DOCSLIB.ORG

The EU and Africa: Coming Together at Last?

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The EU and Africa: Coming Together at Last? Policy Brief July 2007 The King Baudouin Foundation and Compagnia di San Paolo are strategic partners of the European Policy Centre The EU and Africa: coming together at last? By John Kotsopoulos Background It is only two short years since Tony countries. Is it doing enough to increasingly being placed on Blair declared that 2005 would be make the most of the opportunities the relationship? the “Year of Africa”. It was the Africa has to offer and successfully culmination of a process that saw confront the challenges it poses? What is needed is a genuine the continent return to the top of the Or is it in danger of missing the partnership, based on shared international agenda after years of boat, leaving a vacuum which goals, clarity and transparency. relative neglect – a victim of the others – starting with China – are The EU-Africa Summit planned risk-aversion and general apathy already rushing to fill? for December (only the second-ever of a Western world first basking in and the first in seven years) could the post-Cold War ‘peace dividend’, The EU is indeed well-placed to go a long way towards achieving then hit by the terrorist threat. capitalise on the opportunities now that goal by launching the proposed opening up. Africa presents it with a EU-Africa Joint Strategy – the The scale of the economic, unique chance to further improve its culmination of a year of consultation governance and security challenges own external relations’ capacity and in both continents. in Africa has prompted Western coherence, and play a constructive governments and organisations to role as a power in the region. Developing ties renew and bolster their commitments to the region. This also reflects a However, it takes two to tango and Although the EU-Africa relationship shift in Western priorities, especially it will also be up to Africa – under stems back to the very beginnings since the September 11 2001 terrorist the auspices of its own evolving of the European Community, it attacks, with a greater focus on multilateral institutions (particularly has changed over time, reflecting the nexus between security and the African Union, AU) and with changes in the geo-political development. In an age when leadership from major regional climate, the emergence of security of supply has become a players such as South Africa – to independence movements major issue, Africa’s abundance ensure its relationship with the EU on the African continent, and of natural resources is also fuelling is both meaningful and fruitful. advances in European integration. Western – and non-Western – engagement in the region. Portugal has identified EU-Africa As it did in virtually every part of relations (with a formal focus on the world, the Cold War played itself In this mix stands the European sub-Saharan Africa) as one of the out in Africa too. Both superpowers Union, which has had special top priorities for its six-month EU and their respective supporters ties with Africa since its inception Presidency, as it did in 2000. How attempted to curry favour in the and includes within its ranks can both sides capitalise on the region and did not hesitate to former colonial powers with long attention currently focused on the support African governments – good relationships with individual African continent and meet the expectations or bad – which aligned themselves accordingly. This Cold War ‘by integration. The European from an expectations-capability gap, proxy’ had serious consequences, Commission’s early steps as an with European demands clashing directly fuelling many conflicts external actor were directed towards with a lack of African capacity or during the 1970s and 1980s Africa, with the EU eventually willingness (at times) to meet them, (for example, in Angola and playing a key role in areas such as and vice versa. Mozambique). aid and trade, culminating in a series of privileged agreements such as the Some also argue that agreements The rise of independence movements Yaoundé Conventions (1964-1975), between the EU and the African, throughout the African continent the Lomé Convention (1976-2000) Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) also had a significant impact on the and the 2001 Cotonou Agreement. bloc have served to retrench and relationship between Europe and maintain European interests, since Africa during this period, although However, while the nature of the the sacrifices involved are more old colonial relationships persisted, relationship has evolved over time, onerous for Africa than for the EU. with major powers such as the UK critics argue that the changes have This is underlined by trade figures and France retaining spheres of not been mutually beneficial. showing that while the EU accounts interest corresponding to their for 75% of sub-Saharan Africa’s former colonial ‘holdings’. Despite a consistent emphasis on trade, Africa is an increasingly “partnership” and EU declarations marginal market for both EU All of this coincided with the about a post-colonial relationship, exports and imports – let alone accelerating pace of European EU-Africa ties have often suffered direct investments. State of play Lately, a combination of internal The 2005 UN World Summit has, however, taken a significant and external factors has put Africa explicitly inter-linked development step towards achieving the latter squarely back on the European and security, citing human security by drawing up a joint Council- agenda: the security-development principles such as freedom from fear Commission “European Consensus nexus, changes within both the and want. The G8 has picked up for Development” to serve as EU and AU, new international on this theme, most notably at the a