade to give their parents. I made a reminder announcement the day before the focus group and those 7 students were confident that their parents could come to the focus group.

I invited 7 parents in case one of them was absent. On the day of the focus group, only one parent came 1 hour after the designated time. The next day some students explained that their parents were confused on the location of the meeting. One student said that her parent had to work and another said that her mother was not feeling well. To quickly remedy the situation as my time in the study field was winding down, I made a new announcement in the 5th grade class for the students to invite their parents to a focus group with me the following day. I had not spent much time with the 5th graders. But I thought that the perspective of their parents on the role of community in LKM learning mode would be as relevant as the 1st or 6th graders’ parents. 4 48 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING parents of 5th graders came the focus group and together we had an enlightening and positive conversation.

The only other issue during my stay in Matènwa was not having reliable electric usage at the host family’s home. Since electricity at LKM was a more dependable, I spent many hours charging my laptop and iPhone on campus that I would have liked to spend more time with the family. And on the weekends, when I could not charge my devices on campus, the amount of work that I could have done on my laptop was limited. However, the hours I spent at the school computer room and library allowed me to interact with many of the teachers and some of the children in the community who hung around the school after hours. In fact, it became customary for some of the usual group of students to join me in the computer room to watch cartoons on my iPhone while it charged and while I worked on my laptop also charging. Also, I used to the time that I did not have sufficient battery on the weekend to visit some surrounding localities.

Ethical Implications/Considerations

Data protection

I kept all recordings (audio and video) on my iPhone, to which I only know the password.

All the field notes and transcriptions were saved on my laptop that is password protected. Only I know the password to my laptop. I kept all the consent forms in a water proof folder that I stored in a private place. I also backed up all the documents on my laptop in a thumb drive that I also kept somewhere private. The protection of the data I collected contributed to the validity of my research (Johnson, 2015).

49 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Participant consideration

The purpose for my interaction with the students was mainly to observe their learning experience. I made certain to not quiz them, evaluate them openly, compare them to each other, and critique them in order for them to feel comfortable to have me in their space (Benson, 2004).

In a small community like Matènwa, it was hard to not see the research participants outside of the school. In those instances, my rapport with them were cordial and friendly. I became close to many of the students, especially the some of the 1st graders. But, I showed no favoritism to not affect the other students. For this same reason, I held both interviews and the focus group at the school to show transparency, not having to visit personally with some participant and not others.

During the interviews and focus group with the adults, I took the time to remind them that they should share only what they were comfortable sharing. I also reminded the parents that what they shared with me was confidential and would only be used for this thesis, and that they will remain anonymous.

One 6th grader received a lunch compensation, in exchange of her taking up her recess time to play some rhythms on the drum for me that I recorded as background music for the mother tongue book video. No other participants received monetary compensation for their participation in the research. Because of the cultural norms in Haiti, offering money could appear coercive. Snack were not provided during the focus group either.

Researcher Reflexivity and Validity

Conflict and Bias

Conflicts and biases are common in qualitative research. As best practice, researchers are required to acknowledge their subjectivities and find ways to address them (Creswell & Miller 50 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING 2000). I acknowledged some of my conflicts and biases before I started this research. My first conflict was about mother tongue education in Haiti. Even knowing the benefits that mother tongue education could have in Haiti, I was still concerned about the potential long term negative impacts on Haitians’ lives. French is the language of success in Haiti (Valdez, 2015). I wondered what success will students who are educated in Haitian Creole have in the future. I was concerned that if the LKM students do not learn to speak French during their academic training, even with a clear sense of Haitian identity, they might not have a bright future in Haiti. My second conflict was my bias due to my background as a Haitian American. I was raised in Haiti in family speaking Creole and French, then was educated at a private Catholic school in the instructed in French. My Haitian upbringing was different than the upbringing of the people in Matènwa. And the education offered by LKM, a non-religious rural community school instructed in Creole, is different that the education that I received. Before the research trip, I felt that my education had been superior and I was anxious to see how it compared to the learning experience at LKM. However, I realized the importance of keeping my biases in check (Creswell

& Miller 2000). In order to do this, I bracketed my opinions by keeping them to myself whenever I was observing or interviewing the participants. At the beginning of the research, I focused on forming new perspectives on the benefits of a Creole education for Haitian children well beyond their academic years. Soon after a few observations, I realized that the literacy competence and confidence of the LKM children are far more advanced than most schools in

Haiti that I have frequented.

Validity

The more time I spent in the Matènwa community, leaving a host family and going to school several times a day, the more acquainted I became with the research participants. I was 51 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING curious about their experience and was interested in what they shared with me since learners construct their own representation of reality. According to Creswell and Miller (2000) “The qualitative paradigm assumes that reality is socially constructed and it is what participants perceive it to be” (p. 125). My participants: the students, teachers, and parents had constructed their own representation of the learning experience at LKM or of the impact of mother tongue instructions and culture on learning. And as a qualitative researcher, my worldviews align with the constructivist paradigm, which is an open-minded perception of reality (Creswell & Miller

2000). Therefore, I used the lens of the participants to conduct this research. By observing and interviewing them, I was able to learn through their own representations of reality of mother tongue instruction and cultural awareness in learning. I chose to do a prolonged engagement in the field as a validity measure. I spent a significant amount of time with the participants, which made them comfortable to let me in on their representation of reality. First, through the lens of the participants, I validated culturally relevant pedagogy at LKM. I did not only observe the 1st and 6th grade classrooms. I actively followed their learning experiences in computer classes, garden, library, music classes, school assemblies, and even informally watching cartoons after school to understand as much as possible their perspectives on Creole mother tongue instruction and culture in learning. Second, through the lens of the people in Matènwa, I also validated the role of community on children’s learning experience. The time spent with my host family helped me learn about their representation of rural community values. Their representation of their reality helped me contextualize language, culture, and community in learning.

I also used member checking as a second validity measure (Creswell & Miller 2000).

After I consolidated the research findings, I presented first draft to the one of LKM’s founder to 52 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING check my understanding and accurate depiction of the school’s learning model. Upon her support of the first draft, I was able to again validate the findings from my research.

Conclusion

Some of the above methods are updated versions and additions to previously planned methods before traveling to La Gonave, Haiti. I had expected some of the methods to change when I was in the research field (Johnson, 2015). Expectations, needs, and priorities change during research. Even after the long preparation and methods overview, there were many opportunities to re-evaluate, start over, and learn from this research. The findings were as unprecedented as the methods.

53 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Chapter 4: Findings

This chapter provides answers to the two prevalent questions of the research. How does culturally relevant pedagogy focused on mother tongue instruction and cultural awareness impact learning at LKM? And how does this model impact identity development in Haitian children?

After the two months of data collection while living in the Matènwa community and learning from participants at LKM, the answers came through several experiences and the analysis thereof. Four themes emerged: the legitimization of Haitian Creole, culture expands the mind to learning, new practices for education, and a Haitian education for Haitians. The interpretation of these themes derives from topics researched in the literature review and analysis of the findings.

The first theme, the legitimization of Creole, addresses the way in which LKM counteracts the delegitimization of the mother tongue Creole in Haitian schools and adaptation of the L1 to L2 learning model. The second theme, culture expands the mind to learning, focuses on the benefits of culture in learning as a mechanism for increased learning and knowledge sharing. The third theme, new practices for education, exemplifies concepts and ideas for reform in the Haitian education system. And the last theme, a Haitian education for Haitians, represents hope for the development of Haiti, which will be made possible by individuals with sense of Haitian identity.

