Race, Ethnicity, and the Criminal Justice System
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Forgiving & Forgetting in American Justice
Forgiving and Forgetting in American Justice A 50-State Guide to Expungement and Restoration of Rights October 2017 COLLATERAL CONSEQUENCES RESOURCE CENTER The Collateral Consequences Resource Center is a non-profit organization established in 2014 to promote public discussion of the collateral consequences of conviction, the legal restrictions and social stigma that burden people with a criminal record long after their court-imposed sentence has been served. The resources available on the Center website are aimed primarily at lawyers and other criminal justice practitioners, scholars and researchers, but they should also be useful to policymakers and those most directly affected by the consequences of conviction. We welcome information about relevant current developments, including judicial decisions and new legislation, as well as proposals for blog posts on topics related to collateral consequences and criminal records. In addition, Center board members and staff are available to advise on law reform and practice issues. For more information, visit the CCRC at http://ccresourcecenter.org. This report was prepared by staff of the Collateral Consequences Resource Center, and is based on research compiled for the Restoration of Rights Project, a CCRC project launched in August 2017 in partnership with the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, the National Legal Aid & Defender Association, and the National HIRE Network. The Restoration of Rights Project is an online resource containing detailed state-by-state analyses of the law and practice in each U.S. jurisdiction relating to restoration of rights and status following arrest or conviction. Jurisdictional “profiles” cover areas such as loss and restoration of civil rights and firearms rights, judicial and executive mechanisms for avoiding or mitigating collateral consequences, and provisions addressing non- discrimination in employment and licensing. -
Commission Internationale De Juristes Mission
Commission internationale de juristes Mission La Commission internationale de juristes est consacree a la primaute, a la coherence et a l'application du droit international et des principes qui font progresser les droits de l'Homme. La Commission internationale de juristes (CIJ) se distingue par l'impartialite, l'objectivite et l'approche juridique faisant autorite qu'elle applique a la protec tion et a la promotion des droits de l'Homme par le biais du respect de la preeminence du droit. La CIJ fournit des services d'experts juridiques aux niveaux national et interna tional afin de garantir que le developpement du droit international reste fidele aux principes des droits de l'Homme et que les normes internationales soient mises en oeuvre au plan national. La Commission, creee a Berlin en 1952, est composee de 60 juristes eminents qui representent les divers systemes juridiques du monde. II incombe au Secretariat international, base a Geneve, de realiser les buts et objectifs de la Commission. Pour s'acquitter de cette tache, le Secretariat international beneficie d'un reseau de sections nationales autonomes et d'organisations affiliees implantees sur tous les continents. Parmi les distinctions decernees a la CIJ en hommage aux contributions qu'elle a apportees a la promotion et a la protection des droits de l'Homme figurent le premier Prix europeen des droits de l'Homme attribue par le Conseil de l'Europe, le Prix Wateler pour la paix, le Prix Erasme et le Prix des Nations Unies pour les droits de l'Homme. Commission internationale de juristes Case postale 216 - 81 A, avenue de Chatelaine CH - 1219 Chatelaine / Geneve - Suisse Tel: (+41 22) 979 38 00 Fax: (+41 22) 979 38 01 E-Mail: [email protected] Site web: www.icj.org ELEMENTS FOR A GENERAL RECOMMENDATION ON RACIAL DISCRIMINATION IN THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE TABLE OF CONTENTS I ntroduction................................................................................................................................................................................................. -
Race and Drugs Oxford Handbooks Online
Race and Drugs Oxford Handbooks Online Race and Drugs Jamie Fellner Subject: Criminology and Criminal Justice, Race, Ethnicity, and Crime, Drugs and Crime Online Publication Date: Oct 2013 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199859016.013.007 Abstract and Keywords Blacks are arrested on drug charges at more than three times the rate of whites and are sent to prison for drug convictions at ten times the white rate. These disparities cannot be explained by racial patterns of drug crime. They reflect law enforcement decisions to concentrate resources in low income minority neighborhoods. They also reflect deep-rooted racialized concerns, beliefs, and attitudes that shape the nation’s understanding of the “drug problem” and skew the policies chosen to respond to it. Even absent conscious racism in anti-drug policies and practices, “race matters.” The persistence of a war on drugs that disproportionately burdens black Americans testifies to the persistence of structural racism; drug policies are inextricably connected to white efforts to maintain their dominant position in the country’s social hierarchy. Without proof of racist intent, however, US courts can do little. International human rights law, in contrast, call for the elimination of all racial discrimination, even if unaccompanied by racist intent. Keywords: race, drugs, discrimination, arrests, incarceration, structural racism Millions of people have been arrested and incarcerated on drug charges in the past 30 years as part of America’s “war on drugs.” There are reasons to question the benefits—or even rationality—of that effort: the expenditure of hundreds of billions of dollars has done little to prevent illegal drugs from reaching those who want them, has had scant impact on consumer demand, has led to the undermining of many constitutional rights, and has helped produce a large, counterproductive, and expensive prison system. -