code of conduct in applying development commitments, Gleneagles meeting, also in 2005, the Declaration. increasing competition from which sought to put Africa “back” on countries such as China, and the international agenda and at the Africa’s importance as an alternative the growing focus on natural June 2007 Heiligendamm Summit. to the volatile Middle East as a resources and energy security. source of energy and raw materials is Two other international agreements making fruitful cooperation between There is now an acceptance have also had a significant impact the EU and Africa even more urgent, in the developed world that, as on EU-Africa relations: the UN especially given the rise of China former United Nations Secretary- Millennium Development Goals, as a major player on the continent. General Kofi Annan eloquently which commit signatories to meet put it: “We will not enjoy eight development targets by 2015 The Chinese presence is growing development without security, (individual EU Member States have, rapidly, with direct investment in we will not enjoy security without for example, pledged to spend 0.7% Africa easily surpassing €1 billion in development, and we will not of GNP on aid each year, doubling 2006 – with most of this poured into enjoy either without respect for the current average of 0.34%); natural resources. A €3.6 billion-plus human rights.” and the 2005 Paris Declaration on China-Africa Development Fund was effective development aid and launched in November 2006 and While this linking of security coordination agreed under the Asia is now Africa’s third largest and development has widened auspices of the OECD/Development trading partner after the EU and the the range of issues deemed ripe Assistance Committee (DAC). US. But China has been strongly for cooperation, it has also criticised for being ‘less scrupulous’ emboldened donor countries to The Union as a whole has a long way about dealing with repressive or be less reticent about attaching to go to achieve the aid target set by corrupt regimes in the region and conditions to aid and trade with the former, with some countries, accused of using the Development Africa, aimed in particular at especially in the North, already Fund to help Chinese enterprises in encouraging good governance exceeding it but many, notably in Africa rather than providing untied and democracy. the South, lagging well behind. It aid to the continent. The US has also entered the ‘race’ The AU was established in 2001 as importance by attending its annual for resources, with some experts a successor to the Organisation of summit in Ghana. Heads of predicting that it will import more African Unity (OAU) and the African Government are due to meet oil from Africa than from the entire Economic Community. The use of at the EU-Africa Summit in Lisbon Middle East in the next decade. The the term “Union” in its title is in December 2007. In addition, a US is also seeking to establish a indicative of the AU’s ambition – ‘double-hatted’ EU Special unified military command centre and it is more than just talk. Representative to the AU for the region, dubbed “Africom”. (representing the Council and Progress has been made towards Commission) will be appointed soon. Developments at the World Trade establishing an African Peer Review Organization have prompted Mechanism (APRM), an African Changes in the Commission’s changes in EU-Africa relations, with Court of Justice, and a Peace and internal organisation have also had special preferential arrangements Security Council, and on integrating an impact on the relationship, with, (such as for sugar and bananas) that the 2001 New Partnership for for example, responsibility for ACP withstood decades of Yaoundé, Africa’s Development (NEPAD), trade moving from the Development Lomé and Cotonou Agreements which takes an ‘African-owned’ Directorate-General (DG) to DG falling foul of new global trade rules approach to development. The Trade, and political relations with and the now-orthodox principles of expanding scope of such initiatives the ACP from DG External Relations free trade arrangements. is slowly but surely making the AU to DG Development.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • ASC Infosheet Gabon
    ASCL Infosheet 46 Gabon at 60 Political history of French Congo as a colony in 1888. In 1904 it became a 1960 was the ‘Year of Africa’: many former colonies in separate French colony. In 1910 it became part of French Africa became politically independent. Of the seventeen Equatorial Africa. During the Second World War it was part colonies gaining independence in that year, Gabon was of the area of the Free French under General De Gaulle the fourteenth one: on August 17. Gabon had been a (see Figure 1 for a post-independence political timeline). French protectorate from 1862 onwards, and became part Figure 1: Political timeline of Gabon since independence Source: Encyclopaedia Britannica Politically, one of the most salient facts of Gabon’s in power continuously since then. Under Ali Ben Bongo, postcolonial history is the Bongo family dynasty that has Gabon has received international recognition for ruled it. After the death of the country’s first post- infrastructural investments as well as environmental independence president Léon M’ba in 1967, then Vice conservation and wildlife protection. Domestically, President Omar Bongo took power – only to relinquish it however, President Bongo has faced pressures and at his death 42 years later, in 2009. His political party, the protests, including a failed coup in January 2019. Parti Democratique Gabonais, ruled the resource-rich Moreover, since 2018 he has been plagued by the country as a single-party regime from 1968 until 1990, aftereffects of a stroke and rumours about his fitness for after which constitutional reforms introduced multi-party office.