As noted in chapter 3, each participant has been assigned a pseudonym to ensure confidentiality with the exception of the LKM teachers and directors.

The Legitimization of Haitian Creole

The use of Haitian Creole by LKM in an academic context legitimizes the language and supports the confidence in language for development in Haiti. By legitimization, I mean a normalization, an acceptance, and even an elevation of the language, when educated Haitians are 54 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING proud to use Creole in the developmental affairs of the country. For more than two centuries

Creole has not found its rightful place in education, Haitian children have learned in a language that is not their own, and society has delegitimized their native language (Valdez, 2015). LKM’s learning model is a catalyst for the legitimization of Haitian Creole, because legitimization starts with education. The examples in this section will clarify how the normalization, acceptance, and elevation of Creole contribute to the legitimization of the language.

Normalization of Creole

LKM legitimizes Creole by using it all aspects of the children’s learning. In Haiti, Creole in schools is more prevalent in the teachings of mathematics and sciences to help students understand, and is sometimes referenced in teaching classic Haitian literature. However, LKM legitimizes the language by placing it in an academic context for learning all the subjects, regardless of complexity level (Metallic, & Seiler, 2009). The curricula for the primary classes at

LKM include, Creole, mathematics, science, computer, music, crafts, sports, gardening, and even

French instructed in Creole. The primary school only uses French instructions during oral French class. Therefore, the children fully get the sense that Haitian Creole is a legitimate language and can be used in any academic settings (David, 2009). During an observation of the 6th grade class on their Wednesday library hour, I experienced a refreshing use of Creole in academic setting.

This excerpt from my fieldnotes, dated January 11, 2017 at 8:30 am, demonstrate the use of

Creole to study world literature. The participants present included the 6th graders, their teacher

Gypsot, and the librarian Markson.

Gypsot reminds them to get ready for library hour. They line up and walk upstairs to a

different building not too far from they were. The librarian, a young man named

Markson, was expecting them. The small library has book shelves on every wall. Two 55 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING walls are dedicated to Creole books, one wall is dedicated to English and Spanish books,

and then half a wall is dedicated to French books. In one corner of the room there is a

carpeted area for kids to read with shoes off surrounded by three long benches for

students to form a semi-circle. The librarian greets the students and he sits on the carpet

and the students face him as they sit on the benches. He pulls out a small Creole book to

read to them. He starts by asking them what is a novel. No one volunteers to answer. He

explains it to them. The book is a Creole version of William Shakespeare’s Romeo and

Juliet. He reads 3 pages, then stops to ask them questions. The students seemed to be a

lot more eager to answer now. The librarian patiently waits for them to make comments

and ask questions about the story.

The children were expanding their knowledge about world literature, and they used Creole to do so. In this example, they use Creole in a way that typically only French would have been deemed appropriate in Haitian society. Such activity normalizes the language by proving that Creole can play the same function as French in learning.

Acceptance of Creole

LKM’s use of mother tongue learning model makes students confident in their intelligence. As mother tongue Creole comes naturally to the children, they use it to think and express themselves. Because of their natural abilities in the language, learning other academic subjects in Creole also comes naturally to them (Degraff, 2015). Furthermore, LKM normalizes

Creole in the academic context that the children experience. Consequently, they understand what they are taught in Creole and they can communicate what they know in Creole. These two factors combined give them confidence in their intelligence, which is personally developed.

However, their confidence would have not been possible without the examples and supports of 56 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING their teachers, and parents (Hamachek, 1985). Therefore, LKM students are confident in the intelligence as a result of the support coming from their educators, who take the lead to teach them in Creole. The following excerpt from my fieldnotes, dated January 11 at 9:30 am, offers evidence of the LKM students.

The students go put their books away and return to the benches in the semi-circle facing

their teacher. Now it’s math time. Gypsot says that they are going to review Roman and

Arab numerals. Some students giggle and one admit that they are nervous about Roman

numerals. Gypsot reassures them that there is nothing to worry about. He asks them to

tell him what they remember about the topic. Many students start to shout answers. David

who has been vocal all day explains how to place smaller letters before and after bigger

letters to either add or subtract. Gypsot asks everyone if they understand. One boy who

wasn’t there the last time the topic was taught raises his hand. Daniel volunteers to

explain it again. He went to the board to write a number in Roman numeral. The other

students are telling him in the background what to write. At the board, Daniel is

explaining as he is writing. Almost 100% of the students seem to be engaged in this

activity going on the board. After Daniel goes back to his sit Gypsot gets up from the

circle and goes to the board to explain further. He asks multiple times if anyone does not

understand. No one says anything.

This experience about the mother tongue learning model also supports the L1 to L2 model used at LKM. Since the students learn the foundational concepts of all subjects in Creole without the interference of French in the curriculum, from 1st to 4th grade, they harness competence in all the subjects as well as confidence in that competence. Also, from the 1st grade LKM emphasizes the importance of Creole reading comprehension, which conditions the children to be L1 competent. 57 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING The following excerpt from my fieldnotes, dated January 20 at 8:10 am, glimpses at the 1st graders daily reading routine.

The students are sitting on the benches forming a semi-circle to do silent reading. They

each have a book in hand. Their books are all different, but are all in Creole. Some of the

books are LKM mother tongue books and have French and English translation at the

bottom of each page. But the children are reading the Creole stories. The books are small

and have lot of pictures. Some of the kids are looking at the pictures and others and

pointing at the words to read them.

The children are not yet advanced readers in the 1st grade, but they are building their literacy competence and reading comprehension in Creole. This competence acquisition in Creole continues to 4th grade, when they start exposure to French literacy. By the 6th grade, the LKM students are effectively L1 literate and are on the verge of familiarizing themselves to the French language before starting secondary school in the 7th grade. As the L1 to L2 learning model is designed to gradually introduce children to the academics of a second language after the 4th grade, LKM follows the model to perfection (Laurent & Martinot, 2009). LKM’s exemplary use of the model also serves another purpose beyond academics. Using the L1 to L2 model in most of primary school that prioritizes Haitian Creole, legitimizes the language. Where other Haitian schools force children to learn in French despite their struggles, the focus of education is on

French, that they assume will guarantee success in Haiti even without true competence.

Conversely, LKM helps children learn in Creole that comes naturally to them. Therefore, the goal of education is to learn and have competence in what is learned. Accepting Creole mother tongue as the language of education legitimizes the language.

58 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Elevation of Creole

The normalization and acceptance of Haitian Creole in schools promote the language as a tool for development in Haiti. Only an educated new generation can put the country on the right track towards development. LKM contributes to the normalization of the language and the children do not doubt its legitimacy. LKM also contributes to the acceptance of the language and the children attain literacy competence as well as confidence in their intelligence. When there is competence and confidence and no doubt, there is power (Neyfakh, 2011). That is why a Creole education has the power to become a tool for development in Haiti. The tool analogy references the thoughts that Kenny, the 5th grade teacher, shared with me during an interview on February

6th at 2:00 PM. Here are his direct thoughts translated to English:

I asked Kenny “what do you think is the role of Creole in all Haitian schools? Or what

role should Creole play”? He replied that Creole is the number one tool for development

in Haiti. For learning in Haiti, Creole is the number one tool, the basic tool. To have

development, the children must be educated, and to be educated it must be in their fathers

and mothers’ tongue. That way they can learn their connection to the language. One of

my country’s biggest problem is that we are using a language that is not even ours. A

language that they used to torture us, but we keep using it. The language that we used to

gain our independence, Creole, we have put it aside. Haiti will never change if we don’t

restore Creole from this corner that we have tossed it for years. In a country like Haiti,

Creole is used in the streets, at the markets, at the peasant gatherings. But in the living

room French triumphs, because there resides the big people, elites, who are keeping the

country hostage. Those people must agree that Creole is the tool for development. There

is no country on earth that can develop if the country’s children are not educated in the 59 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING country’s language. For me, Creole is the way to change education in Haiti, and change

the country in general.

