BROKEN PROMISES: Human Rights
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QATAR V. BAHRAIN) REPLY of the STATE of QATAR ______TABLE of CONTENTS PART I - INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I - GENERAL 1 Section 1
CASE CONCERNING MARITIME DELIMITATION AND TERRITORIAL QUESTIONS BETWEEN QATAR AND BAHRAIN (QATAR V. BAHRAIN) REPLY OF THE STATE OF QATAR _____________________________________________ TABLE OF CONTENTS PART I - INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I - GENERAL 1 Section 1. Qatar's Case and Structure of Qatar's Reply Section 2. Deficiencies in Bahrain's Written Pleadings Section 3. Bahrain's Continuing Violations of the Status Quo PART II - THE GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND CHAPTER II - THE TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY OF QATAR Section 1. The Overall Geographical Context Section 2. The Emergence of the Al-Thani as a Political Force in Qatar Section 3. Relations between the Al-Thani and Nasir bin Mubarak Section 4. The 1913 and 1914 Conventions Section 5. The 1916 Treaty Section 6. Al-Thani Authority throughout the Peninsula of Qatar was consolidated long before the 1930s Section 7. The Map Evidence CHAPTER III - THE EXTENT OF THE TERRITORY OF BAHRAIN Section 1. Bahrain from 1783 to 1868 Section 2. Bahrain after 1868 PART III - THE HAWAR ISLANDS AND OTHER TERRITORIAL QUESTIONS CHAPTER IV - THE HAWAR ISLANDS Section 1. Introduction: The Territorial Integrity of Qatar and Qatar's Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands Section 2. Proximity and Qatar's Title to the Hawar Islands Section 3. The Extensive Map Evidence supporting Qatar's Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands Section 4. The Lack of Evidence for Bahrain's Claim to have exercised Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands from the 18th Century to the Present Day Section 5. The Bahrain and Qatar Oil Concession Negotiations between 1925 and 1939 and the Events Leading to the Reversal of British Recognition of Hawar as part of Qatar Section 6. -
Bahrain Country Report BTI 2012
BTI 2012 | Bahrain Country Report Status Index 1-10 5.89 # 56 of 128 Political Transformation 1-10 4.35 # 87 of 128 Economic Transformation 1-10 7.43 # 21 of 128 Management Index 1-10 4.18 # 91 of 128 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2012. The BTI is a global assessment of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economy as well as the quality of political management in 128 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 — Bahrain Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2012. © 2012 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2012 | Bahrain 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 1.3 HDI 0.806 GDP p.c. $ - Pop. growth1 % p.a. 7.6 HDI rank of 187 42 Gini Index - Life expectancy years 75 UN Education Index 0.747 Poverty3 % - Urban population % 88.6 Gender inequality2 0.288 Aid per capita $ - Sources: The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2011 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2011. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary Bahrain’s democratic reform process has come to a standstill since 2009, which marked the 10th anniversary of King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa’s accession to power. The positive developments in civil and political liberties observed with the start of the reform process in 2002 have in recent years been counteracted by repressive state tactics in which freedoms of expression and assembly have suffered most. -
Cultural Diffusion and Its Impact on Heritage Representation in the Kingdom of Bahrain Pierre Lombard, Nadine Boksmati-Fattouh
Cultural Diffusion and its Impact on Heritage Representation in the Kingdom of Bahrain Pierre Lombard, Nadine Boksmati-Fattouh To cite this version: Pierre Lombard, Nadine Boksmati-Fattouh. Cultural Diffusion and its Impact on Heritage Represen- tation in the Kingdom of Bahrain. Sarina Wakefield. Museums of the Arabian Peninsula: Histori- cal Developments and Contemporary Discourses, Routledge, pp.85-104, 2020, 9780367148447. hal- 03102461 HAL Id: hal-03102461 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-03102461 Submitted on 7 Jan 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. [published in Sarina Wakefield (ed.), 2021, Museums of the Arabian Peninsula: Historical Developments and Contemporary Discourses, Abingdon/Oxford: Routledge, pp. 85-104] Chapter 6: Cultural Diffusion and its Impact on Heritage Representation in the Kingdom of Bahrain Pierre Lombard and Nadine Boksmati-Fattouh http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8452-0630 (Pierre Lombard) https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5020-5264 (Nadine Boksmati-Fattouh) Abstract Bahrain’s rich past was documented in varied explorers’ accounts as early as the 19th century. However, local awareness of the significance of Bahrain’s heritage burgeoned in the 1950s following the Moesgård Danish archaeological expedition seminal findings, which revealed concrete evidence of the flourishing of the civilisation of Dilmun on ancient Bahrain. -