    [Show full text]
  • Somalia: Turkey’S Pivot to Africa in the Context of Growing Inter-Imperialist Rivalries
    JOURNAL OF COMPARATIVE POLITICS 4 SOMALIA: TURKEY’S PIVOT TO AFRICA IN THE CONTEXT OF GROWING INTER-IMPERIALIST RIVALRIES Paul ANTONOPOULOS, Oliver VILLAR, Drew COTTLE and Aweis AHMED1 ……………………………………………………………….…………………………………………… With Somalia in the Midst of the worse faMine in decades, where the international coMMunity failed to delivery to the country, Turkey effectively responded to the crisis. This was in conjunction with significant developMent into the impoverished state. Although a sentiMent of brotherly relations dominates the rhetoric, the Turkish investment into Somalia represents a Turkish push into Africa. This can represent Turkey attempting to expand its sphere of influence and demonstrate its growing capabilities as a Middle power. With China Making significant inroads into the continent, particularly in neighbouring Djibouti and Ethiopia, is Turkey as a NATO Member attempting to block the Chinese pivot into Africa, or is it acting in its own self-interests? As resource security becoMes iMperative, the Horn of Africa only becoMes increasingly strategic, however, only Turkey has recognized the importance of Somalia in a changing world. Key words: Somalia; Turkey; Ethiopia; Djibouti; China. 1 INTRODUCTION With the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War One and after the signing of the Sykes–Picot Agreement, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk became the founding father of the Turkish Republic. Atatürk magnified Turkey’s turn to secularization and Westernization, drawing it into the Anglo-American orbit. Turkey was a bulwark for the Western containment of the Soviet Union on behalf of American interests in the Middle East. The United States enlisted Turkey to militarily contain the Soviets in the first years of the Cold War and in 1952, along with French Algeria, Turkey became the only non-Western member of NATO (Phillips 2010, 40).
    [Show full text]
  • PDF Report for Africa: Drivers of Change
    Africa – Drivers of Change Roger Williamson 1 Wilton Park serves as a British contribution to international understanding. Although it is partially financed by the United Kingdom’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office, Wilton Park enjoys academic freedom in determining the subjects of its conferences and in choosing speakers and participants. Its independence is guaranteed by a British Academic Council and by an International Advisory Council of Ambassadors and High Commissioners in London. Wilton Park conferences bring together people in positions of influence from many countries and from diverse professional backgrounds to examine major issues in international relations, including: European integration and security, US foreign and security policy, and transatlantic relations; Internal problems and foreign policies of the former Soviet Union and Central Europe, and prospects for the eastward enlargement of the European Union and NATO; Japan's economic and security relations with the US and Europe; Regional developments and problems in East, South-East and South Asia, the Middle East and North Africa, sub-Saharan and Southern Africa and Latin America; North-South relations and policies to deal with global issues such as arms proliferation, terrorism, trade, debt, economic development, the environment, migration, drugs and AIDS. Wilton Park Papers are substantive reports on the conferences. They draw on presentations made at the conference. All papers reflect the views of the authors and their personal interpretation of conference proceedings.
