BOOKS SEEN BY BIBLIOTHECA REGIA', CIRCA 1614

JAMES P. CARLEY

As early as the 1530s the antiquary John Leland (i5O3?-i552) envisaged the establishment of some sort of royal library, designed as a repository for the manuscript collections being removed from their previous monastic homes.^ From the period in which Leland was gathering, there is one particularly valuable piece of evidence: a list of the 910 books found in the Upper Library at Westminster Palace in 1542.^ The list was arranged alphabetically and each book given an inventory number; this was then inscribed in the upper right margin ofthe first or second folio (fig. i). At much the same time a second collection must have been inventoried, since there are at least 190 surviving manuscripts and approximately seventy-five printed books bearing inventory numbers from 911 to 1450. These books were also arranged in alphabetical order.^ Not all ofthe books recorded in the Upper Library can still be identified; some were later abstracted by private collectors, some sold as duplicates and a certain number destroyed at the time of Edward VI's Act against Superstitious Books and Images in 1550. Among the known survivors (if one includes both lists) almost 440 are manuscripts: some come from earlier royal collections and some are presentation copies to Henry himself, but many are refugees from the dissolved English religious houses. What an analysis of the two lists indicates, moreover, is that during Henry's reign a substantial collection of medieval manuscripts had been amassed. Even if Leland's vision was not fully realized, and even if there was considerable destruction during the period of the Dissolution, the royal collection was nevertheless well on the way to becoming a national repository.* During Elizabeth's reign private collecting activities flourished and individuals such as Thomas Allen (d. 1632), Lord Burghley (d. 1598), Sir Walter Cope (d. 1614), Sir Robert Cotton (d. 1631), John Dee (d. 1608), Sir Thomas Knyvett (d. 1618), Lord Lumley (d. 1609), Matthew Parker (d. 1575), Henry Savile of Banke (d. 1617), and John Twyne (d. 1581) built up considerable collections. Like Leland, moreover. Dee, Parker and Cotton all contemplated some sort of great national library.^ Elizabeth herself, however, does not appear to have favoured such a scheme and the Westminster collection was left to struggle on without significant growth: indeed, interested individuals such as Sir John Fortescue (d. 1607) and William, Lord Howard of Effingham (d. 1573) managed to make small abstractions from the earlier acquisitions.^ / ^ i