Don't Shoot: Race-Based Trauma and Police Brutality Leah Metzger
Taylor University Pillars at Taylor University Orphans and Vulnerable Children Student Orphans and Vulnerable Children Scholarship Spring 2019 Don't Shoot: Race-Based Trauma and Police Brutality Leah Metzger Follow this and additional works at: https://pillars.taylor.edu/ovc-student Part of the Child Psychology Commons, Higher Education Commons, and the Social Welfare Commons Running head: DON’T SHOOT 1 Don’t Shoot: Race-Based Trauma and Police Brutality Leah Metzger Taylor University DON’T SHOOT 2 Introduction With the growing conversation on police brutality against black Americans, there is an increasing need to understand the consequences this has on black children. Research is now showing that children and adults can experience race-based trauma, which can have profound effects on psychological and physical well-being, and can also impact communities as a whole. The threat and experience of police brutality and discrimination can be experienced individually or vicariously, and traumatic symptoms can vary depending on the individual. Children are especially vulnerable to the psychological and physical effects of police brutality and the threat thereof because of their developmental stages. Definitions and prevalence of police brutality will be discussed, as well as race based trauma, the effects of this trauma, and the impact on communities as a whole. Police Brutality Definitions Ambiguity surrounds the discussion on police brutality, leaving it difficult for many to establish what it actually is. For the purpose of this paper, police brutality is defined as, “a civil rights violation that occurs when a police officer acts with excessive force by using an amount of force with regards to a civilian that is more than necessary” (U.S. -
Race and Criminal Justice in Canada
International Journal of Criminal Justice Sciences Vol 11 Issue 2 July – December 2016 Copyright © 2016 International Journal of Criminal Justice Sciences (IJCJS) – Official Journal of the South Asian Society of Criminology and Victimology (SASCV) - Publisher & Editor-in-Chief – K. Jaishankar ISSN: 0973-5089 July – December 2016. Vol. 11 (2): 75–99. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlikeHTU 4.0 International (CC-BY-NC-SA 4.0) License ,UTH whichT permits unrestricted non-commercial use ,T distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Race and Criminal Justice in Canada Charles Reasons 1 Central Washington University, United States of America Shereen Hassan, Michael Ma, Lisa Monchalin 2 Kwantlen Polytechnic University, Canada Melinda Bige 3 University of Victoria, Canada Christianne Paras 4 Fraser Region Community Justice Initiatives, Canada Simranjit Arora 5 Faculty of Law, Thompson River University, Canada Abstract The relationship between race and crime has long been a subject of study in the United States; however, such analysis is more recent in Canada. A major factor impeding such study is the fact that racial/ethnic data are not routinely collected and available in Canada, unlike the United States. The collection of such data would arguably undermine the multi-cultural mosaic of Canada as a place of acceptance and tolerance. However, the lack of such data bellies research suggesting that race plays a role in the Canadian criminal justice system. Using available, albeit, limited research studies and their data, the role of race is evident throughout the justice system. -
Overview of Race and Crime, We Must First Set the Parameters of the Discussion, Which Include Relevant Definitions and the Scope of Our Review
Overview CHAPTER 1 of Race and Crime Because skin color is socially constructed, it can also be reconstructed. Thus, when the descendants of the European immigrants began to move up economically and socially, their skins apparently began to look lighter to the whites who had come to America before them. When enough of these descendants became visibly middle class, their skin was seen as fully white. The biological skin color of the second and third generations had not changed, but it was socially blanched or whitened. —Herbert J. Gans (2005) t a time when the United States is more diverse than ever, with the minority popula- tion topping 100 million (one in every three U.S. residents; U.S. Census Bureau, 2010), the notion of race seems to permeate almost every facet of American life. A Certainly, one of the more highly charged aspects of the race dialogue relates to crime. Before embarking on an overview of race and crime, we must first set the parameters of the discussion, which include relevant definitions and the scope of our review. When speaking of race, it is always important to remind readers of the history of the concept and some current definitions. The idea of race originated 5,000 years ago in India, but it was also prevalent among the Chinese, Egyptians, and Jews (Gossett, 1963). Although François Bernier (1625–1688) is usually credited with first classifying humans into distinct races, Carolus Linnaeus (1707–1778) invented the first system of categorizing plants and humans. It was, however, Johan Frederich Blumenbach (1752–1840) who developed the first taxonomy of race. -