Kenny is right that Creole is the number one tool for development in Haiti. To build on his analogy of Creole as a tool, imagine that Haitian children are competent in using Creole as a tool for learning; Haitian children are confident speaking Creole to share knowledge with others;

Haitian children have no doubt that Creole is a legitimate language. Then Haitian children can be powerful with Creole and use it for development. One of the most significant hurdles in Haitian development has been the hegemony of French limiting the population of educated citizens capable of developing the country (Dejean, 1993). Development brought by international will never have the same effect in Haiti as development generated by Haitians themselves. In fact, these types of foreign leadership in the country are a perpetuation of colonization, where the foreign leaderships are aiming to control Haiti and only the small population of Haitian elites benefit from the situation (Fanon, 1961). Haitians who have a direct connection to the country and its language have long-term stakes in its development. Accordingly, development starts with the education of Haitians who are competent in their skills, confident in their intelligence, and do not doubt the legitimacy of their language. Development led by educated Haitians, all Haitians and not just the 5% bilingual French speakers, will have the biggest impact. LKM is engaged in this endeavor because the students possess the Creole education tool to develop their community and the country.

Development is never successful without partnership. Similarly, development in Haiti will not happen entirely with the Creole language as the only tool for development. Creole is the number one tool, but not the only tool. The equal use of Creole and French could also be a tool for development, since a minority of Haitians do speak French, if French becomes a useful tool. 60 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING During the same interview with Kenny, he made a wise point about the utilization of French in

Haitian education. I asked him what is the advantage or disadvantage of French when used in

Haitian schools either as the language of instruction or a foreign language? Here is Kenny’s reply:

The French language itself is not a problem, but it’s because it is used in a country that

does not speak it. That is the problem. A language stays a language. In the of a

language, everyone speaks it. But when you take this language into a new territory, where

people do not speak that language, the citizen will feel uncomfortable speaking it. Even

the language feels uncomfortable in the mouth of the person who does not speak it. To

me, the disadvantage of French instruction in schools is that the students memorize a lot

of things that they do not even understand. There comes a time that even if the students

are done with school, they are still not educated because they never understood what they

memorized. In Haiti, there are 13 grades of classic schooling. After some people graduate

from the French system education, they still go to the French institute afterwards to learn

how to speak French. As a country, we do not in reality teach French to the students, even

if we beat them every day to speak French. The biggest disadvantage is that the students

do not hold the knowledge acquired in French.

Kenny is right again that Creole and French equality in the Haitian education system could be a positive approach, but not by forcing French on the children. Since literacy skills are transferable, a more effective approach is to teach children literacy competence in Creole before they learn French (Sparks, Patton, Ganschow, Humbach, & Javorsky in 2008). That is why the

L1 to L2 approach to mother tongue education adopted at LKM is ideal. Rejecting French completely while striving to develop Haiti, is neither ideal nor realistic. Therefore, French should 61 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING be taught in schools as a second language, leaving Creole as the primary language of education in order for Haitians to have competence, confidence, and no doubts in Creole. The power that comes from these three attributes will elevate Creole as a tool for development.

Culture Expands the Mind to Learning

The use of culturally relevant pedagogy at LKM expands the minds of the children to learning. Children can certainly learn without culturally relevant pedagogy, but culture makes learning more approachable, more meaningful, and more relevant. In other words, culture enhances the quality of learning (Hefflin, 2002; Ladson-Billings, 2014; Howard & Navarro,

2016). This is important because learning goes beyond the classroom and because knowing benefits more than just oneself. Hence, the way LKM emphasizes culture in the learning model is beneficial to the children’s learning experience.

One of the first examples to sustain the assertion that culture expands the minds of the children happened during an interview with LKM general director, Abner, on February 9. I asked

Abner what he thinks is the role of culture in learning? He told me the following:

Culture is the language that a people speaks, the way they dance, walk, understand things,

play music, and so on. Even when other cultures try to overshadow Haitian culture, we

still hold on to our culture through our Creole language. Our culture allows us through

folk tales, stories passed on by our elders, to pass on knowledge. Language enables us to

do this. That is why at LKM we start education in Creole. If the children know something

they share it and they can explain it to someone else. If all of us speak Creole, then we

can share our knowledge with each other. Our culture also comes with some traditional

values such as respect for elders. Times have changed and technology is advancing, but 62 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING there are other things that remain beautiful because of our cultural respect. This culture

allows us to understand one another. Also, the way a person dances for example can lead

to questions about the dance’s origin. That’s why culture is not only one thing. But it

takes you back to history and the past, which enriches your knowledge. Them you learn

better because the mind is rich. So, to answer more directly our culture is tied to our

language and allows us to make progress.

Abner’s remarks on the role of culture led me to explore the different ways culture expands the mind to learning. One, sharing knowledge opens the mind to further learning. Two, culturally relevant pedagogy enables the mind. Several experiences throughout the research allowed me to identify ways culture expands the mind.

Knowledge Sharing

Sharing knowledge opens children’s mind to further learning. As language is a primary element of culture, when LKM students are acquiring literacy competence in the Creole language, they are also engaged in learning the Creole culture. Also, one tendency associated with the knowledge of languages and cultures is to share that knowledge with others (Romm,

2015). LKM children do more than just acquire Creole literacy competence, they learn knowledge sharing. An example of this occurred as I observed the 6th graders in a knowledge sharing activity on January 12th.

The 6th grade class lines and walks toward the 2nd grade class, all the way to the other

side of campus. They are going to read to 2nd graders. They carry with them their own

Creole book to share with the 2nd grader. The younger children seem to expect the visit,

because most of them have available sitting space next to them. All the children are either

paired up or in groups of three. Each 6th grader is assigned one or two 2nd grader. Some 63 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING older kids are reading to the younger kids as the younger kids followed along. And some

younger kids are reading as the older kids follow along and helped them read the words

they cannot say correctly. Gypsot told me that the reading partnership is to foster

mentorship bonds between the students but also to teach them that the value of

knowledge sharing. The activity lasted around 15 minutes. The 6th graders are now

walking back to their classroom.

From this experience, I witnessed knowledge sharing at LKM and appreciated how Knowledge sharing serves several purposes in expanding the mind. One, knowledge sharing faces the children with their own knowledge. As a self-reflection mechanism, the children are able to internalize their competence about a subject (Hamachek, 1985). When the 6th graders help the 2nd graders with their pronunciation, the 6th graders are also expanding their own knowledge. Two, knowledge sharing gives the children opportunities for further learning. As a sense of responsibility when sharing knowledge, the students prepare themselves to be knowledgeable on the topic at hand. The 6th graders came prepared to read to the 2nd graders in their own books and from pages that they had already read. In this case, knowledge sharing expands the children’s mind because they review what they already know. Through this process, the children essentially expand their mind to further learning when they think critically about a subject

(Hamachek, 1985). Knowledge sharing is important to preserve culture, heritage, and language as well as educate to newer generations.