^^ /. The Royal Library inventory number in Royal MS. 8 D. Ill, f. 5

By the beginning ofthe reign of James I things had deteriorated to such a degree that Sir Thomas Bodley was able to obtain permission to remove whatever books he wished from the collection.' Fortunately, however, Bodley was blocked in this scheme through the intervention of Sir Peter Young, who had come from Scotland with James to serve as Royal Librarian. The individual who would finally amalgamate the royal collections into one coherent whole and establish the Royal Library as a major institution in its own right was also on the scene by this time: this was Sir Peter's fifth son Patrick (d. 1652), who would be closely associated with the Royal Library for almost forty years.^ Young actively resisted depredations ofthe library, as a document dating from 19 August 1646 shows: 'Where as I Patricke Young Gentleman, Keeper of his Ma*^^' Library, did diverse yeares since lend unto Sir Henry Spelman Knight one Ancient Manuscript in a large 4° bound in course black velvet with bosses and claspes guilded, containing in it amongst other particulars divers ofthe old Enghsh Saxon Lawes in Latine, I doe now declare and testifie on the word of an honest man and upon my credit, that the booke lately lent unto Sir Simonds D'Ewes by the Lady Spelman which I have seen in his custody is the same booke, which I lent unto the said Sir Henry Spelman being one ofthe bookes belonging to his Ma^'^- Library.'^ Young also collected and consolidated and by 1622 he was commissioned 'to make search in all cathedrals for old manuscripts and ancient records and to bring an inventory of them to His Majesty'.^** At Salisbury and Winchester, if not elsewhere. Young requested that books he had seen be brought afterwards to St James's Palace in London. It is not surprising, therefore, that fellow scholars turned to Young when they wished to locate manuscripts which might document 's past. In a letter of 27 August 1639, for example. Archbishop appealed to Young as a critic of his own work: 'by the opportunity yow have of so many MSS. and your singular judgement in making use of them are able to informe me herein, as much as any I do know in England.'^^ Young's dealings with Ussher and Cotton are relatively well known, but there are also other individuals who made use of the royal collections under his supervision. One of these is Samuel Ward (1572-1642), third Master of Sidney Sussex 90 College, (1610-42). Among Ward's papers can be found a group of miscellaneous notebooks which have been gathered together at Sidney Sussex and are now labelled and paginated.^^ Sidney MS. Ward G, described by Todd as 'a small memoranda book', contains a variety of Ward's jottings between 1604 and 1616. Included are a number of booklists: books borrowed and lent, books seen in other collections, books found in library registers and so forth.^^ On f 35r (fig. 2) there occurs a list of nine titles seen by Ward in the Royal Library. Since the lists coming immediately before and after this one carry a date of 1614 and since the handwriting seems to be more or less identical in all three cases, it seems reasonable to date this list to the same year. Ward and Young were well acquainted by 1614 and Young had acknowledged the older man as an authority on the history of texts. On 23 March 1613, for example. Young wrote to Ward concerning manuscripts of Matthew Paris and somewhat later, in 1621, James Wedderburn thanked Young for introducing him to Ward; Wirum... summae probitatis et doctrinae'.^'' Unlike his friends Ussher and Cotton, Ward does not seem to have abstracted books from the Royal Library for his own purposes ^'^ and all the titles he lists can probably be identified with surviving manuscripts.^^ The manuscripts seen by Ward were all acquired during the reign of Henry VIII, as the medieval provenances combined with the evidence of later inventory numbers (noted in parentheses in my edition) indicate. Six (nos. I, 2a and 2b, 3, 4 and 6) come, not surprisingly, from Rochester Cathedral Priory - the source for the greatest number of the surviving manuscripts in the Westminster list. One (no. 5) derives from Hagnaby, Lincolnshire, and this poses a slight problem, since it does not appear with the two other items noted by 'Leland' as possible candidates for the royal collections. What Ward's list shows about his interests ties in neatly with other evidence about his intellectual concerns in the years just before the (1618-19). Like many of his protestant contemporaries Ward appealed to the Church fathers for support in a variety of theological questions.^^ In Gregory the Great (nos. 1-6), then. Ward might have hoped to find opinions on a number of topics which were concerning him at the time: the powers of the pope as pastor,^^ matters of jurisdiction,^'^ the claims of the bishop, the priesthood and the ecclesiastical hierarchy in general.'^'* Henry of Ghent (no. 7) opposed the mendicants on matters of confessional privileges and tried in general to restore Augustinianism to the Faculty of Theology. Samuel Ward was himself a pluralist - he was, tnter alia, chaplain to James Montagu, Bishop of Bath and Wells, Rector at Yatton, Archdeacon of Taunton and Prebendary of Wells (1615-42), Rector of Great Munden, Hertfordshire (1616-35), a Canon of York (1617-42), Rector of Terrington, Norfolk (1638-42), and a royal chaplain. It is not surprising, therefore, that he turned to Calimpre's Bonum universale de apibus (no. 9) - the section excerpted in Royal 6 E. Ill relates to the condemnation of Philippe de Greve (d. 1237) for opposing Guillaume d'Auvergne in the declaration against pluralities - with fascination. The other texts cited in no. 9, moreover, deal with problems of schism and reform and seem particularly germane in the years leading up to Dort.^^