    [Show full text]
  • ASC Infosheet 35
    ASCL Infosheet 35 Somalia at 60 Political history British Somaliland became independent, followed by 1960 was the ‘Year of Africa’: many former colonies in Italian Somaliland on 1 July, immediately forming the Africa became politically independent. Of the Republic of Somalia (see Figure 1 for a political seventeen colonies gaining independence in that year, timeline). Somalia was the fourth one: on June 26th former Figure 1: Political timeline of Somalia since independence Somalia’s post-independence political landscape has governmental institutions. It has several strongly been fragile from its inception. The first decade autonomous regions, including Puntland and (1960s) was characterised by attempts to incorporate Somaliland in the north of the country, some of which Somali-dominated areas across its borders, in have declared independent statehood (although none particular in Ethiopia and Kenya. These efforts, are internationally recognised). however, proved infeasible, and sowed some of the seeds for subsequent instability by stimulating rebel Conflict, state fragility, and travel risks movements outside the country’s borders. Siad Barre Since the start of the civil war in Somalia around 1990, held the presidency of the country for 21 years, from Somalia has always been regarded as a ‘no-go area’ by 1969 to his violent overtrow in 1991 – which also the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and also marked the escalation of the Somali civil war that has currently, it is a ‘red zone’, meaning: “don’t travel”. characterised the country for close to 30 years. Barre This is also true for the northern area, the de-facto oversaw Somalia joining the Arab League in 1974 and independent Somaliland, a travel advice that is the brief but significant Ogaden war with Ethiopia in disputed in some circles.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction: 1960 – a Year of Destiny
    The South African liberation movements in exile, c. 1945-1970. Arianna Lissoni This thesis is submitted in part fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Ph.D at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, January 2008. ABSTRACT This thesis focuses on the reorganisation in exile of the African National Congress (ANC) and Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) of South Africa during the 1960s. The 1960s are generally regarded as a period of quiescence in the historiography of the South African liberation struggle. This study partially challenges such a view. It argues that although the 1960s witnessed the progressive silencing of all forms of opposition by the apartheid government in South Africa, this was also a difficult time of experimentation and change, during which the exiled liberation movements had to adjust to the dramatically altered conditions of struggle emerging in the post-Sharpeville context. The thesis traces the roots and early history of the international networks of solidarity between South Africa and Britain from the time of the 1945 Pan African Congress to the founding of the British Anti-Apartheid Movement in 1960. It proceeds to examine the first attempts by the South African liberation movements to set up an external presence through the South African United Front, the causes of its demise and its legacy in terms of future unity. The establishment of the external mission of the ANC, its activities, and its relationship with host African countries vis-à-vis that of the PAC are analysed in detail. The research then focuses on problems of representation emerging from the gradual take-over of the ANC external mission as the sole representative of the whole of the Congress Alliance as a result of the Rivonia raid and trial.
    [Show full text]
  • Decolonization and Revolution by Fabian Klose
    Decolonization and Revolution by Fabian Klose Decolonization is a central historical trend. Occurring in four broad phases from 1776 up to 1991, it has shaped the present-day global system of states through the release of revolutionary forces. The term "decolonization" refers to the process through which colonial rule dissolved, and it encompasses the various political, economic, cultural and social dimensions of this process both in the periphery and in the metropole. For more than 200 years, decolonization has linked the history of Europe with that of the other four continents in significant ways, and it continues to influence the relationship between the European continent and the rest of the world right up to the present. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction: Definition, Periodization and Models of Interpretation 2. The Atlantic Revolutions and American Independence (1776–1826) 3. The "White" Dominions and the Establishment of "Neo-Europes" (1839–1931) 4. The Anticolonial Revolution and the Dissolution of the European Colonial Empires (1914–1975) 5. The Collapse of the Soviet Empire as a Fourth Phase of Decolonization (1985–1991) 6. Summary 7. Appendix 1. Literature 2. Notes Indices Citation The future historian may regard as the greatest "revolution" of the twentieth century not Lenin's overthrow of the short-lived free regime in Russia in November 1917, but the less conspicuous […] and, yet, more far- reaching process which brought Europe's four hundred years old dominion of the globe to an end (Hans Kohn, October 1958).1 Introduction: Definition, Periodization and Models of Interpretation The term "decolonization" refers to the process whereby colonial rule dissolved in the periphery and in the metropole, with its various political, economic, cultural and social dimensions.2 The transfer of national sovereignty rights led to the emergence of new independent states, thereby permanently changing international relations and the global system of states.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey and Africa: a Rising Military Partnership?