Culturally Relevant Pedagogy

Culturally relevant pedagogy enables the mind since learning goes beyond the classroom and learning also goes beyond academics. For children, this means that an important part of their learning experience comes from the teachings of their parents and communities. Parents and 64 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING communities can impart the cultural learning that children need. But since school age children spend a good portion of their days at school, teachers should also participate in the students’ cultural learning experience (Capps, & Carlin, 2014). That is one element of culturally relevant pedagogy, when teachers use the students’ cultures and backgrounds to teach them (Ladson-

Billing, 2014). LKM’s learning model is based on culturally relevant pedagogical methods. One reason for that is in Matènwa, the community and LKM feel like one unit as many of the parents, the neighbors, and the community members are teachers at the school. On January 20 at 8:30

AM, I experienced an insightful practice of culturally relevant pedagogy while observing the 1st graders and their teacher, Vana. It is important to note that during the research, the 1st graders appeared less disciplined than the rest of the kindergarten and primary school, because they had an unstable beginning in the school year when their previous teacher replacements in the 1st period. Here is an excerpt of my fieldnotes from that morning observation.

Some of most disruptive students like William, Edouard, and the rest are starting to talk

again while Vana is talking. She told them less than 5 minutes ago to be quiet and keep

their hands to themselves. Vana raises her voice a bit this time telling them to behave and

to be good. She asks some of them to stand up for 10 minutes as punishment. She also

congratulates the ones who are not talking over and are respectful of the other students.

Vana tells them to notice that god made them with 2 eyes, 2 nostrils, 2 ears, and only 1

mouth. It is because they need to look, smell, and listen more, but talk less. They should

listen more than they talk. She asks them to think about this every time they start talking

too much. She tells them that she is going to share a Haitian proverb with them. At this

announcement, all the children look at her and no one say anything. Vana tells them 65 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING “Lang ou pa lanmè, men li ka nwaye ou”. Your tongue is not the ocean, but it can drown

you.

What is interesting here is that Vana, who is a mother in the community, knows the importance of teaching the children in culturally relevant ways. She uses a pedagogical method based on a Haitian cultural framework to teach young 1st graders (Hefflin, 2002). Also, this culturally relevant pedagogical method resonated with the children. As soon as they heard the word proverb, they started to pay attention. Despite their young ages, they know that proverbs are not futile words and are usually important information for them to know. Additionally, referring to the graphemes phonemes, and semantics comprehension triangle that Degraff explained, using proverbs is a culturally valuable opportunity for the children to make connections between the phonetics and semantics of Creole (Degraff, 2015).

A second example of relevant pedagogy at LKM happened while I observed the 6th grade class on Jan 13, between 9:30 and 10:00 AM. The class was working on Creole text comprehension.

Gypsot starts reading a story about ways to start a garden. In the story an agronomist is

giving advice to a farmer who wants to start a garden. The agronomist shares advice on

ways to water plants and measure distance between trees and how to keep animals away

from certain plants. He also gives warnings about plants that animals should not eat, like

cassia leaves. He reads the story twice, then summarizes the text and calls on some

students to do the same. He asks them if they know the plants in the text and to give

examples of their usage. Some students name some of the plants that they recognized.

Adele explains that one of the plant can be used to kill bugs in produce like cabbage.

Benjamin shares what he knows about planting mango trees when he worked on a small 66 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING garden with his uncle. Gypsot talks about several natural medicines that can be made

with these plants.

Like Vana, Gypsot lives in the surrounding area. He knows the local culture, the need to plant trees in deforested mountain sides, the plant base cooking methods, and the farmers’ lifestyle. He uses this knowledge as a culturally relevant pedagogical method to raise his students’ reading comprehension. Also, many of the Creole textbooks that LKM uses draw upon

Creole culture, Haitian family backgrounds, and community values (Hefflin, 2014). It is fascinating to see in this example that adding cultural elements to learning activates the mind of the children as they connect their academic learning to their home lives and community backgrounds.

As previously explained, when the children share their cultural knowledge, it opens their mind to further learning and when they are taught with culturally relevant pedagogical methods, it enables to them to connect their knowledge to their reality (Pretorius, & Van Niekerk, 2015;

Freire, 2005). The third way that culture impacts learning at LKM is that the children can creatively apply their knowledge to their daily lives. I experienced a significant example of creativity at LKM during an observation of the 1st grade class on January 25 between 9:15 to

9:30 AM. The teacher asked the children to write the date on top of a notebook page, draw a picture in the middle, and write what it is about at the bottom.

I go sit next to Wilfrid who shows me his picture. The drawing is not clear at first so I ask

him to explain it to me. He points to an oval shape crossed with an “X” and says “it’s a

skull”. He points to a square shape on the ground and says “it’s a tomb”. There is a small

and a big person each holding a long shape in their hands. “They are holding snakes in

the hands” he explains. I understand the Voodoo imagery then I ask him to tell me more 67 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING about his drawing. He explains that in the picture there is him and his dad. They love to

play with snakes and sometimes go to the cemetery together. Under the picture he writes

the words snake and tomb in Creole.

This experience was enlightening because Voodoo as a belief or a religion is part of

Haitian culture. The delegitimization of Creole in the county affects more than just the language, aspects of Creole culture like Voodoo are also undermined (David, 2009). However, LKM respects Haitian culture and encourages students to express their culture. It is a strength for the school that supports religious freedom. It is a benefit for the kids who can creatively express their culture.

These three experiences with the 1st and 6th graders were significant to exemplify culturally relevant pedagogical method. This method is key in the LKM learning model and it clearly one of the reasons why the students’ learning experience is above the majority of Haitian primary schools. Haitian Creole mother tongue does wonders for learning in primary age students. They actually retain what they learn because it comes from a language that they know.

It makes them competent in their skills, confident in their intelligence, and powerful in the country’s development. But when mother tongue instruction is coupled with a culturally relevant pedagogical method, it enables the children’s mind to be used to full capacity. They no longer need to separate their learning experiences into home and community versus school, as it is done other Haitian schools. This enables their minds to think at all level.

In summary, culture expands the mind of LKM children. They are open minded to their culture, they connect their learning to their daily lives, and they confidently express their culture.

Their learning experience is constructive, effective, and progressive.

68 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING New Practices for Education

Culturally relevant pedagogy of mother tongue coupled with cultural education mean a new practice for the Haitian education system. Creole mother tongue instruction impacts learning by legitimizing the language to become a tool for development. Cultural focus on education impacts learning by expanding the mind to further learning, knowledge sharing, and creative application of learning in everyday life. But together, both approaches represent the educational reform that Haiti needs. At LKM, the practice of both approaches underline two elements necessary for a reform in the Haitian education system: children rights and community learning.

Each element improves the learning environment.

The Practice of Children Rights

Children rights begin with the acknowledgment that all children have rights to education, to mother tongue education, and to cultural education (UN General Assembly Commission,

1989). Rights grant privileges to individuals, but also come with expectations for those individuals. This concept of rights does not escape the LKM’s practices of children rights. LKM respects children’s rights and in return the students show maturity. For example, LKM respects children rights to self-expression and the children know how to speak up and how to listen.

Every morning the children and their teacher hold a meeting in a circle to talk about what pleased them and what did not please them the day before. They take turn sharing and listening to others stories. This is an example of granting children their rights to self-express and in return having them show their maturity. I have noticed that LKM teaches this concept particularly through non-violence and respect for others.