91 The Royal list is one of a large number which Samuel Ward compiled over his lifetime. Like a growing number of his contemporaries Ward was acutely aware of the disruption caused by the Dissolution and by the need to establish new libraries (such as that at Sidney Sussex, for example) for the housing of medieval manuscripts.^^ His correspondence contains many references to medieval texts and where copies could still be found. With Patrick Young, as already noted, he discussed Matthew Paris. William Bedell, Bishop of Kilmore, asked his opinion concerning manuscripts.^^ Clement of Rome and St John of Damascus form a topic in his correspondence with John Boys, Prebendary of Ely. For Ussher, in particular, he served as a kind of interlibrary loan service. In Cambridge, he obtained books from Dr Man at Trinity College for the Archbishop; from Robert Austin at King's College; a manuscript of Simeon of Durham from the University Library. As for modern scholars. Corpus Christi College proved to be a challenge and on 8 July 1608 he writes apologetically to Ussher: 'I have been at Bennet College, but could not get into the library, the master, who had one of the keys, being from here. '~^ When he sent a copy of to Ussher, Ward made the following observation: 'I notwithstanding [other business] brought with me the manuscripts of Bede's Ecclesiastical history which I have of Sir R. Cotton's, and have sent it unto you by this bearer Walter Mark: I will expect the book from you, when you have done with it, for that I would keep it till Sir Robert restore a book of mine, which he had of Mr Patrick Young.'"'' Here, then, we have an indication both of Ward's interchanges with Young and of Cotton's increasingly unbridled bibhomania and the dangers it presented to other collectors."^ The text which follows is transcribed from Sidney MS. Ward G. I have numbered items for convenience of reference. The orthography of the manuscript has been retained, but capitalization and punctuation are editorial and follow standard conventions. Expansions of contracted forms are italicized. Identifications of the texts include only the titles mentioned by Ward; a lower case letter enclosed in square brackets preceding the identification indicates the position of the given item in the manuscript where the manuscript contains more than one text. In the cases where my identification of the manuscript itself is based on circumstantial evidence and must, therefore, remain tentative I have placed a question mark before the present Royal number. If an early printed book of the same title can be found in the Catalogues I have provided a reference to place and date of publication in square brackets at the end of my entry. APPENDIX

CAMBRIDGE, SIDNEY SUSSEX COLLEGE, MS. WARD G, f 35r In Bibliotheca regia (i) Gregorii papae moralia per contemplationem sumpta'^^ in lihrum lob. fol. = ? 6 D. VII (558). Pope Gregory I, the Great (c. 540-604). Moralia siue Expositio in lob. See E. Dekkers and A. Gaar, Clavis patrum latinorum, 2nd edn. (Steenbrugge, 1961), no. 92 Liu~f*zij -^j^rf 'yiu^i^^^ T u r

/'/;g-. 2. Cambridge, Sidney Sussex College, MS. Ward G, f. 35r. By permission of the Master and Eel lows 93 1708; also Neil R. Ker, 'Tbe English manuscripts ofthe Moralia of Gregory the Great', in Artur Rosenauer and Gerold Weber (eds.), Kunsthistorische Forschungen Otto Pdcht (Salzburg, 1972), pp. 77-89. Given by Thomas Horsted. Rochester, s.xiv. [Basel, 1470, etc.]

(2) Rursus cuw textu Iobi in initio. Duohus \o\uminibus. fol. = .^ 3 C. IV (352). [a] Book of Job. [b] Moralia siue Expositio in lob, books i-xvi. Beg. f I2r. Rochester, s.xii. = .^ 6 C. VI (548). Moralia siue Expositio in lob, books xvii—xxxv. Rochester, s.xii. Although the hands differ from one another, this seems to be the pair referred to by the Rochester catalogue of 1202 under Gregory: 'super lob in duobus uoluminibus'.

(3) Extrema pars homiliarww eiusdew in Ezekielem, continews 10 homilias. fol. = .'' 4 B. I (375). Gregory the Great. Homiliae in Ezechielem. See Clavis patrum latinorum, no. 1710. 4 B. I contains only the second part, made up - as Ward observes - often homilies. Preceded by the text. Rochester, s.xii. (4) Homiliae qwe-daw eiusdew in evangelia (\ued2im et ^Viorum. = ? 2 C. Ill (383). Gregory the Great et al. Homt/iae de tempore et de sanctis. Begins with the Gospel reading for Septuagesima, followed by the 'Omelia lectionis eiusdem beati gregorii pape\ Next come three other homilies by Gregory, then homilies from a range of other writers: Bede, Jerome, Augustine, and so forth. Towards the end ofthe volume are other homilies by Gregory. Rochester, s.xi ex. [See, however, the printed Homeliarus. Cologne, 1475 etc.]