Explaining the Gaps in White, Black, and Hispanic Violence Since 1990
ASRXXX10.1177/0003122416635667American Sociological ReviewLight and Ulmer 6356672016 American Sociological Review 2016, Vol. 81(2) 290 –315 Explaining the Gaps in White, © American Sociological Association 2016 DOI: 10.1177/0003122416635667 Black, and Hispanic Violence http://asr.sagepub.com since 1990: Accounting for Immigration, Incarceration, and Inequality Michael T. Lighta and Jeffery T. Ulmerb Abstract While group differences in violence have long been a key focus of sociological inquiry, we know comparatively little about the trends in criminal violence for whites, blacks, and Hispanics in recent decades. Combining geocoded death records with multiple data sources to capture the socioeconomic, demographic, and legal context of 131 of the largest metropolitan areas in the United States, this article examines the trends in racial/ethnic inequality in homicide rates since 1990. In addition to exploring long-established explanations (e.g., disadvantage), we also investigate how three of the most significant societal changes over the past 20 years, namely, rapid immigration, mass incarceration, and rising wealth inequality affect racial/ ethnic homicide gaps. Across all three comparisons—white-black, white-Hispanic, and black- Hispanic—we find considerable convergence in homicide rates over the past two decades. Consistent with expectations, structural disadvantage is one of the strongest predictors of levels and changes in racial/ethnic violence disparities. In contrast to predictions based on strain theory, racial/ethnic wealth inequality has not increased disparities in homicide. Immigration, on the other hand, appears to be associated with declining white-black homicide differences. Consistent with an incapacitation/deterrence perspective, greater racial/ethnic incarceration disparities are associated with smaller racial/ethnic gaps in homicide. -
Notes Toward a History of American Justice
Buffalo Law Review Volume 24 Number 1 Article 5 10-1-1974 Notes Toward a History of American Justice Lawrence M. Friedman Stanford University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/buffalolawreview Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Criminal Law Commons, and the Legal History Commons Recommended Citation Lawrence M. Friedman, Notes Toward a History of American Justice, 24 Buff. L. Rev. 111 (1974). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/buffalolawreview/vol24/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Buffalo Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ University at Buffalo School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NOTES TOWARD A HISTORY OF AMERICAN JUSTICE* LAWRRENCE M. FRIEDMAN** n Kent County, Delaware, in 1703, Adam Latham, a laborer, and Joan Mills, wife of a laborer named Andrew Mills, were brought before the county court. The grand jury presented Joan Mills for adultery. She pleaded guilty to the charge. For punishment, the court ordered her to be publicly whipped-21 lashes on her bare back, well applied; and she was also sentenced to prison, at hard labor, for one year. Adam Latham was convicted of fornication. He was sentenced to receive 20 lashes on his bare back, well laid on, in full public view. He was also accused of stealing Isaac Freeland's dark brown gelding, worth 2 pounds 10 shillings. Adam pleaded guilty; for this crime he was sentenced to another four lashes, and was further required to pay for the gelding. -
1 Racial Profiling and Street-Level Crime the National Significance Of
Racial Profiling and Street-level Crime The national significance of the Trayvon Martin case has ignited a heated discussion about bias and racial profiling in this country. The prologue for this conversation was established in communities across the country where racial profiling by law enforcement has been commonplace for years. Notwithstanding the fact that racial profiling is unconstitutional, and despite the emphatic declaration from the federal government that the practice is “invidious,” “wrong,” “ineffective,” and “harmful to our rich and diverse democracy,” quantitative and qualitative evidence collected at the federal, state, and local levels confirms that racial profiling persists. Empirical evidence confirms the existence of racial profiling on America’s roadways and that police actions taken during traffic stops are not uniform across race and ethnicity. The U.S. Department of Labor’s Bureau of Justice Statistics reports that for the year 2005: • Black drivers (4.5 percent) were twice as likely as White drivers (2.1 percent) to be arrested during a traffic stop, while Hispanic drivers (65 percent) were more likely than White (56.2 percent) or Black (55.8 percent) drivers to receive a ticket. • In addition, Whites (9.7 percent) were more likely than Hispanics (5.9 percent) to receive a written warning, while Whites (18.6 percent) were more likely than Blacks (13.7 percent) to be verbally warned by police. • Black (9.5 percent) and Hispanic (8.8 percent) motorists stopped by police were searched at higher rates than Whites (3.6 percent). Quantitative evidence reported in several states confirms this nationwide data. • A study in Arizona shows that during 2006–2007, the state highway patrol was significantly more likely to stop African Americans and Hispanics than Whites on all the highways studied, while Native Americans and persons of Middle Eastern descent were more likely to be stopped on nearly all the highways studied. -