    Turkey and Africa: A Rising Military Partnership? Karen Kaya and Jason Warner Synopsis: Like many other aspirant emerging countries such as China, Brazil, and India, since 2002, Turkey has unleashed a charm offensive in Africa, deepening bilateral ties with African states in the realms of economics, politics, and more notably, defense and security affairs. What implications does this ever-growing relationship between Turkey and Africa have for the U.S.? Where do Turkey’s interests in Africa converge with those of the U.S. and where do they diverge? Given that Turkey’s military and security interests and goals in Africa largely parallel those of the United States, the U.S. stands to benefit from the unique chance to partner with a Muslim ally whose presence in parts of Africa appears to be more welcome than those of other Western countries due to its a shared religion, cultural ties, and lack of imperial history. October 2012 The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. 1 Turkey and Africa: A Rising Military Partnership? Introduction Like many other aspirant emerging economies like China, Brazil, and Iran, since 2002 Turkey has unleashed a charm offensive in Africa. The 2011 African Economic Outlook Report, produced by the United Nations (UN), the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the African Development Bank, recently named Turkey
    [Show full text]
  • HSTR 291.01: Modern African History Gillian Beth Glaes University of Montana - Missoula, [email protected]
    University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Syllabi Course Syllabi 9-2014 HSTR 291.01: Modern African History Gillian Beth Glaes University of Montana - Missoula, [email protected] Let us know how access to this document benefits ouy . Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/syllabi Recommended Citation Glaes, Gillian Beth, "HSTR 291.01: Modern African History" (2014). Syllabi. 1382. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/syllabi/1382 This Syllabus is brought to you for free and open access by the Course Syllabi at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Syllabi by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 HSTR 291 Modern African History Fall 2014 Tuesdays and Thursdays, 12:40-2:00 p.m. Forestry 301 This course meets the ASCRC General Education requirement: X: Indigenous & Global Instructor's contact information: Professor Gillian Glaes History Department University of Montana-Missoula Office: Liberals Arts building 259 Email: [email protected] Mailbox : history department office (2nd floor/Liberal Arts building) Office hours: Tuesdays & Thursdays, 2:30-4:30 p.m. in Liberal Arts 259 (history department wing) I f you cannot meet with me during my office hours, please let me know and we can schedule an appointment. Methods of communication with students: • Moodle, email, in-class time, and individual conversations and meetings (although not necessarily in that order) • In your email messages, please include the course number and topic in the subject line. • Per official UM policy, please use your UM email account for email communications.
    [Show full text]
  • Decolonization Reconsidered: Rebirths, Continuities and Erasures
    Decolonization reconsidered: Rebirths, continuities and erasures RUTH GINIO and LYNN SCHLER The year 2010 marks the fiftieth anniversary of what was widely proclaimed the “Year of Africa,” when seventeen former colonies in Africa received their independence from European colonial rule. This benchmark has presented scholars with an important opportunity to reflect upon and reexamine the processes that led up to decolonization, and to reassess their long-term significance for both former colonies and former colonial powers. The recent engagement with the history and significance of decolonization stands in stark contrast to studies conducted shortly following the establishment of independent nation-states in former colonies, and it reveals the major paradigm shifts that have taken place in postcolonial studies over the last thirty years. Just as our conceptualization of colonialism has been broadened and deepened, so too has our current approach to decolonization reflected a reconsideration of the nature, timing and significance of what decolonization was and is, as well as a new appreciation for the limits and failures of decolonization as a process across time and place. This special issue of Hagar is devoted to recent innovations and trends in the study of decolonization from a broad range of geographical, historical and theoretical perspectives. Perhaps ironically, the passage of time since the end of colonial rule has seen the development of new perspectives that have in fact complicated rather than clarified our understanding of decolonization. Until the 1970s, the notion of decolonization signified a rather straightforward process for most scholars and researchers, a progression characterized by the formal end of colonial rule and the establishment of an independent state in a territory previously ruled by a European colonial power.