(5) Speculuw Gregorii. ^ = ? 5 E. V (1317). [a] Adalbert of Metz (late ioth cent.). Speculum beati Cregorii pape. See F. Stegmiiller, Repertorium bibhcum medii aevi, 11 vols. (Madrid, 1950-80), no. 859; also Morton W. Bloomfield et al., Incipits of Latin Works on the Virtues and Vices, 1100-1500 A.D. (Cambridge, Mass., 1979), no. 3297. Hagnaby, Lincolnshire, s.xiii.

(6) Gregorii pastorale. 8°, supra. = ? 5 E. II (1430). Gregory the Great. Regula pastoralis. See Stegmuller, no. 2636; also Clavis patrum latinorum, no. 1712. Rochester, s.xii. [Cologne, 1470, etc.]

(7) Quotlibeta M-agistr\ Henrici Archidiaconi. = .? II C. X (1288). Henry of Ghent (d. 1293). Quodlibela I~XV. For a full description of this manuscript see R. Macken, Bibliotheca Manuscripta Henrici de Candavo, 2 vols. (Leiden, 1979), vol. i, pp. 362-5. Pr. Paris, 1518. To date Quodlibeta /, //, VI, IX, X, XII 94 and XIII have been re-edited in the Henrici de Gandavo Opera Omnia project under Macken's co-ordination. Written in England, s.xiii/xiv. (8) De forma eligendi pastorew. Vrimus tractatus \\\\us volummis dicitur Breuibquium pauperis. = 8 D. Ill (133; see Fig. i). Treatises on theology and canon law. [b] St Bonaventure (r. 1217-74). Breviloquium. Beg. (f. 5r): 'Flecto genua mea'. See S. Bonaventurae Opera Omnia, 10 vols. (Quaracchi, 1882-1902), vol. v, pp. 201-91. [f] De forma eligendi pastorem. Anonymous treatise on the election of abbots. Beg. (f. 85V): 'Ad quarMwdam consuetudinu/w errorem illuminand«m'. Ramsey, s.xiii. (9) Determinatio Parisiensis de pluralitate beneficiorww si fi^erit licita. compilatio vniv^rsitatis Parisiensis et opus vniversitatis Oxoniensis de vnione in ecclesia fienda tempore scismatis. Tractatus de reformatione ecclesie yiagistn Richardi VIsiston Doctoris Theolog/> Oxoniensi 1408. IWius voluminis primus tractatw.?^^ est Augustinus de cognitione verae vitae. = 6 E. Ill (1360). Miscellaneous theological tracts, [a] Honorius of Autun (1075/80-1:. 1156). De cognitione verae vitae. P.L., vol. xl, cols. 1005-32. Printed among the works of St Augustine, to whom it is attributed in many manuscripts. In 6 E. Ill 'Augustinus' is added above 'Ieronius' in the title to agree with the form found in the list of contents (where, however, 'Ieronius' is written above the line), [u.i.] Thomas of Cantimpre (1186/1210-1276/94). Bonum umversale de apibus, bk. i, ch. 19, nos. 9-10; ch. 20, no. 8. Beg. (f 76r); 'Quanti sit pmcuH'. See W. E. van der Vet, Het Bienboec van Thomas van Cantimpre' en zijn exempelen (The Hague, 1902). [v.i] General epistle of the University of Paris, dated 26 August 1395, apparently transmitted by King Richard II to Oxford. Beg. (f 77r): 'Vniu^rsis C//r/sti fidelibw5 vniucrsittf/is studii Pdrisiens/i\ [v.ii] Letter of Oxford University to Richard II, dated 17 March 1396. Beg. (f. 8or): 'C/^nstianissimo pnncipi et domino', [w] Richard Ullerston (d. 1423). Petitiones pro ecclesie militantis reformatione. Beg. (f. 83V): 'Peticionem vnam'. Pr. Herman von der Hardt, Magnum oecumemcum Constantiense concilium, 7 vols. in 4 (Berlin, 1742), vol. i, pp. 1126—70. See A. B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1300, 3 vols. (Oxford, 1957-9), ^ol- iiii pp. 1928-9. Magdalen College, Oxford, s.xv ex.

