Anaphora, Inversion, and Focus
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Alignment in Syntax: Quotative Inversion in English
Alignment in Syntax: Quotative Inversion in English Benjamin Bruening, University of Delaware rough draft, February 5, 2014; comments welcome Abstract This paper explores the idea that many languages have a phonological Align(ment) constraint that re- quires alignment between the tensed verb and C. This Align constraint is what is behind verb-second and many types of inversion phenomena generally. Numerous facts about English subject-auxiliary inversion and French stylistic inversion fall out from the way this Align constraint is stated in each language. The paper arrives at the Align constraint by way of a detailed re-examination of English quotative inversion. The syntactic literature has overwhelmingly accepted Collins and Branigan’s (1997) conclusion that the subject in quotative inversion is low, within the VP. This paper re-examines the properties of quotative inversion and shows that Collins and Branigan’s analysis is incorrect: quotative inversion subjects are high, in Spec-TP, and what moves is a full phrase, not just the verb. The constraints on quotative inver- sion, including the famous transitivity constraint, fall out from two independently necessary constraints: (1) a constraint on what can be stranded by phrasal movement like VP fronting, and (2) the aforemen- tioned Align constraint which requires alignment between V and C. This constraint can then be seen to derive numerous seemingly unrelated facts in a single language, as well as across languages. Keywords: Generalized Alignment, quotative inversion, subject-in-situ generalization, transitivity restric- tions, subject-auxiliary inversion, stylistic inversion, verb second, phrasal movement 1 Introduction This paper explores the idea that the grammar of many languages includes a phonological Align(ment) con- straint that requires alignment between the tensed verb and C. -
The Interpretation of Tense — I Didn't Turn Off the Stove Toshiyuki Ogihara
The interpretation of tense — I didn’t turn off the stove Toshiyuki Ogihara — University of Washington [email protected] Kiyomi Kusumoto — Kwansei Gakuin University [email protected] Abstract This chapter examines Partee’s (1973) celeBrated claim that tenses are not existential quantifiers but pronouns. In the first half of the chapter, we show that this proposal successfully accounts for the Behavior of tense morphemes regarding deixis, anaphora, and presupposition. It is also compatiBle with cases where tense morphemes Behave like Bound variables. In the second half of the chapter, we turn to the syntax-semantics interface and propose some concrete implementations Based on three different assumptions aBout the semantics of tense: (i) quantificational; (ii) pronominal; (iii) relational. Finally, we touch on some tense-related issues involving temporal adverBials and cross-linguistic differences. Keywords tense, pronoun, quantification, Bound variaBle, referential, presupposition, temporal adverbial (7 key words) 1. Introduction This article discusses the question of whether the past tense morpheme is analogous to pronouns and if so how tense is encoded in the system of the interfaces between syntax and semantics. The languages we will deal with in this article have tense morphemes that are attached to verbs. We use 1 this type of language as our guide and model. Whether tense is part of natural language universals, at least in the area of semantic interpretation, is debatable.1 Montague’s PTQ (1973) introduces a formal semantic system that incorporates some tense and aspect forms in natural language and their model-theoretic interpretation. It introduces tense operators based on Prior’s (1957, 1967) work on tense logic. -
Overt Existential Closure in Bura (Central Chadic)
Overt Existential Closure in Bura (Central Chadic) Malte Zimmermann University of Potsdam 1. Introduction The article presents a semantic-based account of the syntactic distribution of the morpheme adi in Bura. This morpheme is traditionally glossed as an existential predicate there is (Hoffmann 1955) and occurs only in a limited set of – at first sight – heterogeneous syntactic environments, namely (i.) in (most) negative clauses; (ii.) in thetic constructions used for introducing new discourse referents (there is x ...); and (iii.) in existential clefts (there is some x that ...). The article will identify the semantic contribution of adi and give a unified account of its distribution. It is argued that adi is an overt marker of existential closure that can bind individual or event variables with existential force. The insertion of adi is argued to be a last resort operation. It applies if and only if alternative means of existentially closing a variable fail. The analysis of adi as an overt indicator of existential closure has repercussions for semantic theory as whole. For once, given that adi is overt, it gives us a better insight into the workings and the grammatical locus of existential closure, which can be accessed only indirectly in European languages (Diesing 1992). Second, given that adi must existentially close off event variables in negative clauses, it can be used as a diagnostic for the ability of verbal predicates to introduce an event argument into the semantic representation (Kratzer 1995). The structure of the article is as follows: Section 2 provides some background information on Bura. Section 3 lays out the main facts surrounding the distribution of adi. -
