Individual Contracts Undercut Equal

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Individual Contracts Undercut Equal Rebuilding the IWW at NYC campaigns winning, Atom Spies, Horizontalism Armed men break Streetlight shelter but face stiff resistance and IWW history strikes in Philippines 5 7 8-9 10 INDUSTRIAL WORKER OFFICIAL NEWSPAPER O F T H E I N D U S T R I A L W O R K E R S O F T H E W O RLD November 2007 #1701 Vol. 104 No. 11 $1 / £1 / €1 Individual contracts undercut equal pay By Australian Council of Trade Unions The research shows the unfair The pay gap between men and industrial relations laws have women has widened under the Liberal particularly hurt women on AWA Party of Australia government led by individual contracts. Women on AWAs John Howard. Women on Australian only earn 81 cents for every dollar Workplace Agreements (AWA)— earned by men on AWAs. Women individual contracts between worker and on collective agreements fare better, boss—are falling furthest behind. earning 90 cents for every dollar earned Australian Council of Trade Unions by men. (ACTU) President Sharan Burrow “Women on AWAs are earning on revealed the findings of this study at the average $87 less per week than their national conference, Shaping the Future counterparts on collective agreements of Women in Australia, in Sydney on and for part-time women, the difference October 10. can be as much as $140 per week,” said The most recent data shows the gap Burrow. between men's and women’s earnings Australia’s booming economy is has widened in the past three years. also leaving women worse off. In July Women working full-time now earn 2007, wage costs in higher-paid, male- only 84 cents for every dollar earned by dominated industries such as mining a man working full-time—a drop from and construction were growing three three years ago, when it was 87 cents for times faster than wage costs in low paid every dollar. sectors such as retail and hospitality, In November, We Remember... “Workplace Relations Minister where many women are employed. The laurels of victory are lain on the head of a Haymarket martyr at their Joe Hockey’s claim that the wages gap Also on the conference agenda were memorial grave in the old Waldheim cemetary in Chicago, United States. The between men and women has narrowed strategies to improve paid maternity Haymarket martyrs were executed on November 11, 1887. The mobilizations under the Howard government is simply leave, promote accessible childcare, around their trial and execution inspired a new generation of labor activists, not supported by the evidence. Mr. support women in leadership, and including many who joined the Industrial Workers of the World in 1905. Hockey is wrong again," said Burrow. increase women's influence. Analysis NLRB permits decertification campaigns UAW strikes to get GM, Chrysler contracts The 73,000 United Auto Workers GM gained key concessions that for voluntarily recognized unions (UAW) at General Motors struck for divide the workforce. New hires won't By americanrightsatwork.org the first time since 1976, bringing the get the same health benefits as current The US national labor board has paign by a minority of anti-union em- automaker back to the bargaining table employees and their starting pay will be undermined voluntary recognition of ployees. This protection allowed stability in just two days. lower than the current rate. unions by allowing a decertification cam- during the bargaining of a first contract. The UAW also used a six hour strike In turn, GM agreed to hire 3,000 paign within 45 days of recognition. In the current case, both Dana Corp. on October 10 to force Chrysler to make temporary workers into “full-time, Voluntary recognition is when em- and Metaldyne Corp. voluntarily recog- a tentative agreement, which has yet to traditional employment,” which for the ployers agree to recognize a union once nized that a majority of their workers be ratified by the rank-and-file. union, removes a potential threat to a majority of workers sign union cards. formed unions with the United Auto The new four-year GM contract, workplace solidarity. It’s a peaceful and quick way to get to the Workers. When the Regional NLRB ratified October 10 by 66 per cent of Still, GM looks to be the big winner bargaining table and, for workers and Director dismissed decertification peti- workers, was widely reported to have by shedding the long-term health cost bosses, a better alternative to the flawed tions filed by anti-union employees a few created a US$50 billion health fund that for current workers and retirees. Not National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) weeks after recognition was granted, the would be run by the UAW on behalf of having this liability will mean it will be election process. anti-union National Right to Work Legal 411,000 current workers and retirees. in a stronger position to demand more The appointed Republican major- Defense Foundation filed charges on GM will also protect jobs on the basis concessions during the 2011 contract ity of the Board sided with anti-union behalf of these employees to challenge of seniority. Last year, GM shut 12 plants negotiations. Auto workers in unions groups to allow as few as 30 per cent of this longstanding protection. and cut 34,000 jobs. such as the Canadian Auto Workers will anti-union employees to petition an elec- As the dissenting Board members While UAW leaders may have now have to compete with a contract tion to decertify the union. wrote, a minority of anti-union employ- breathed a sigh of relief that their gambit that has lowered standards and, thus, This latest NLRB ruling, the Dana ees can now “hijack” this important peri- worked, the contract gives pause. put them at a bargaining disadvantage. Metaldyne decision, will remove a key od of time when an employer and union protection for new unions who could need to begin bargaining a contract, and otherwise face a decertification cam- destabilize the new relationship. German occupied bike factory ready to roll By John Kalwaic Industrial Worker Bicycle workers in Germany who oc- Union) and have launched a website Periodicals Postage PO Box 13476 cupied their factory to prevent its closure www.strike-bike.de to take orders and PAID have met their goal of 1,800 orders to publicize this new direction. Philadelphia, PA 19101 Philadelphia, PA keep it running under workers’ control. Production is planned to start on Oc- ISSN 0019-8870 and additional “Never before in the Federal Re- tober 23. The staff received orders from mailing offices public of Germany [has] self-managed most European countries as well as from ADDRESS CORRECTION REQUESTED production in an occupied factory took Australia, Canada, Egypt, Israel, South place,” said Strike-Bike’s website. Africa and the United States. Workers of the Thuringian Nordhau- The workers are “overwhelmed from sen bicycle factory in Germany occu- the dimension of worldwide solidarity” pied their factory on July 10 to prevent displayed, according to a statement on closure by owner Bike Systems GmbH. the website. While the boss declared bankruptcy on To order bikes, contact: August 10, the workers stayed put and Bikes in Nordhausen e.V., c/o. André decided to found Strike-Bike, a worker- Kegel, Bruno-Kunze-Str. 39 - 99734 owned cooperative that would keep the Nordhausen or telephone 03631-622 124 135 employees in work and in control of and 03631-403 591 or fax 03631-622 the factory. 