While writing this article I was a Visiting Backhouse, Dr Elisabeth Leedham-Green, and Scholar at Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, Dr Colin Tite have read the article in typescript and I profited greatly from ready access to the and have made a variety of helpful suggestions. Ward papers. I also was fortunate to be at Sidney i On Leland as a manuscript cataloguer and Sussex College at the same time as Professor collector see James P. Carley, 'John Leland and Margo Todd, who generously answered my the contents of English pre-Dissolution libraries: many questions about Ward and about the early Glastonbury Abbey', Scriptorium, xl (1986), seventeenth century in general. Miss Janet pp. 107-20; 'John Leland at Somerset libraries'

95 Somerset Archaeology and Natural History, cxxix Court books or those at Greenwich survives, but {198.0^ PP- 141^54; 'John Leiand and the Harl. MS. 1419 A, f. 62V refers to over three contents of English pre-Dissolution libraries: hundred unspecified books in various locations - the Cambridge Friars', Transactions of the in desks and under the table-'In the highest Cambridge Bibliographical Society, ix (1986), Library' at Greenwich. At f, 245r it is noted that pp. 90-100. there are many books ' In the librarie' at 2 I am in the process of preparing an annotated Hampton Court, There are some indications of edition of this list, which survives as P.R.O., at least one other numbering sequence among Augm. Office, Misc. Books 160 (E.315.160), early royal books and it may be eventually ft.iO7v-2or; later transcriptions are found in possible to reconstruct in part the contents of all B.L., Add. MSS, 4729 and 25469. In Harl. MS. three libraries. 1419 A + B (a contemporary copy of the in- 5 See C. E. Wright, 'The dispersal ofthe libraries ventory of goods taken at the time of Henry in the sixteenth century', in Francis Wormald VIIFs death in 1547) there is a list of thirty-eight and C. E. Wright (eds.). The English Library books at New Hall, and less complete references before lyoo (London, 1958), pp. 148-75; also to books at Windsor, Westminster, Greenwich Kevin Sharpe, Sir Robert Cotton 1586-16^1 and Hampton Court. For a list of 143 books (Oxford, 1979), pp. 50-1. found at Richmond in 1535, see Henri Omont, 6 For Fortescue and Howard see my forthcoming 'Les manuscrits fran^ais des rois d'Angleterre au study ofthe 1542 list. On Parker's concern over chateau de Richmond \ in Etudes romanes dediees the lending of Royal 14 C. VI and Royal 14 C. a Gaston Paris (Paris, 1891), pp. 1-13- VII to Henry Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel, see 3 To my knowledge it has never been pointed out Wright, pp. 157, 173, n. 23. that these higher numbers form an alphabetical 7 See Sir George F. Warner and Julius P. Gilson, sequence. More importantly, it has been gen- British Museum. Catalogue of Western Manu- erally assumed that the numbers over 910 are scripts in the Old Royal and King's Collections., 4 later additions to the core collection at West- vols. (London, 1921), vol. i, p, xviii. minster - an assumption which my own work 8 On Young, see Johannes Kemke, Patricias Junius has shown to be inaccurate. For example, among (Patrick Young) BibUothekar der Kbnige Jacob I the identifiable books acquired for Henry VIII und Carl J von England (Leipzig, 1898). from Lincolnshire during one 'haul' in the mid- 9 Quoted by Kemke, p. 140. 1530S 0' R- Liddell, '"Leland's" lists of manu- 10 See Ivor Atkins and Neil R. Ker, Catahgus scripts in Lincolnshire monasteries', English hbrorum maniiscriptorum bibliothecae Wigorniensis Historical Review, Hv (1939), pp. 88-95) the (Cambridge, 1944); N. R. Ker, 'Salisbury Ca- inventory numbers range from 58 to 1290, In thedral manuscripts and Patrick Young's Cata- many cases, too, the lower and higher numbers logue', Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural seem to have been entered by the same hand; in History Alagazine., liii (1949-50), pp. 153-83; a few examples two books on either side of the Ker, 'Patrick Young's Catalogue of the manu- 910 division line form companion volumes ofthe scripts of Lichfield Cathedral', Mediaeval and same set. Renaissance Studies, ii (1950), pp, 151-68. The 4 At this point I am not certain where nos. articles can be found reprinted in N. R. Ker, 911-1450 were housed: were they in a 'Lower Books, Collectors and Libraries. Studies in the Library' at Westminster or were they stored Medieval Heritage, ed, Andrew G. Watson (Lon- eLsew^here .