By the practice of non-violence, LKM students are never hit and never suffer inhumane punishments, which is unfortunately not the case for most schools in Haiti. The types of 69 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING punishment administered by the school often include: staying after class, standing up for a few minutes, stepping outside of the classroom circle. And the typical warnings to bring the students to order include writing the students names on the board or counting from 1 to 4 until they obey.

If the LKM teachers did revert to violence, perhaps the school would have not achieved its current positive learning outcomes. After all, the psychosocial development and learning experience of children thrive on positive relationships and supportive environments (Andrews,

2016 & Coppersmith, 1967). An observation of the 6th grade class, on Jan 13 just a little before

9:30 AM, attests of this.

It’s time for Creole Communication. The children leave the circle to grab their books

from their bookbags hung by the tables. They are talking to each and playing with each

other. They come back to the circle and the chatter is still going on. Gypsot quietly raises

his hands for a couple of seconds. Once the students notice him, they slowly start to raise

their hands too and stop talking. It does not take a long time before all of them have their

hands up and the classroom becomes quiet. I join in the circle and sit next to Daniela. I

ask her quietly what just happened. She explains that Gypsot raised his hand to be seen or

acknowledged. When the students raise their hands too it means that they see or

acknowledge him. It’s a non-violent way of asking for attention and receive attention.

The LKM teachers stress the importance of being acknowledged without raising the voice and the children are receptive to it. One can be seen and heard without being loud. Violence is common in Haiti, as it is often the case of an oppressed people (Fanon, 1961). Fortunately, LKM students are learning a different mentality, to not give in to violence. Instead, they are learning in their school constructive ways to communicate. 70 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING The LKM children also learn constructive ways to resolve conflicts through the practice of respect for others. I witnessed the 6th graders resolve a conflict between themselves and the sport teacher on two different days of class observation. The first observation happened on Jan

12 around 8:30 am:

It’s time for sports. Valerie the sport teacher comes in. She greets the class and stands in

front by the board. The students do not seem to engaged. She asks them about their

winter break, but no one volunteers an answer. There are some mumbles, but no real

answers. She asks them again to encourage them to talk. Since no one answers, she says

never mind then walks out of the class. Gypsot gets in front of the class and starts to tell

them about the theory and practice of sports. He tells them that they are both important.

He tells them that today Valencia wanted to teach them about the theory of soccer,

because there is more to the soccer than just passing the ball around. He calmly told them

that they were wrong for being rude to Valerie while she planned to teach them

something valuable. He also tells them to not complain when Valerie gives them a poor

participation grade for sports.

Gypsot did not raise his voice to scold the children for their bad behavior. He calmly and wisely taught them a new principle to show them their error. I thought that the incident was resolved through this teaching of non-violence. But when I returned the 6th grade class for another observation on Jan 16 around 10:30 AM, there was a final resolution of the incident:

It’s recess. Most of the students are outside of the classroom. But a group of them are

bunched up at a table. I say hi and peek to see what they were doing. One of the girls is

writing and another tells me that it is an apology letter for Valerie. She says that it was 71 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING their idea and their teacher as well as the primary school director encouraged them to do

it. One person will deliver the letter to Valerie after class.

Because the children have rights at LKM, they are allowed to be children who sometimes disrupting class with chatters and other times behaving rudely. However, through the practice of non-violence and respect for others, they learn to express themselves while listening to others and to constructively resolve conflicts (Andrews, 2016 & Coppersmith, 1967). For the general reform of the Haitian education system, children’s right is an important practice to follow. The best learning outcomes will come from Haitian children attending schools that teach non- violence and schools that promote respect for others.

The Practice of Community Learning

Significant reform in the Haitian education system starts with community learning. The attempted national educational reforms in the past never reached the desired effect because they undertook too much at once. The bottom up approach used by LKM, starting small with new practices in education has been successful (Benson, 2004). New practices for educational reform in small communities like Matènwa are ideal for two reasons. One, it is easier to assess local needs in smaller communities. Two, it is easier to challenge institutions and community relations in smaller communities.

Local needs. The children’s needs are relevant in learning because they are fundamental to their state of mind and quality of life. And their needs often cycle through their learning abilities. The hegemony of French in the school system is not the only factor keeping the Haitian children from reaching their potential. For example, children living in poverty may face hunger, which affects their health and keeps them from school (Hebblethwaite, 2012). Such cycles exist everywhere, but in small communities like Matènwa, they are more frequent and more 72 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING noticeable. Therefore, small communities are the best places to break those cycles. Many of the

LKM students come from poor families with food scarcity and limited access to .

LKM understands these cycles and as community school stands ready to assist students and their families, by providing one daily meal to each of them and access to a school infirmary. The school relies on the health and environment director, Magloir, who manages the children’s basic needs. On January 11, after the flag raising chant in the school yard at 7:30 AM, I observed

Magloir addressing the entire primary school about health. With a jovial demeanor, he walked among the students, reminding them that sunlight is the best medicine that nature can offer them and to take advantage of it. From that day, every time that I was in a classroom to observe in the morning, he came in to find out who already ate breakfast at the school and who still need their meal at recess. Or he sent a kitchen staff to keep track of the students who still need a meal. The students were reminded daily to come at least twenty minutes before school starts in order to eat before they start learning. Most schools in Haiti do not have a system in place and a properly allocated budget to feed and give medical care to students free of charge. This bottom up approach seems to have the right effect on learning at LKM, because on a bigger scale the students perform well academically since they are not hungry.

Community relations. Also, from a bottom up approach, more stakeholders have the opportunity to voice their opinion on the reforms that affects them. In small community like

Matènwa, the stakeholders are the students, their parents, LKM, and other members of the community. Because the community is small, the relation between these stakeholders is more personal and the communication lines are more opened. Therefore, it is easier in small communities to adopt and challenge practices for reform. The likelihood of one group oppressing another is also reduced. 73 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING During my interview with Kenny, he said “If a person comes here for the first time, it’s hard to tell apart teachers, leaders, cleaning staffs. It’s a system where we are all one and not bound by titles”. He was right. LKM has no religious affiliations and no division of or race. The children wore uniform Monday through Wednesday and wore their humble clothes the rest of the week. Most of the women wrapped their hair in scarves in the typical local fashion with no distinction of rank or status. The school directors and the employees and staff seemed to all respect each other. There was a sense of equality at LKM and it was because the school feels like one community.

I asked Abner during our interview how do LKM and the community maintain a good union? This was his answer:

This union started ever since we chose this land to build the school. We rallied the

community to let them know that we want to build a school in this special way. We asked

them if they wanted it. There are other schools in Matènwa, but we promised them an

education where the students would be encouraged to develop themselves instead of

sponging everything from the teachers, memorizing lessons that they do not understand.

They might not have been able to visualize everything that we shared with them, but we

convinced them through our leadership. We have never cut ties with the community. We

always assemble with them as a community about everything that the school is up to.

Some of our first students are now working in the in the school, so this reassures the

community. We have never lied to them and they are comfortable with us. We don’t keep

secrets from them. We delivered on our promises. We never promised that we were going

to get to this level. But we promised to non-violence and a new way of leaning. In fact, 74 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING we exceeded their expectations by the many more things that we accomplished. We’ve

never disappointed the community.

Communication and trust are key to the relation between the community and the institution. On a bigger scale, reforms are possible when there is a positive relation between the stakeholders and the system. Often, those in charge do not perceive their leadership tactics as oppressive and sometimes mean well even when their processes are oppressive (Freire, 2005).

Hence the importance of communication and good rapport between communities and institutions.