The Bahrain Situation
(Doha Institute) Assessment Report The Bahrain Situation Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies Assessment Report Doha, March - 2011 Assessment Report Copyrights reserved for Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies © 2011 Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies The Bahrain Situation Against the backdrop of worsening social and political conditions, issues and a protracted tradition of political opposition in Bahrain, the revolutions of Egypt and Tunisia have driven young people in this country to emulate the new model of Arab protest. The slogans raised in these protests (February 14) express the demands for national constitutional reform in accordance with 2001 National Action Charter, and the lifting of the security apparatus restrictions on freedoms in the country. As was the case in Egypt, these youth are largely unaffiliated to any of the political currents, they have communicated with one another via the internet, and are composed of both Shiites and Sunnis in equal measure. They have expressed their desire to form a leadership body representing Sunni and Shiite citizens, but their aversion to sectarian quotas characterizing Lebanon and Iraq has made these youth reluctant on this front, preferring to defer to election results to determine the composition of the leadership. Also notable is the strong participation of women. Shiite opposition movements have shown themselves to be powerful and organized political forces in the popular and democratic mobilizations. The opposition currents in the country — what are commonly known as the “seven organizations” (al-Wifaq, Wa’d, al-Minbar al- Taqaddumi [Democratic Progressive Tribune], al-Amal al-Islami [“Amal”], al-Tajammu al- Qawmi [Nationalist Democratic Assembly], al-Tajammu al-Watani [National Democratic Assemblage], and al-Ikha) — had joined the protest movements from the outset. -
The Shī Īs of Bahrain
The Shī cīs of Bahrain Bachelor essay presented to: Drs. Corné Hanssen As a final assignment for my bachelor study: Arabic Language and Culture Feras Nasser 3431991 30 July 2012 1 Contents Preliminary notes ................................................................................ 3 Introduction ........................................................................................ 4 Chapter 1 – Historical events of Bahrain ............................................. 7 1.1 Bahrain throughout the ages ...................................................... 9 Chapter 2 - Ᾱl Khalīfa ......................................................................... 14 Chapter 3 – Bahrain, its allies, and the Arab Spring ........................... 18 3.1 Bahrain’s administrative legal system in a nutshell .................. 18 3. 2 Bahraini demonstrations in the wake of the Arab Spring ........ 19 3.3 The USA in Bahrain ................................................................... 22 3.4 Saudi Arabia, a regional contestant .......................................... 23 3.5 Suggestions for political reforms .............................................. 24 Conclusion ......................................................................................... 27 Bibliography ...................................................................................... 30 2 Preliminary notes This essay has been written on the assumption that its readers have a basic knowledge of Islam and the history of the Middle East. However, further explanations -
Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy
Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs April 20, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov 95-1013 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy Summary Protests that erupted in Bahrain following the uprising that overthrew Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak on February 11, 2011, demonstrate that Shiite grievances over the distribution of power and economic opportunities were not satisfied by previous efforts to include the Shiite majority in governance. Possibly because of concerns that a rise to power of the Shiite opposition could jeopardize the extensive U.S. military cooperation with Bahrain, the Obama Administration has criticized the use of violence by the government but has praised the Al Khalifa regime’s offer of a dialogue with the demonstrators. It has not called for the King to step down, and Administration contacts with his government are credited by many for the decision of the regime to cease using force against the protesters as of February 19, 2011. However, as protests escalated in March 2011, Bahrain’s government, contrary to the advice of the Obama Administration, invited security assistance from other neighboring Gulf Cooperation Council countries and subsequently moved to forcefully end the large gatherings. Some believe the crackdown has reduced prospects for a negotiated political solution in Bahrain, and could widen the conflict to the broader Gulf region. Others see the primary consequence of the unrest as fostering sectarian hatreds within the population, no longer confined to elite power struggles. -