-^ In his unpublished Antiphilarchia don, 1985), pp. 175-208, 273-91. (Cambridge University Library, MS. Ee.V.14, 11 See Kemke, p. 92. pp. 335-6) Leiand makes the following state- 12 See Margo Todd, 'The Samuel Ward papers at ment: 'Sed nee iilud silentio praetereundum Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge', Trans- quod paucis abhinc annis exemplo plane actions of the Cambridge Bibliographical So- vndecunqwe regio tres bibliothecas in palatiis suis ciety, viii (1985), pp. 582-92. For recent studies maximo veterum exemplariorum numero summa of Ward and his intellectual milieu see Todd, cum diligentia cowquisito erexerit, vnam Visi- ' Providence, chance and the new science in early monasterii, alteram Auonae Tamesinae, tertiam Stuart Cambridge', The Historical Journal, xxix Grenouici.' No inventory for the Hampton (1986), pp. 697-711; P. G. Lake, 'Calvinism and the English Church 1570-1635', Past and kept together, see Sears Jayne, Library Cata- Present, cxiv (1987), pp. 32-76, at 54-69. See logues of the English Renaissance (rev. edn.; also M. M. Knappen (ed.). Two Elizabethan Godaiming, Surrey, 1983), pp. 29-39. Puritan Diaries by Richard Rogers and Samuel 17 When, for example, he wished to justify his Ward (Chicago, 1933). version of universalism he backed his arguments 13 For Ward's list of books from John Dee's library with crucial passages culled from St Augustine; see R. J. Roberts and A. G. Watson, John Dee's see Lake, p. 57. Library Catalogue {The Bibliographical Society, 18 See Sidney MS. Ward M. 3, which analyses, forthcoming). inter alia, the authority of the pope. 14 See Kenike, pp. 17-18, 44. 19 See Sidney MS. Ward M. i, which discusses the 15 Trinity College, Dublin, MS. 53 can almost power of lay magistrates in ecclesiastical courts. certainly be identified as no. 573 in the West- 20 See, for example, Sidney MS. Ward P: 'De minster catalogue, somehow acquired by Ussher potestate Clavium et Absolutione Sacerdotali'. for his own collections. Cotton Tiberius E. I, 21 On King James Ts view of the Synod of Dort as Cotton Vitellius A. XIII, ff. 91-100, Cotton a means for ending religious disputes in the Low Vitellius E. VII and Cotton Vespasian D. XXI, Countries, see Lake, pp. 51-60. ff. i-ij ~ inter alia - ippeur to be strays from 22 At least fourteen of the medieval manuscripts in the Westminster library. the Sidney Sussex library come from Ward and 16 The manuscripts to which Ward's entries for he acquired one of them, Sidney Sussex College, nos. 8 and 9 correspond can be recognized MS. 75, directly from Wells Cathedral; see without difficulty, but other identifications must Carley., 'John Leland at Somerset libraries', be based on circumstantial evidence. In every p. 149. He was also interested in scientific works case, however, no other Royal Manuscript fits the and, as Todd points out ('Providence, chance description provided by Ward. Assuming that and the new science', p. 710), 'Additions to the we are not dealing with lost material, therefore, college library during his mastership include it seems likely the identifications are accurate, works of Brahe, Copernicus, Kepler, Ridley and even if no corroborating evidence - such as Briggs, and Ward records going to London in marginal annotations in Ward's own hand - 1612 both to ''call on Mr Gataker" and "to buy exists. In my opinion all Ward's references are to Sir F. Bacon's books".' manuscripts, although my arguments must re- 23 Colin Tite has drawn my attention to a letter main more subjective in the case of nos. i, 4 and from Bedell to Cotton of 10 Dec. 1627 (now 6, where early printed editions of the same text Cotton Julius C. Ill, f. 22) which mentions survive in the British Library collections (these Ward: Ward, it seems, was acting as a carrier are noted in square brackets in my entries). If I from Cotton to Ussher of a Psalter written m am correct in my supposition, this leads to Irish by Rhygyfarch. On Ward's friendship with further speculation. When the inventory of books Bedell and an analysis of their correspondence, at Westminster was drawn up, books and see Margo Todd, '" An act of discretion:" manuscripts were placed together indiscrimi- evangelical conformity and the Puritan dons\ nately, alphabetical order being the only organiz- Albion, xviii (ig86), pp. 581-99. ational criterion. In 1549, when Bartholomew 24 Charles Richard Elrington (ed.). The Whole Traheron was made Librarian, he (like his Works of the Mosl Rev. James Ussher D.D., 17 immediate successors) was empowered to in- vols. (Dublin, 1847-64), vol. xv, p. 53. Others crease the core collection by bringing together too had difficulties seeing Archbishop Parker's books from other royal libraries. By 1610 Young manuscripts after they were deposited at Corpus was specifically commissioned to make a cata- Christi College, Cambridge, as Sharpe, Sir logue. Does the Ward list indicate that the Robert Cotton, p. 73, observes. In the Cambridge amalgamating and ordering activities led to a University Library copy of Sharpe's book, separation of manuscript and printed book in the moreover, there is a marginal annotation in royal collection and that Ward was examining pencil at this juncture, where some frustrated the former only? At this period, there was a scholar has despairingly noted ' Plus (;a certain amount of controversy about whether or change...'. not manuscripts and printed books should be 25 Elrington, vol. xv, p. 229. In one of his lists of