Quantification and Predication in Mandarin Chinese: a Case Study of Dou
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons IRCS Technical Reports Series Institute for Research in Cognitive Science December 1996 Quantification and Predication in Mandarin Chinese: A Case Study of Dou Shi-Zhe Huang University of Pennsylvania Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/ircs_reports Huang, Shi-Zhe, "Quantification and Predication in Mandarin Chinese: A Case Study of Dou" (1996). IRCS Technical Reports Series. 114. https://repository.upenn.edu/ircs_reports/114 University of Pennsylvania Institute for Research in Cognitive Science Technical Report No. IRCS-96-36. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/ircs_reports/114 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Quantification and Predication in Mandarin Chinese: A Case Study of Dou Abstract In the more recent generalized quantifier theory, 'every' is defined as a elationr between two sets such that the first set is a subset of the second set (Cooper (1987), anv Benthem (1986)). We argue in this dissertation that the formal definition of e' very' ought to reflect our intuition that this quantifier is always associated with a pairing. For instance, 'Every student left' means that for every student there is an event (Davidson (1966), Kroch (1974), Mourelatos (1978), Bach (1986)) such that the student left in that event. We propose that the formal translation of EVERY be augmented by relating its two arguments via a skolem function. A skolem function links two variables by making the choice of a value for one variable depend on the choice of a value for the other. This definition of EVERY, after which 'every' and its Chinese counterpart 'mei' can be modeled, can help us explain the co-occurrence pattern between 'mei' and the adverb 'dou'. -
Topicalization in English and the Trochaic Requirement Augustin Speyer
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarlyCommons@Penn University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics Volume 10 Article 19 Issue 2 Selected Papers from NWAVE 32 1-1-2005 Topicalization in English and the Trochaic Requirement Augustin Speyer This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol10/iss2/19 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Topicalization in English and the Trochaic Requirement This working paper is available in University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/ vol10/iss2/19 Topicalization in English and the Trochaic Requirement• Augustin Speyer 1 The loss of topicalization The verb-second constraint (V2), which is at work in all other modem Ger manic languages (e.g. Haeberli 2000:109), was lost in English in the course of the Middle English Period. In other words: The usual word order in today's English is as shown in example(!). In earlier stages of English, however, one could also form sen tences examples like (2a). This sentence shows V2: The verb is in second position, and is preceded by some constituent which can be something other than the subject. At a certain time sentences like (2a) became ungrammatical and were replaced by examples like (2b), which follow a new constraint, namely that the subject must precede the verb. Sentences like (!) are unaf fected, but not because they observe the V2-constraint but because they hap pen to observe also the subject-before-verb-constraint. (I) John hates beans. -
Anaphoric Reference to Propositions
ANAPHORIC REFERENCE TO PROPOSITIONS A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Todd Nathaniel Snider December 2017 c 2017 Todd Nathaniel Snider ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ANAPHORIC REFERENCE TO PROPOSITIONS Todd Nathaniel Snider, Ph.D. Cornell University 2017 Just as pronouns like she and he make anaphoric reference to individuals, English words like that and so can be used to refer anaphorically to a proposition introduced in a discourse: That’s true; She told me so. Much has been written about individual anaphora, but less attention has been paid to propositional anaphora. This dissertation is a com- prehensive examination of propositional anaphora, which I argue behaves like anaphora in other domains, is conditioned by semantic factors, and is not conditioned by purely syntactic factors nor by the at-issue status of a proposition. I begin by introducing the concepts of anaphora and propositions, and then I discuss the various words of English which can have this function: this, that, it, which, so, as, and the null complement anaphor. I then compare anaphora to propositions with anaphora in other domains, including individual, temporal, and modal anaphora. I show that the same features which are characteristic of these other domains are exhibited by proposi- tional anaphora as well. I then present data on a wide variety of syntactic constructions—including sub- clausal, monoclausal, multiclausal, and multisentential constructions—noting which li- cense anaphoric reference to propositions. On the basis of this expanded empirical do- main, I argue that anaphoric reference to a proposition is licensed not by any syntactic category or movement but rather by the operators which take propositions as arguments. -