    [Show full text]
  • Vol. 32 - Gabon
    Marubeni Research Institute 2017/05/12 Sub -Saharan Report These re ports are by Mr. Ryota Kikkawa, an expatriate employee working in Johannesburg with a view across the region. Vol. 32 - Gabon May 11, 2017 I am Ryota Kikkawa and I will be writing the Sub-Saharan (Africa) Report from this point on (having exchanged places with Mr. Tsunemine in the Sub-Saharan Africa Desk). It is the first time for me to be involved with the sub-Saharan Africa region and its people, so I hope I can at least give you a view from a fresh perspective. The country to be introduced this time is Gabon, or the Gabonese Republic. Gabon is a central African country found directly under or on the equator, with the yellow stripe in the middle of their flag signifying the equator (note 1) (illustration 1) (table 1). Table 1: Country Information Illustration 1: The Gabonese Republic’s (Gabon) flag Gabon’s climate is hot and humid. It has a long rainy season running from September to May with the average temperature exceeding 30°C. Its capital is Libreville, a harbor city located on the Gulf of Guinea facing the Atlantic Ocean. Gabon has a population of around 1.8 million, however, due to infectious and other diseases life expectancy is short and as such has a very young population with the majority being under the age of 20. French is the official language of Gabon, while the main staple food is cassava which is said to have been brought to the country by the Portuguese.
    [Show full text]
  • ARTICLES 15. the CURRENT STATE of AFRICAN STUDIES in the SOVIET UNION* by V. Abramov LENIN'1 S THEORY of the NATIONAL-LIBERATION
    ARTICLES 15. THE CURRENT STATE OF AFRICAN STUDIES IN THE SOVIET UNION* by V. Abramov LENIN'1 S THEORY OF THE NATIONAL-LIBERATION REVOLUTIONS AND AFRICAN STUDIES IN THE USSR Ten years ago the African continent came into the limelight, i960 has become known as "the year of Africa”. The family of 10 Independent African states was joined by I? new members. Africa began firmly to march along the road of political independence. And now its voice is distinctly heard in the international arena. All over the world a keen interest has arisen in the events in Africa and in the causes of those events. In many countries numerous African research centres have been established which deal with the history, culture and economy of the African peoples. The Soviet Union is not an exception in this respect. But before telling you about the particular work of Soviet scholars in the field of African Studies, I would like to make some preliminary remarks about the character of research work in social studies in general. It is believed by certain circles of western research workers and intellectuals that social studies have nothing to do with politics. They consider the main and only task of any scholar to be that of gathering facts about certain events or phenomena and making them known to a wider public. Of course, there is some truth in this view, but it is not the whole truth. It is only one aspect of the problem. Another aspect is the need to examine and evaluate the causes and effects of the * Seminar Paper read at the Institute of African Studies.
    [Show full text]
  • Somalia: Turkey's Pivot to Africa In
    VOLUME 10, NUMBER 2, JULY 2017 SOMALIA: TURKEY’S PIVOT TO AFRICA IN THE CONTEXT OF GROWING INTER-IMPERIALIST RIVALRIES Paul ANTONOPOULOS, Oliver VILLAR, Drew COTTLE and Aweis AHMED ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… MAKING THE NATION GREAT AGAIN: TRUMPISM, EURO- SCEPTICISM AND THE SURGE OF POPULIST NATIONALISM Jarrel DE MATAS ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………... SLOVENIAN E-GOVERNMENT: A CITIZEN-CENTRED PERSPECTIVE Marinko BANJAC ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………... ECONOMIC CONDITIONS AND TAX COMPLIANCE: THE MEDIATING EFFECT OF TRUST Vytautas KUOKŠTIS ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………... THE AFFIRMATIVE ACTION POLICY: A TALE OF TWO NATIONS AND THE IMPLEMENTATION CONUNDRUM Kwame Badu ANTWI-BOASIAKO ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………... JOURNAL OF COMPARATIVE POLITICS 2 EDITORIAL TEAM General Editor General Editor Miro Haček Peter Csányi ................................................................. ................................................................ University of LJublJana Alexander Dubček University Trenčin Faculty of social sciences, CAAPPI Department of Political Science Kardeljeva ploščad 5 Študentská 2 1000 LjublJana, Slovenia 911 50 Trenčin, Slovakia [email protected] [email protected] General Editor Assistant Editor Jurij ToplaK Simona Kukovič .................................................................. .................................................................. Alma Mater Europaea University of LJublJana European Center Maribor (AMEU-ECM) Faculty
    [Show full text]