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Compared to the 1980S and 1990S, There Is Less Discussion About Cults, Sects, and New Religious Movements in the Broader Discussions of American Religious Studies

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Compared to the 1980S and 1990S, There Is Less Discussion About Cults, Sects, and New Religious Movements in the Broader Discussions of American Religious Studies Proceedings: Fourth Biennial Conference on Religion and American Culture, June 2015 14 Whither New Religious Movements? Compared to the 1980s and 1990s, there is less discussion about cults, sects, and new religious movements in the broader discussions of American religious studies. What accounts for this? Are new rubrics of analysis replacing that approach or terminology, or have our scholarly interests waned with the lack of what the public perceives as “dangerous” homegrown groups in our midst? Proceedings: Fourth Biennial Conference on Religion and American Culture, June 2015 15 Marion Goldman University of Oregon ad Men, the award winning TV drama, ended its fi- member the young adults without marital ties contributed Mnal season with an “Om,” not a bang or a whimper. substantially to the swelling category of “Nones” and that It was 1970 and Don Draper, the main character, discovered this group has always had high rates of no affiliation that his spark of inner divinity at Esalen Institute in Big Sur. He may change as they age. responded empathically to someone in an encounter group In contrast to the ostensible escalation of irreligiosity that and took baby steps toward spiritual transformation while Pew described, there are numbers to remember: only four to meditating as the sun rose over the Pacific Ocean. In the six percent of Americans identify themselves as atheists and 70s, thousands of visitors characterized the isolated spiritual over the past seven decades their share of the religious mar- retreat in terms of their own desires: an esoteric think tank, a ket has barely increased (Newcombe 2015). There is a high- sacred space, a spa, a center for humanistic group psychol- ly publicized Atheist Movement (Zuckerman 2008) and an ogy, a place for psychedelic trips, a massage school, and a Atheist “church,” the Sunday Assembly, that have somewhat small intentional community (Back 1970; Bart 1971;Gold- reduced stigma associated with atheism. However, most peo- man 2012). It was also a gateway to new religious move- ple believe in some supernatural power and want to explore ments such as Arica and the Rajneeshees. and possibly explain their relationship to something beyond Esalen combined otherworldliness with humanistic psy- themselves. Their affiliations with established faiths may ebb chology and the Institute briefly became the epicenter of and flow and so will their religious attendance. They are still the Human Potential Movement because of workshops and religiously active in their own ways, just as Don Draper was seminars that featured well-known leaders with diverse ap- when he found bliss during morning meditation. proaches to personal and spiritual growth. It was a harbin- The Pew report failed to capture the fluidity of contempo- ger of America’s twenty-first century spiritual marketplace, rary spirituality and the possibility that with or without tenu- where thousands of alternative groups beckon seekers and ous affiliations to mainstream faiths, increasing numbers of where self-transformation has become a multi-billion dollar Americans create their own spiritual mosaics that include business (Melton 2007; Newman 2008). cults/new religious movements. They sample different re- The fictional Don Draper was unlikely to wholeheartedly ligious options throughout their lives, move from faith to join one or a succession of different alternative religions in faith, and often tread several complementary spiritual paths order to satisfy his longings for religious guidance, intense at the same time. personal ties, and ultimate salvation. Instead, he was por- This religious exploration is grounded in spiritual privi- trayed as a consumer of alternative spirituality who sampled lege: the ability to devote time and resources to select, com- beliefs and practices that offered him immediate rewards. bine and revise one’s religious beliefs and practices over His choices were neither rationally calculated nor illogical, the course of a lifetime. Because of America’s vital, plural- but were instead almost non-rational, a combination of intu- istic spiritual marketplace people from every race, ethnicity, ition and immediate reasoning. and social class have opportunities to exercise some degree If Don were real, his interests would probably change of spiritual privilege, if only by watching Oprah or taking as he learned about new faiths and practices and he might workshops at local community centers. However, members someday have brought together a bewildering variety of of the upper and middle classes who are separated from or