1 Introduction
Partial variables and specificity Gerhard Jager¨ University of Bielefeld Abstract In this paper I propose a novel analysis of the semantics of specific indefinites. Following standard DRT, I assume that indefinites introduce a free variable into the logical repre- sentation, but I assume the the descriptive content of an indefinite DP is interpreted as a precondition for the corresponding variable to denote. Formally this is implemented as an extension of classical predicate logic with partial variables—variables that come with a restriction. This leads to a reconception of restricted quantification: the restriction is tied to the variable, not to the quantifier. After an overview over the major existing theories of the scope of indefinites, the cen- tral part of the paper is devoted to develop a model-theoretic semantics for this extension of predicate logic. Finally the paper argues that the notion of partial variables lends itself to the analysis of other linguistic phenomena as well. Especially presuppositions can be analyzed as restrictions on variables in a natural way. 1 Introduction This article deals with the peculiar scope taking properties of indefinite DPs, which differ mas- sively from other scope bearing elements. The theory that I am going to propose can be seen as a variant of the DRT approach in the version of Heim (1982), according to which the se- mantic contribution of an indefinite is basically a free variable, while its scope is determined by a non-lexical operation of existential closure. The crucial innovation lies in the treatment of the descriptive material of indefinites. While DRT analyzes it as part of the truth conditions, I will argue that it is to be considered as a precondition for the accompanying variable to denote. -
On the Loci of Agreement: Inversion Constructions in Mapudungun Mark
On the Loci of Agreement: Inversion Constructions in Mapudungun Mark C. Baker Rutgers University 1. Introduction: Ordinary and Unusual Aspects of Mapudungun Agreement “Languages are all the same, but not boringly so.” I think this is my own maxim, not one of the late great Kenneth Hale’s. But it is nevertheless something that he taught me, by example, if not by explicit precept. Ken Hale believed passionately in a substantive notion of Universal Grammar that underlies all languages. But this did not blind him to the details—even the idiosyncrasies—of less-studied “local” languages. On the contrary, I believe it stimulated his famous zeal for those details and idiosyncrasies. It is against the backdrop of what is universal that idiosyncrasies become interesting and meaningful. Conversely, it is often the fact that quite different, language particular constructions obey the same abstract constraints that provides the most striking evidence that those constraints are universal features of human language. It is in this Halean spirit that I present this study of agreement on verbs in Mapudungun, a language of uncertain genealogy spoken in the Andes of central Chile and adjoining areas of Argentina.1 Many features of agreement in Mapudungun look 1 This research was made possible thanks to a trip to Argentina in October 2000, to visit at the Universidad de Comahue in General Roca, Argentina. This gave me a chance to supplement my knowledge of Mapudungun from secondary sources by consulting with Argentine experts on this language, and by interviewing members of the Mapuche community in General Roca and Junin de los Andes, Argentina. -
THE REFERENCE of INDEFINITES in This Paper I Argue That Indefinite
The final version of this paper will appear in: K. von Heusinger & U. Egli (eds.). Reference and Anaphoric Relations. Dordrecht: Kluwer (Studies in Linguistics and Philosophy). KLAUS VON HEUSINGER THE REFERENCE OF INDEFINITES The indefinite article has the function of pick- ing out a single representative from among various representatives of a kind.1 1INTRODUCTION In this paper I argue that indefinite NPs have a more complex referential nature than is usually supposed, and that this structure must be reflected in their semantic represen- tation. According to the classical view due to Frege and Russell, an indefinite NP is represented by an existential quantifier, a variable, the restriction and the occurrence of the variable in the argument position of the main predicate. Hence, there is no clear correspondence to the indefinite NP on the surface. Sentence (1) is translated into the formula (2a), in which the indefinite NP amancorresponds to the variable x in the argument position of the predicate walk and in the predication manx . The formula specifies that the intersection of the two sets denoted by the predicates is non-empty. The model-theoretic interpretation (2b) links the variable x to an object d that fulfills both predicates, treating the attributive material man on par with the assertive material walk. Hence, at the representational level, the indefinite NP is not represented as an independent expression. This conception has been widely accepted in semantics and can be found in current semantic theories. (1) A man walks [ ] (2) a. 9x man x &walk x [ ] b. The formula 9x man x &walkx is true iff there is an object d in the domain of individuals such that d is in the extension of the predicate man and in the extension of the predicate walk. -