Human Rights, Constitutionalism and Socio-Economic Exclusion in Bahrain Human Rights, Constitutionalism and Socio-Economic Exclusion in Bahrain | 1
Omar F. Ahmed BROKEN PROMISES Human Rights, Constitutionalism and Socio-economic Exclusion in Bahrain Human Rights, Constitutionalism and Socio-economic Exclusion in Bahrain | 1 BROKEN PROMISES Human Rights, Constitutionalism and Socio-economic Exclusion in Bahrain Omar F. Ahmed www.ihrc.org.uk 2 | BROKEN PROMISES: First published in Great Britain in 2010 by Islamic Human Rights Commission PO Box 598, Wembley, HA9 7XH © 2010 Islamic Human Rights Commission Design & Typeset: Ibrahim Sadikovic Printed by Impeks Print Cover photo: KARIM SAHIB/AFP/Getty Images The photo shows a Bahraini woman taking part in a demonstration in Manama in 2006 at discriminatory policies and detentions without charge. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereinafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. ISBN 9781903718711 Human Rights, Constitutionalism and Socio-economic Exclusion in Bahrain | 3 Contents Acknowledgements ....................................................................................... 4 Foreword .......................................................................................................... 5 Overview .......................................................................................................... 6 I. Executive Summary ........................................................................... -
Bahrain: Change of the Regime Or Changes Within the Regime?
Bahrain: Change of the Regime or Changes within the Regime? The 14th February Uprising opposition of all shades was in agreement with Bahrain has been witnessing an uprising since the uprising, despite differences on the agenda 14th February 2011, the eruption of which had and means of protests. been signaled by a call on Facebook two weeks The first days of the uprisings (14–17 before. The call promoted two slogans: one, that February) witnessed increasingly dramatic the protests should be of a peaceful nature; and developments, which led to an unprecedented two, that the aim is to topple the regime. Both situation in the country. None of the concerned demands were in line with their precedents parties, neither the opposition nor the security in Tunisia and Egypt, and with the popular establishment, government or the general public expected such a large turnout of protesters amid tight security measures. Tens of Despite the peaceful nature thousands showed up in defiance. Despite the of the protests, it was quelled peaceful nature of the protests, it was quelled with ruthless force resulting in with ruthless force resulting in deaths and tens deaths and tens of causalities of causalities among the protesters. The funeral among the protesters. of a victim at Al-Daih village east of the island’s capital Manama on 15th February was massive. Thousands advanced towards the so-called expression “The People want the downfall of Lulu (eng: Pearl) roundabout1 in Manama. the regime“ (ash-sha’b yurid isqat al-nizam). The call came from anonymous persons, but thousands of Bahrainis supported it on the Facebook group entitled “14th February Bahrain Revolution”. -
Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy
Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs November 6, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov 95-1013 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Bahrain: Reform, Security, and U.S. Policy Summary The uprising that began in Bahrain on February 14, 2011, at the outbreak of the uprisings that swept several Middle Eastern leaders from power, began a political crisis that has defied resolution. The crisis since 2011 has been more intense than previous periods of unrest in Bahrain, and demonstrates that the grievances of the Shiite majority over the distribution of power and economic opportunities have not satisfied by reform efforts instituted since 1999. The bulk of the Shiite majority in Bahrain says it demands a constitutional monarchy in which an elected parliament produces the government, but many in the Sunni minority government of the Al Khalifa family believe the Shiites want outright rule. In March 2011, Bahrain’s government rejected U.S. advice by inviting direct security assistance from other Gulf Cooperation Council countries, declaring a state of emergency, forcefully suppressing demonstrations, and arresting dissident leaders and pro-opposition health care workers. Although the state of emergency ended on June 1, 2011, a “national dialogue” held in July 2011 reached consensus on only a few modest political reforms. Hopes for resolution were raised by a pivotal report by a government-appointed “Independent Commission of Inquiry” (BICI) on the unrest, released November 23, 2011, which was critical of the government’s actions against the unrest as well as the opposition’s dismissal of all of the government’s reform proposals. -