97 loans records (B.L., Harl. MS. 6018, f. 159V) 26 On this topic see also , Catalogue Cotton refers to a copy of Bede ' bound with my ofthe Manuscripts in the Cottonian Library i6g6, armes' which he has lent to Ward. (I owe thanks ed. C G. C. Tite (Cambridge, 1984), p. 4: to Dr C. G. C. Tite for this reference). Pre- 'Official work and connections...undoubtedly sumably Ward ultimately returned the Bede to provided Cotton with opportunities to gain Cotton and then got another copy of his own. In legitimate access to government papers and, his edition of Bede's Ecclesiastical History given the still hardly adequate control exercised (Cambridge, 1643) Abraham Whelock made use over their custody, he would have had no of three Latin manuscripts, one from Trinity difficulty in taking copies or removing originals. College, Cambridge, one belonging to Thomas There can be little doubt that he did so and in Cotton, and one (his R) belonging to Ward. 1615 Thomas Wilson, Keeper of the Records, Colgrave and Mynors (Bertram Colgrave and issued a warning that Cotton would attempt to R. A. B. Mynors (eds.), Bedels Ecclesiastical place one of his nominees in the vacant post of History of the English people (Oxford, 1969), Keeper of the Exchequer Records, thereby p. Ixxii) identify this last as Sidney Sussex further threatening the state papers which had College, MS. 102 (Bury St Edmunds, s.xv). On already suffered from being "coningly scraped this topic, see also J. C. T. Oates, Cambridge together" by him.' University Library. A History. From the Be- Corr. from 'supta'. 27 ginnings to the Copyright Act of Queen Anne 28 Corr. from 'incipit'. (Cambridge, 1986), pp. 205-6. 29 'incipit' deleted.