Geurts and Nouwen 2007
At least et al: The semantic of scalar modifiers Bart Geurts, Rick Nouwen Language, Volume 83, Number 3, September 2007, pp. 533-559 (Article) Published by Linguistic Society of America DOI: 10.1353/lan.2007.0115 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/lan/summary/v083/83.3geurts.html Access provided by Chicago Library (18 Feb 2014 11:15 GMT) AT LEAST ET AL.: THE SEMANTICS OF SCALAR MODIFIERS BART GEURTS RICK NOUWEN University of Nijmegen Utrecht University On the naive account ofscalar modifierslike more than and at least, At least three girls snored is synonymous with More than two girls snored, and both sentences mean that the number of snoring girls exceeded two (the same, mutatis mutandis, for sentences with at most and less/fewer than). We show that this is false and propose an alternative theory, according to which superlative modifiers (at least/most) are quite different from comparative ones (more/less/fewer than). Whereas the naive theory is basically right about comparative modifiers, it is wrong about superla- tive modifiers, which we claim have a MODAL meaning: an utterance of At least three girls snored conveys two things: first, that it is CERTAIN that there was a group ofthree snoring girls, and second, that more than four girls MAY have snored. We argue that this analysis explains various facts that are problematic for the naive view, which have to do with specificity, distributional differences between superlative and comparative modifiers, differential patterns of inference li- censed by these expressions, and the way they interact with various operators, like modals and negation.* 1. -
Stylistic Inversion in French: Equality and Inequality In
Subject Inversion in French: Equality and Inequality in LFG Annie Zaenen and Ronald M. Kaplan Palo Alto Research Center {Kaplan|Zaenen}@parc.com Abstract: We reanalyze the data presented in Bonami, Godard and Marandin (1999), Bonami & Godard (2001) and Marandin (2001) in an LFG framework and show that the facts about Stylistic Inversion fall out of the LFG treatment of equality. This treatment, however, necessitates a different approach to object-control and object- raising constructions. We treat these as cases of subsumption and suggest that subsumption, not equality, might be the default way of modeling this type of relation across languages 1. Subjects in object position in French1 It is by now well known that French exhibits a number of constructions in which the subject follows rather than precedes the verb it is a dependent of. Examples of this are given in (1) through (5).2 (1) Comment va Madame? “How is Madame doing?” (2) Voici le texte qu’a écrit Paul. (BG&M) “Here is the text that Paul wrote.” (3) Sur la place se dresse la cathédrale. (B&G) “On the square stands the cathedral.” (4) Je voudrais que vienne Marie. (M) “I wished that Marie would come.” (5) Alors sont entrés trois hommes. (M) “Then came in three men.” These various cases, however, do not all illustrate the same phenomenon. In this paper we will restrict our attention to what has been called Stylistic Inversion (Kayne, 1973), which we will contrast with what Marandin (2001) has called Unaccusative Inversion. Stylistic Inversion is illustrated above with the examples (1) and (2) and arguably (3) (see Bonami, Godard, and Marandin, 1999). -
Topicalization in English and the Trochaic Requirement
University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics Volume 10 Issue 2 Selected Papers from NWAVE 32 Article 19 2005 Topicalization in English and the Trochaic Requirement Augustin Speyer Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl Recommended Citation Speyer, Augustin (2005) "Topicalization in English and the Trochaic Requirement," University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 10 : Iss. 2 , Article 19. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol10/iss2/19 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol10/iss2/19 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Topicalization in English and the Trochaic Requirement This working paper is available in University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol10/iss2/19 Topicalization in English and the Trochaic Requirement• Augustin Speyer 1 The loss of topicalization The verb-second constraint (V2), which is at work in all other modem Ger manic languages (e.g. Haeberli 2000:109), was lost in English in the course of the Middle English Period. In other words: The usual word order in today's English is as shown in example(!). In earlier stages of English, however, one could also form sen tences examples like (2a). This sentence shows V2: The verb is in second position, and is preceded by some constituent which can be something other than the subject. At a certain time sentences like (2a) became ungrammatical and were replaced by examples like (2b), which follow a new constraint, namely that the subject must precede the verb. Sentences like (!) are unaf fected, but not because they observe the V2-constraint but because they hap pen to observe also the subject-before-verb-constraint.