The practice of children’s right is an asset in learning and both approaches to the practice of community learning are ideal for a small community like Matènwa. Upholding both practices,

LKM has made significant progress in the education reform particularly because of effective bottom up approach. But the same concepts can be applied on large scale reforms. The education reform that needs to in Haiti should start in small communities but also needs to go national.

Hope

A Haitian education for Haitians children is the best hope for the future of Haiti. This is the most essential finding of this research. Generations of children have consistently been denied the opportunity to develop their Haitian identity while learning in the current education system.

By delegitimizing the Creole language in schools, ever since independence, the education system has operated as a mold to cast the nation and its citizens in illiteracy, doubt, and violence (Dorff,

& Wilentz, 1989; Lundahl, 1991; Philippe, 2011). LKM is changing this negative rhetoric, by exemplifying the mother tongue L1 to L2 approach, the use of culturally relevant pedagogy, and new practice for reform in the education system. Instead the new change in Haitian learning 75 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING rhetoric is about hope. Many in La Gonave and the rest of Haiti have started to adopt this new hope and hold on to it. Hope is an optimism for better outcome (Brookfield & Preskill, 2009).

Therefore, there is hope that a better system in which children, who are the future of Haiti, can develop their Haitian identity through learning and develop the country. Teachers, directors, and parents of LKM students, and even the government all had hope that the children through their education can ameliorate the future.

At the end of our interview, Kenny shared with me his hope for the future of mother tongue education in Haiti.

Now almost all of the schools in La Gonave are training at our institute to learn the

technics of mother tongue education. I feel that in 2, 3, 5, 10, 20 years Creole will

become the language of instruction in all school in all 10 .

Kenny, who sees the benefits of Haitian Creole mother tongue instructions teaching 5th grade class, hopes that Haitians will be rightfully educated as Haitians. His optimism is high, but at the same time is grounded in transformation that he has seen the LKM children from 1st to 5th grade, one year before they transition out of primary school. Abner is also accountable for the development that the children undergo. His hope is that throughout their learning experience at

LKM, the children have acquired citizenship, as it is an important attribute for Haitians to serve

Haiti. He said this:

If a citizen does not love his community, that’s not good. A citizen must respect others,

laws, monuments. Participation in the community affairs and activities are also important.

We want to teach the students to be a community members and to respect the

environment and protect nature. Good citizens make sure that life is pleasant for others in

the community. Those values will always allow them to thrive. Without those values, 76 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING even with a lot money, they will lack purpose. A true citizen serves the country. Our

country’s are fleeing to Brazil or Chile for a better life. Even the educated ones are

leaving. They could stay to participate in the country’s development even when it’s hard.

But there is a lack citizenship. At LKM we would hope that the students become good

citizens. Citizenship doesn’t mean that everything will go well. A citizen must take risks

and make sacrifices.

Abner hopes that the school does its part in teaching the children well and in return the children will do their part to help the country. The parents in the small community of Matenwa also do their parts by raising their children to be good people even through hardship. I asked the parents present at the focus group what they hope for their children in the future. One mother said the following:

I want great things for my children when they are old. I want them to continue learning

and have success. That way I will see that all of my sacrifices were not in vain. I would

Daniela to become a nurse. Naturally she might want to become something else. But

that’s what I hope for.

The woman explained to me that she does not want her daughter to make money by becoming a nurse. But her daughter will also help a lot of people. It seems that even the government shares an optimism about the influence of LKM on the learning in Haiti. Abner explained how the school has been recognized by the ministry of education.

The minister of education awarded us a Blue Label, as one of the top model schools in

the country for our Innovation in Pedagogy. In all of Haiti, we were one of only 4 schools

to receive this honor. The minster did not just hand us the award. It was after we

presented about what we do at Quisqueya university in Port-au-Prince and 77 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING university in Cap-Haitian. Internationally we always have partners who want to help us

develop our technics. We always learn from them and they learn from us. Just like what

you are doing here with this research. We welcome new ways to grow. We also learn

from all of or visits in other schools in Haiti.

I discovered during the research that LKM is aware of it influential position in the

Haitian education reform, but LKM is also cognizant of its responsibility is leading the reform through continued innovation practices and hope. Hope is particularly an important notion for a formerly colonized country like Haiti that is in many ways always attempting to assert her identity. For the most parts, Haitians know who they are. But it is hard to come through because of the various subjugations in her way. However, it is the oppressed who have the power to drive change, as the oppressor has too much to lose from change (Freire, 2005). It is up to the Haitian students, teachers, and parents to speak up against education inequality set by the system that oppresses them. It is up to them to embrace mother tongue instruction and culturally relevant pedagogical methods in learning as tools for self-identity and development in Haiti.

Conclusion

To culminate the research findings, I conclude this chapter with three statements. Creole learning is the way to development in Haiti. Mother tongue instruction alone is no sustainable without the inclusion of culture. Reform in the Haitian education system needs to start with culturally relevant pedagogy and continue with the practice of non-violence and positive learning environments.

78 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Chapter 5: Discussion

Implications

How does culturally relevant pedagogy focused on mother tongue instruction and cultural awareness impact learning at LKM? And how does this model impact identity development in

Haitian children? The answer to these questions have implications for LKM, the participants in the research, and learning in Haiti in general. LKM which stands as a leader for mother tongue instruction and cultural awareness in learning should feel accomplished in its mission. The literacy competence, confidence, and empowerment that the school instills in the children with an opened mindedness toward learning confirm the success of the school. Furthermore, the legitimization of Haitian Creole and valorization of Haitian culture undertaken by LKM solidify the school’s commitment to educate Haitians for Haiti. That is why the academic wholesomeness and the Haitian integrity of the LKM learning model raise the bar for other schools that have stayed in the French hegemonic school system. But as LKM’s learning center institute engages in training other schools in La Gonave and the rest of Haiti, the case for mother tongue and culture together in learning will reach other schools.

With a culturally relevant pedagogical method and smart practices grounded in community learning, LKM is an example for reform in the Haitian education system. The research findings that lead me to this conclusion underline the necessity for educational reform in

Haiti starting with new practices. The example of LKM sets forth notable practices to follow such as the L1 to L2 mother approach, the adherence to culture, the prevalence of children’s rights. The example of LKM also supports the challenge and innovation of practices for learning in the Haitian education system. 79 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Just like LKM is an example of new educational practice for La Gonave and Haiti, I find that the research participants have the responsibilities to exemplify the school’s philosophy.

Right now, the LKM children are receiving an education that empowers them with a Haitian identity and expands their minds to learning and knowledge sharing. In the future, the hope is for them to contribute to the amelioration of the current education system and the development of

Haiti, but especially their communities. The parents also have the responsibility to exemplify

LKM’s philosophy as they support and approve of the school’s teaching model for their children.

Their example of support for the school’s values that are aligned with their own home values will impact their children and other community members. This implication is particularly important because a success reform needs the full support of its stakeholders. And finally, the implication for LKM teachers is the necessity for continuous training. The competence and performance of

LKM’s children are high because of the teachers’ visions and training expertise. Without these attributes LKM would not be a leader for innovation in Haitian learning. This research findings’ implication for schools in Haiti and other formerly colonized multilingual countries is to acknowledge that the practice of culturally relevant pedagogy emphasizing both mother tongue instruction and cultural awareness is the way to national identity development leading to development in country. Acknowledgement of this learning model also implies that the children’s rights are at the core of learning.