Race and the Criminal Justice System 1
RACE AND THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM 1 RACE AND THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM: A STUDY OF RACIAL BIAS AND RACIAL INJUSTICE By Nicole C. Haug Advised by Professor Chris Bickel SOC 461, 462 Senior Project Social Sciences Department College of Liberal Arts CALIFORNIA POLYTECHNIC STATE UNIVERSITY Fall, 2012 © 2012 Nicole Haug RACE AND THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM 2 Table of Contents Research Proposal…………………………………………………………………………………3 Annotated Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………..4 Outline…………………………………………………………………………………………….9 Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………10 Research………………………………………………………………………………………….12 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………….35 References………………………………………………………………………………………..37 RACE AND THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM 3 Research Proposal The goal of my senior project is to study how race influences criminal justice issues such as punitive crime policy, contact with law enforcement officers, profiling, and incarceration, etc. I intend to study the history of crime policy in the U.S. and whether or not racial bias within the criminal justice system exists (especially against African Americans) and if racial neutrality is even possible. I will conduct my research using library and academic sources, such as books and peer-reviewed scholarly journal articles, as well as web sources. I will specifically use sources that highlight the racial disparities found within the criminal justice system, and that offer critical and sociological explanations for those disparities. My hypothesis is that I will find that racial bias in the criminal justice system has created the racial disparities that exist and that racial neutrality within the system is unlikely. RACE AND THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM 4 Annotated Bibliography Alexander, M. (2010). The new jim crow: Mass incarceration in the age of colorblindness . New York: The New Press. -
Race and the Fourth Amendment.Pdf
RACIAL PROFILING AND THE FOURTH AMENDMENT Juval O. Scott Attorney Advisor Office of Defender Services Training Division Washington, D.C. I. Introduction “The erosion of Fourth Amendment liberties comes not in dramatic leaps but in small steps, in decisions that seem “fact- bound,” case specific, and almost routine at first blush. Taken together, though, these steps can have broader implications for the constitutional rights of law-abiding citizens.”1 It seems as though one can barely turn on the nightly news without learning of yet another heartbreaking tale of a person dying at the hands of law enforcement officers. The face of the deceased is disproportionality black and/or brown. Of course this phenomenon is not new—these days it is simply caught on camera and disseminated via mass and social media for all to consume. While there are differing views on how these matters should be handled and what they mean for society as a whole, there is no question that having these issues surrounding race and the Fourth Amendment discussed openly means it is time for criminal defense attorneys to dig in and fight for change in our system. Specifically, we must address racial profiling and its impact on our clients articulating how the life experience, both individual and collective, our clients endure must be factored in to the court’s Fourth Amendment analysis. 1 United States v. Tinnie, 629 F.3d 749, 754 (7th Cir. 2011)(HAMILTON, dissenting). 1 001 This session will delve into the standards set forth by the United States Supreme Court and how we can use those standards to combat seizures that run afoul of the Fourth Amendment. -
Racial Profiling Studies in Law Enforcement: Issues and Methodology
INFORMATION BRIEF Minnesota House of Representatives Research Department 600 State Office Building St. Paul, MN 55155 June 2000 Jim Cleary,* Legislative Analyst 651-296-5053 Racial Profiling Studies in Law Enforcement: Issues and Methodology Many communities have undertaken racial profiling studies to examine if and how someone’s race and ethnicity plays a part in stops by law enforcement. This information brief describes the central concepts, issues, and methodological challenges involved in studying racial profiling in law enforcement. Contents Page Introduction...............................................................3 Part I: Issues Relating to Racial Profiling Studies................................5 Competing Definitions of “Racial Profiling”..................................5 Varying Viewpoints on Racial Profiling.....................................7 Critique of the “Rational Discrimination” Basis for Racial Profiling: Circular Reasoning..........................................12 Levels of Police Discretion: An Important Distinction.........................13 Broken Windows vs. Community Policing: The Context of Racial Profiling Studies...................................................14 Race Data Collection Practices Among the States............................16 Possible Behavioral Responses to Racial Profiling Studies......................19 *For legal questions about racial profiling, please contact legislative analyst Judith Zollar, 651-296-1554. This publication can be made available in alternative formats upon request.