170. Email is [email protected]. The strikers are affiliated with the Subscribers: The number (top line of label ) reflects the last issue due on your subscription. anarchosyndicalist FAU (Free Workers With files from the IW. Page • Industrial Worker • November 2007 of any organization that claims its goal is to unite every person on the planet. IW editor adds ‘context’, panders to Zionist Histradut I hope that these measures taken by I was pleasantly surprised at the My major criticism is to the charac- the Women’s Caucus are nothing more coverage of the Palestinian General Fed- terizations of Histradrut in the article than a grand redundancy or there is no eration of Trade Unions (PGFTU) in the bearing my byline. I did not write this. better way to state our group’s inclusive- September IW. I guess I jumped the gun Excluding material is one thing, but, ness than to prevent any official writ- on my concern to see it in print. press protocol mandates that, if addi- ing that would not include a person or A few comments, however. It seems tional material is added to an article, the ‘Culture of inclusion’ persons. to have sparked enough interest in author of that additional material must redundant in IWW Simply put, the fact that there are Palestinian labor struggles to include in be included in the byline, or, if the article so few requirements for members and the same issue several remarks in print, is a group effort, that there be no byline. Regarding the Women’s Caucus in officers speaks volumes of how inclusive seemingly added for “political balance”. Please, either include the added author’s the October Industrial Worker, I am we already are and always have been. A A portion of my article dealt with the name or omit mine. unsure as to whether I should feel it of- real act of inclusion would be to sign up extensive history of the struggles of Pal- Apparently someone felt that His- fensive or redundant. It shames me that new members and organize workplaces. estinian labor (1920-present), particu- tradrut should be consulted before the people aligned with our organization Proposing a ‘Culture of Inclusion’ is, in larly the PGFTU, including their break article appeared.
Recommended publications
  • William Seraile Email: [email protected] Rank
    William Seraile Email: [email protected] Rank: Professor Emeritus Degrees: B.A. Social Science, Central Washington University, 1963; M.A. Teaching of History, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1967; Ph.d City University of New York, 1977 Awards: Assoc. for the Study of Afro-American Life & History Award for “Unsung Historian,” 1983. Beyond War Award (former Peace Corps Volunteer) 1987. Marcus Garvey Memorial Foundation-Carter G. Woodson-William Leo Hansberry Award for contributions in history, 1989. Lehman College Teacher of the Year, 1991. George N. Shuster Fellowship for academic research, 1991. Central Washington University Outstanding Alumni Award, 2009. Central Washington University Distinguished Alumni Award, 2012. Garfield (Seattle, Washington) high school Hall of Fame inductee, 2013 Books: Angels of Mercy: White Women and the History of New York’s Colored Orphan Asylum, Fordham University Press, 2011 (2013) Bruce Grit: The Black Nationalist Writings of John Edward Bruce, University of Tennessee Press, 2003 (2011) New York’s Black Regiments During the Civil War, Routledge, 2001 Fire In His Heart: Bishop Benjamin Tucker Tanner and the AME Church, University of Tennessee Press, 1998 Voice of Dissent: Theophilus Gould Steward and Black America, University of Tennessee Press, 1991 Articles: (selected) “The Civil War’s Impact on Race Relations in New York State, 1865-1875,” Afro- Americans in New York Life & History, 25:1, January, 2001, 57-89 “Saving Souls on the Frontier: A Chaplain’s Labor,” Montana: The Magazine of Western
    [Show full text]
  • Safundi: the Journal of South African and American Studies
    Peter Cole & Lucien van der Walt Crossing the Color Lines, Crossing the Continents: Comparing the Racial Politics of the IWW in South Africa and the United States, 1905–1925 Safundi: The Journal of South African and American Studies Vol. 12, No. 1, January 2011, 69–96 ABSTRACT In two of the planet’s most highly racialized countries, South Africa and the United States, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW, or “Wobblies”), were remarkable. A key revolutionary syndicalist current operating globally, aspiring to unite the world's working class into a revolutionary One Big Union against capitalism, the state and economic and social inequality, the Wobblies operated in contexts characterized by white supremacy and deeply divided working classes. Yet they not only condemned racism and segregation in theory, but actively engaged in the challenging work of organizing workers of color including black Africans, African Americans, Asians, Coloureds and Latinos, against both economic exploitation and national/ racial oppression. Although the literature on race, ethnicity, and labour in both countries is voluminous, remarkably little has been written regarding the IWW on race matters. Yet the Wobbly tradition’s impressive commitment and achievements largely unappreciated; the myth that left anti-racism started with Marxist communism in the 1920s remains pervasive. This article develops a comparative analysis of these two IWW experiences, bridging the North/South and industrialized/developing country divides in the (labor) historiography, and deepening our understanding of IWW politics and of labor, race and the left in countries with heterogeneous working classes. Given the centrality of sailors and dockers in the Wobbly movement, particular attention is paid to Philadelphia (US) and Cape Town (SA).