Recommendations

I make one recommendation to LKM for two reasons. The first reason is because LKM follows the L1 to L2 approach to mother tongue education, meaning that the children should gradually start French literacy in the 4th grade after literacy competence in Haitian Creole. The 80 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING second reason is because in Haiti the stigma associated with not speaking French lead many to fear the language. After my observations in the 6th grade, the transitioning grade to secondary school, the children’s competence in French literacy is low and they do not feel comfortable speaking French. In order to get them ready for French literacy competence after the 4th grade and comfortable with conversational French, my recommendation to LKM is engage the primary school children in fun activities to help them learn French as a foreign or second language outside of school hours. These extracurricular activities would be possible since many of the children reside in the Matènwa community or nearby. LKM could arrange the activities on weekends or during breaks for the children to increase their exposure to the French language while also making it less intimidating. Watching French cartoons may not be a good idea, as the children should experience more of Haitian culture and less hegemonic foreign culture. A recommended activity is performing comic skits in French about different topics in a Haitian context. The children are already accustomed to performing skits every Thursdays for the big circle meetings. It would be a good starting point for them. Furthermore, performing skits would still help them practice creative processes and critical thinking.

My recommendations for the community is for the parents to stay engaged in their children’s learning experience. Even if parents are not literate themselves, there is so much knowledge that they can proudly share with their children about the Creole culture. This is already an occurrence in Matènwa, as the community and the school are united and collaborate to impart Creole culture to the children. However, the parents must never falter in their candor in communicating with the children and LKM.

Lastly, my recommendation to Haiti is to welcome the legitimization of Creole. As a country, a reform in education is needed to give Creole its rightful place in education. More 81 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING culturally relevant pedagogical methods are also needed for reform. I recommend schools near and far from LKM to all participate in the seminars offered by the community learning center institute in Matènwa. If not, to engage regularly in mother tongue and teacher trainings nonetheless.

Limitations

The first limitation to this research was the bias present in the relationship between LKM and the community as a benefactor and a population vulnerable to poverty. LKM feeds the children and only charges a small participation fee as tuition, which relieves the parents of a financial burden. During the focus group, all the parents acknowledged and praised the school as a life saver for the community. Their affinity to the school may have kept them form fully expressing what changes or improvements they would like to see from LKM.

The second limitation to this research was the amount of time spent in the field. Two months living with a host family in the community and regularly being on the school’s ground gave me a significant exposure to LKM’s culture and the participant’s reality. However, extending the research stay would have allowed the participants and myself more time to develop closer relationships making the observations, interviews, and focus group more candid. Another limitation due to the lack time in the field was not interviewing any secondary school students.

While in Matènwa, I felt that interviewing some of the LKM teenagers would have been a fitting way to assess the identity development of the children after primary school. But on the day that I wanted to interview a 12th grader, I held the focus group that I had to reschedule for that day.

Eventually, I had an informal 30-minute conversation with the students, which gave me some 82 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING insight. Nonetheless, having more time to interview or observe some secondary school students would have been beneficial.

Future Research

The development of Haitian identity is one theme that emerged in the research data, so automatically I thought about what Haitian means for students after they graduate from LKM.

Even sooner than that, I thought about the secondary school students and their development of

Haitian identity. I had many unscripted conversations with several of the teenagers at the school and befriended some. Due to their age and the proximity to graduation, many of them had interesting outlook on mother tongue and Creole culture that would be beneficial to research. A follow up study would be the impact of culturally relevant pedagogy focused on bilingual instructions and cultural awareness on LKM secondary school students. I would engage in similar research to this one using observations, interviews, and focus groups to track the identity development throughout secondary school. Then, I would assess how they fully attain Haitian identity before starting their lives as Haitian citizens. Another approach could be a longitudinal research from the last year of secondary school to a couple of years after graduation to understand the impact of culturally relevant learning on the literacy competence, Haitian identity, and career potentials of LKM graduates.

Learning objectives

This research was the perfect scenario to exercise all of the seven standards of learning outlined in the Westminster MACL program. I went to Matènwa as a leader in my field to research the impact of the Creole language and Creole culture on learning, but I learned the most 83 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING by collaborating with the local experts. I was able to explore this side of education in Haiti while making connection on a global scale. I learned to communicate beyond linguistics or academics, by connecting with the participants on interpersonal levels. I was my own project manager as I scheduled meetings, followed up with individuals, wrote reports, and such. Also I pushed myself to develop analytical thinking skills to undertake this research and produce this master’s thesis.

This research has given me the foundation for a career in language learning education and a doctorate degree in anthropology in the future.

Personal Impact

This thesis is more than just the capstone of my research project; it is also the capstone of my two years in the MACL program that was life changing. I started the program with a desire to change my career and my life around by becoming a student and an international community leader. Once I decided that educational inequality was my focus, I began to assume the role of a leader in my field in my immediate Salt Lake community by teaching basic English literacy to immigrants. Then I traveled to Haiti to narrow down my topic to mother tongue and culture in learning in Haiti; I traveled for a seminar in Guatemala to understand my topic on a global scale;

I even trained myself with the help of to learn academic writing in order to produce this thesis. During the two years, I walked away from financial and personal opportunities to grow into the researcher and leader who I aspired to be. In return, I have earned the irreplaceable experience of living in Matènwa and collaborating with LKM and the participants to research a topic that I am now ready to advocate for. In the process, I have become more attached to my

Haitian culture and I developed tremendous respect for individuals like myself who are dedicated 84 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING to the education of the next generation of Haitians. I found my role as a contributor to the legitimization of Creole language and Creole culture in Haiti.

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Westminster College Institutional Review Board (IRB) For the Protection of Human Subjects

Form B Consent Form for Adults

Before agreeing to participate in this study, it is important that the following explanation of the proposed procedures be read and understood. It describes the purpose, procedures, benefits and risks of the study. It also describes alternative procedures available and the right to withdraw from the study at any time. It is important to understand that no guarantee or assurance can be made as to the results. See below.

You have been invited to participate in a research study, the purpose of which is to understand how using Creole as the language of instruction and respect for the local Creole culture impact leaning in Lekòl Kominote Matènwa. The study is called Kréyol Pale, Kréyol Konpran.

As an adult participant in this research, you are invited to participate in either an interview or a focus group. The interviews and focus groups will last 1 hour and will be audio recorded. Your name will be kept confidential. The research findings study will be published in a masters’ thesis available at Westminster College library.

The duration of the study is expected to be 2 months, from January 2017 to February 2017. You will be notified of any significant variance from the stated duration of the study.

Benefits that may occur from participation in this study have been identified as being part of study that promotes Creole mother tongue and Creole Culture in leaning.

Projects for which there are no or minimal foreseeable risks: There are no foreseeable side risks associated with this project. However, some side effects/risks may be unforeseeable.

Your participation in this study is entirely voluntary, and you may withdraw from the study any time you wish without any penalty to you.

If you have any questions about this study or wish to withdraw, please contact:

Principal Investigator: Rachele Delva Phone:

If you have any questions regarding your rights as a research participant, please contact:

Chair of IRB: Cheryl Steadman Phone:

All personally identifiable study data will be kept confidential. However, the results of this study may be made available to you upon request or used in formal publications or presentations.

If you feel that you have received a satisfactory explanation as to the risks and benefits of this study as well as your rights as a research participant and you would like to participate, please sign and date below. You will be given a copy of this form for your records.