Reforms in Bahrain
tema: demokrati REFORMS IN BAHRAIN Genuine democratization or strengthening autocracy through liberalization? Those criti- cal to the country’ s reforms argue that there will be progress, but just enough to consoli- date the king’ s powerbase and improve his image, while isolating the opposition. 52 the freedom of expression that Hamad introduced with Al-Jazeera has had no impact on the Qatari sociopolitical system. But it did help the ruler win high interna- tional ratings; his reputation was further enhanced when in 1999 Qatar held its first elections ever in which women were allowed to vote and stand for office. In the commotion entailed by the introduction of universal suffrage in a region where denial of political rights to women is the rule, it is often forgotten that the object of the vote was a 29-member municipal council with no political functions whatsoever. The art of liberalizing without impinging upon the old autocracy recently reached new heights in Bahrain: the amir, sheikh Issa Al Khalifa died in March 1999 and was succeeded by his 50-year old son, Hamad. Unlike his namesake in Qatar, the new Bahraini ruler text: Anh Nga Longva inherited a deeply troubled land. The tiny island of Bahrain, tucked away in the Gulf it is generally hoped that when the aging of Salwa between the Saudi landmass and rulers of the Gulf pass away, their succes- the Qatari peninsula, was shaken by a con- sors will embark upon liberalizing the con- tinuous uprising (intifada) that peaked servative politics of the region thus paving between 1994 and 1998. -
Phonology, Morphology, Syntax, Style
Dialect, Culture, and Society in Eastern Arabia Handbook of Oriental Studies Handbuch der Orientalistik section one The Near and Middle East Edited by Maribel Fierro (Madrid) M. Şükrü Hanioğlu (Princeton) Renata Holod (University of Pennsylvania) Kees Versteegh (Nijmegen) VOLUME 51-3 Dialect, Culture, and Society in Eastern Arabia Volume III: Phonology, Morphology, Syntax, Style The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/ho1 Dialect, Culture, and Society in Eastern Arabia Volume Three: Phonology, Morphology, Syntax, Style By Clive Holes LEIDEN | BOSTON Library of Congress control number: 00051896 This publication has been typeset in the multilingual “Brill” typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering Latin, ipa, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please see brill.com/brill-typeface. issn 0169-9423 isbn 978-90-04-30263-1 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-31110-7 (e-book) Copyright 2016 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Hes & De Graaf, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill nv provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, ma 01923, usa. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper. -
Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S
Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy Updated February 5, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov 95-1013 Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy Summary An uprising against Bahrain’s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but punishments of oppositionists and periodic demonstrations continue. The mostly Shia opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake some modest reforms. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, reportedly backed by Iran, have claimed responsibility for attacks on security officials. Elections for a legislative body, held most recently during November 24-December 1, 2018, were marred by the banning of opposition political societies and allegations of gerrymandering to prevent opposition victories, but observers praised the newly elected lower house of the Assembly for naming a woman as its speaker. The Bahrain government’s repression has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted a U.S. naval command headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a “major non-NATO ally” in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces, mostly Navy, in Bahrain. Bahrain relies on U.S.-made arms, but, because of the government’s use of force against protesters, the Obama Administration held up some new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S.