beliefs from different religions to construct a personal reli- nominally affiliated with liberal faiths are most likely to ex- gious bricolage of alternative and mainstream practices that ercise their privilege and have access to a wider range of did not meld together in a syncretic whole (Levi-Strauss choices. They hunger for new spiritual and emotional possi- 1962; McGuire 2008: 195-99). In 1970, he belonged to an bilities because they need not worry much about their mate- emerging category of spiritually privileged Americans with rial survival (Brooks 2001; Stark 2003). weak ties to established faiths or no religious affiliations New religions/cults are central to the marketplace for re- at all. While nonaffiliated individuals who still believed in ligious goods and services that attract privileged spiritual something supernatural beyond them had not yet been given bricoleurs. In the late 1960s, new religious movements first a name, Don could be called a religious “None,” a believer came to widespread public attention because a small number but not belonger (Wuthnow 1988). of entitled young adults forsook their earlier commitments Forty-five years after Don’s fictional epiphany, the Pew to join them and offered testimonials to the media (Daw- Research Center once again issued an Easter message be- son 2006: 83-86). These groups, often led by Asian teach- moaning Americans’ blossoming irreligiosity. According ers, were in high tension with widely accepted religious to its data, close to a quarter of all adults have no formal and social norms. Public perceptions about their inherent religious affiliation (Smith 2015). But it is important to re- deviance were amplified by the relatively few instances of Proceedings: Fourth Biennial Conference on Religion and American Culture, June 2015 16 Goldman violence associated with new religions and persistent, albeit it (Barker 1995). While the core of a group whose lives are ungrounded accusations of “brainwashing.” organized around its most cherished secret beliefs may still However, beginning in the mid-1970s, many groups like be in high tension with the surrounding society, nominal Erhard Training Seminars, est, or the San Francisco Zen members and bricoleurs generally avoid social marginaliza- Center offered plausible religious philosophies and spiri- tion or formal penalties. tual practices to outsiders who never became full mem- Active clients exert their spiritual privilege by exploring bers (Downing 2001). Moreover, despite the efforts of the a number of groups, often at the same time. And some new anti-cult movement in the wake of the Jonestown tragedy, religions are flexible and spiritually inclusive, permitting exposures of Reverend Moon’s high-pressure recruitment professed devotees to be bricoleurs, until they are unable tactics, and the conflagration at Waco; alternative religions to fulfill the group’s escalating demands for their time and continued to appeal to seekers in subsequent decades. money. Second and third generations raised in new reli- Stark and Bainbridge’s (1985: 26-30) typology of new re- gious movements, may keep their nominal affiliation and ligions/cults facilitates better understanding of the dynamic their childhood friendships, but also become religious bri- marketplace for alternative spirituality that has continued to coleurs (Van Eck van Twist 2015). grow. They identify three categories of people associated Since the 1970s, new religious movements have become with cults: full members, clients, and audiences. Clients or part of the wider culture in terms of spiritual activities and audience members who merely associate with a group, but material goods. They introduced ordinary Americans to foods never become full members rarely experience high tension like chai, tofu, and Kettle Chips; yoga and associated clothing with the surrounding society. However, they may be some- options like Lululemon’s; and Aveda cosmetics. Cults also what marginalized by the surrounding culture when the brought religious innovations to liberal churches: new musi- wider public is privy to the group’s most extreme beliefs cal styles, mindful meditation, and pastorally led encounter and practices. groups. Contemporary American cults may be local, global, Those who know a movement’s secrets and organize ev- or Internet based, but whatever their forms, they continue to ery aspect of their lives around it are core members, who contribute to America’s vital spiritual marketplace. sustain one and only one affiliation and make visible sacri- fices for their beliefs. However, core devotees are usually a far smaller proportion of an enduring group than its clients and audiences. References Nones may actively flirt with a group and avail them- selves of friendships and a variety of activities, but they Back, Kurt W. Beyond Words: The Story of Sensitivity rarely join (Galanter 1999: 133-36). Some Nones become Training and the Encounter Movement. New York:
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