Signature of Subject Date

98 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING

Signature of Investigator Date

99 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Appendix B

Westminster College Institutional Review Board (IRB) For the Protection of Human Subjects

Form D Parent/Guardian Permission Form Research Involving Minors (under age 18)

Before agreeing to participate in this study, it is important that the following explanation of the proposed procedures be read and understood. It describes the purpose, procedures, benefits and risks of the study. It also describes alternative procedures available and the right to withdraw from the study at any time. It is important to understand that no guarantee or assurance can be made as to the results. It is also understood that refusal to participate in this study will not result in negative consequences for you or your child.

Your child is being asked to participate in a research study, the purpose of which is to understand how using Creole as the language of instruction and respect for the local Creole culture impact leaning in Lekòl Kominote Matènwa. The study is called Kréyol Pale, Kréyol Konpran.

As a parent, please be notified that the investigator, Rachele Delva, will engage in classroom observation and may interact with your child. The classroom observation will be documented in writing. Your child’s identity will be protected. Your child may also be video recorded if she/he chooses to participate in a video project for the research. The research finding will be published in a masters’ thesis available at Westminster College library.

The duration of the study is expected to be 2 months, from January 2017 to February 2017. You will be notified of any significant variance from the stated duration of the study.

Possible benefits that your child might realize from participation in this study have been identified as being part of study that promotes Creole mother tongue and Creole Culture in leaning.

Projects for which there are no or minimal foreseeable risks: There are no foreseeable side effects/ risks associated with this project. However, some side effects/risks may be unforeseeable.

Your child's participation in this study is entirely voluntary, and he/she may withdraw from the study any time he/she wishes.

The contact person, should your child wish to withdraw from the study or should you or your child have questions about the study, is:

Principal Investigator: Rachele Delva Phone:

If you have any questions regarding your child’s rights as a research participant, please contact:

Chair of IRB: Cheryl Steadman Phone:

All personally identifiable study data will be kept confidential. However, the results of this study may be made available to you upon request or used in formal publications or presentations.

100 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING

If the risks and benefits associated with this study have been explained to your satisfaction, as well as your child’s rights as a research participant, and you wish to allow your child to participate, please sign and date this form where indicated. You will be provided a copy of this form for your records.

Signature of Parent/Guardian Date

Signature of Witness Date

Signature of Primary Investigator Date

101 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Appendix C

Westminster College Institutional Review Board (IRB) For the Protection of Human Subjects

Form E Assent Form for Minors

You have been asked to participate in a research study called: Kréyol Pale, Kréyol Konpran. The study has been explained to you by: your teachers, your parents, and Rachele Delva

You don’t have to participate if you don’t want to, and you can quit at any time. All of your information will be kept private.

If you want to participate, please sign your name below and write the date next to your name.

Signature of Participant Date

Signature of Witness Date

Signature of Investigator Date

102 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Appendix D

Interview Guide for Teachers 1- Tell me why you became a teacher.

2- Tell me about your training as a teacher.

3- Have you taught in other schools before coming to LKM? How have your experiences differed between these institutions?

4- What do you think should be the ideal learning experience for children?

5- Walk me through the learning model of LKM.

6- How do the children engage with you? With one another?

7- What is a typical day in your class like?

8- What do you think the role of Creole should be in Haitian schools?

9- Do you believe that there is a benefit to being literate in one language before learning a second language? If yes, why? If no, why not?

10- How do you envision the future of education in Haiti?

103 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING

Appendix E Interview Guide for Director 1-What has been your experience with education prior to LKM? 2-Share with me briefly how LKM started? 3-Define for me your role in the school administration. 4-I’m researching how respect for the local culture impacts learning at LKM. What do you think is the role of culture in education? 5-What values do you want to come across the most in the cultural education that students are receiving? Why? For example, indigenous values, Creole values, la vida campesina. 6-This question will lead to another segment. I have theories of my own. But I would like you to tell me what is the purpose of the morning meetings or big circle meaning? 7-What do you think is the role of community in education? 8-I have noticed that the Matènwa community and the LKM community is one. How does this union happen? 9-Another aspect of the school’s culture that I noticed is citizenship. Tell me more about that. 10-What vision do you have for the students beyond LKM as Haitians in Haiti? 11-What would you say to anyone who would say that what is being done here at LKM is a utopia?

104 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Appendix F

Focus Group Questions for Parents

1- What influenced your decision to enroll your child at LKM?

2- How do you compare LKM to other schools on the island?

3- Do all your children go to LKM?

4- How do you feel about your child learning in her/his mother tongue?

5- Do you want your child to speak French? Why does it or does it not matter?

6- LKM teaches your child the theory of nonviolence, the important their cultural heritage,

and the ways to be engaged in a community. What is your reaction to that?

7- What is your dream for your child’s future?

8- What is your confidence in LKM to make this dream come true?

105 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING Appendix G

Recruitment Script

Script 1

Good morning madame or monsieur

My name is Rachele Delva. I am student from the united stated. I am doing a master’s degree. I am doing a research to understand how mother education helps the students at LKM. I am also trying to understand how the cultural education they receive here at LKM is helping them find their Haitian identity. I met your child at the school this morning when I observing in the classrooms. I would like to particularly observe how your child is learning based on the things I just mentioned to you. I would take notes during my observations and use them to write a paper.

I would keep your child’s identity confidential. Your child would not be any danger participating in this research. Do you agree for me to have your child be a participant?

I also want to interview parents for my research. I want to know what is your opinion on the

LKM model of learning and how it is impacting your child. What we talk about would be kept confidential and I would not use your real name. Would you like to have a 30-minute interview with me in 3 weeks to talk about it?

Thank you.

Script 2

Good morning teacher 106 HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING My name is Rachele Delva. I am student from the united stated. I am doing a master’s degree. I am doing a research to understand how mother education helps the students at LKM. I am also trying to understand how the cultural education they receive here at LKM is helping them find their Haitian identity. After doing observations in your class for 2 weeks, I would like to interview you for 30 minutes to learn from you. I would use the things you tell confidential and I would not use your real name. But I would use parts of what you tell in a paper that I am writing.

Would you like to let me interview you in 3 weeks?

Thank you.

APPROVAL of a thesis/project submitted by

Author(s): Rachele Delva School Department: MACL Title of Thesis: “KREYÒL PALE, KREYÒL KONPRANNâ€​: HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING IN MATÉNWA, HAITI The above named master's thesis/project has been read by each member of the supervisory committee and has been found to be satisfactory regarding content, English usage, format, citations, bibliographic style, and consistency, and is ready to be deposited and displayed in the Westminster College—Institutional Repository. Chairperson, Supervisory Committee: Jamie Joanou Approved On 5/8/2017 1:57:56 PM Dean, School: Dr. Melanie Agnew Approved On 5/21/2017 11:05:11 AM STATEMENT OF PERMISSION TO DEPOSIT & DISPLAY THESIS IN THE INSTITUTIONAL REPOSITORY

Name of Author(s): Rachele Delva School Department: MACL Title of Thesis: “KREYÒL PALE, KREYÒL KONPRANNâ€​: HAITIAN IDENTITY AND CREOLE MOTHER TONGUE LEARNING IN MATÉNWA, HAITI With permission from the author(s), the staff of the Giovale Library of Westminster College has the right to deposit and display an electronic copy of the above named thesis in its Institutional Repository for educational purposes only. I hereby give my permission to the staff of the Giovale Library of Westminster College to deposit and display as described the above named thesis. I retain ownership rights to my work, including the right to use it in future works such as articles or a book. Submitted by the Author(s) on 5/8/2017 1:33:33 PM

The above duplication and deposit rights may be terminated by the author(s) at any time by notifying the Director of the Giovale Library in writing that permission is withdrawn.