    [Show full text]
  • Pearson on Cole, 'Ben Fletcher: the Life and Times of a Black Wobbly'
    H-Labor Pearson on Cole, 'Ben Fletcher: The Life and Times of a Black Wobbly' Review published on Saturday, June 26, 2021 Peter Cole. Ben Fletcher: The Life and Times of a Black Wobbly. Oakland: PM Press, 2020. 352 pp. $39.49 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-62963-832-4. Reviewed by Chad Pearson (Collin College) Published on H-Labor (June, 2021) Commissioned by David Marquis (The College of William & Mary) Printable Version: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=56652 I have too often heard the following critiques: labor history is simply the study of white men in unions, and labor historians have done a poor job of exploring divisions and identities other than class. These claims ignore more than half a century of “new labor history” scholarship—loads of books and articles by Herbert Gutman, David Montgomery, Jacqueline Jones, Tera Hunter, Joe Trotter, and many others that examine the historical experiences of racially and ethnically diverse working men and women both in and outside of workplaces—that disproves these sorts of statements. Moreover, labor historians such as Theodore W. Allen, Noel Ignatiev, and David Roediger were more responsible for introducing and popularizing “whiteness studies” in the 1990s than any other group of scholars, and one does not need to look far to find the enduring significance of this historiographical intervention. Phrases like “white skin privilege” and “the wages of whiteness” are regularly made in seminar rooms as well as in activist circles. Yet perhaps this overemphasis of white laborers’ racism without properly addressing the ways employers have historically promoted white supremacy, combined with an underappreciation of class struggles across racial and gender lines has harmed the place of labor studies in the academy, leading to the near erasure of the subject in numerous higher educational institutions.
    [Show full text]
  • “Speak out Now When Others Grow Silent”: the Messenger, the IWW and Debates Over New Negro Radicalism
    “Speak out now when others grow silent”: The Messenger, the IWW and debates over New Negro radicalism George Robertson ________________________________________________________________________ “Ere long the country may look forward to full (sic) fledged Negro radicals who will measure up to the standards of modern economic and political radicalism.” Messenger, December 1919. “We have constantly maintained that the solution to the Negro Problem rests with the alliance of Negroes with radical organizations.” Messenger, February 1920. “Negroes and Industrial Workers of the World have interests not only in common, but interests that are identical.” Messenger, October 1919. The social and economic cleavages created during World War I facilitated a world- wide political left-turn, with increasing numbers of workers, both white and black, questioning the political and economic status quo and embracing social movement organizations devoted to the dismantling or overthrow of capitalism. In the United States, one of the most potent symbol and manifestation of this insurgency was the increasingly close relationship between African Americans and white leftist groups.1 The specter of Red- Black cooperation provoked a convergence of racist and anti-radical reactionary forces in the summer of 1919, with angry urban mobs seeking to punish recalcitrant blacks, and J. Edgar Hoover’s Bureau of Intelligence effectively race-baiting and imprisoning radicals of both races. In the context of this pervasive violence and repression at home, and American imperialist intervention abroad, many black radicals argued the need for new thinking, new tactics and new leadership that eschewed liberal reformism, challenged blind patriotism and 1 1 Rod Bush, We Are Not What We Seem: Black Nationalism and Class Struggle in the American Century (New York: New York University Press, 1999), 90.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Labour Column
    Global Labour Column https://globallabourcolumn.org | Number 369, February 2021 Black-led, antiracist unionism: Ben Fletcher and the IWW By Peter Cole Benjamin Harrison Fletcher ranks among the greatest African Virginia. In a sense, one might compare the migration of Americans of his generation and the top echelon of Black Fletcher’s parents to Philadelphia as similar to the many Sicilian unionists and radicals in all of US history. In his time, the early immigrants escaping desperate poverty, or to Jews fleeing the 20th century, Fletcher helped lead a groundbreaking union that murderous, anti-Semitic pogroms in Russia. In the working-class quite possibly was the most diverse and integrated organization slums of south Philadelphia, African Americans such as the – not simply union – in an era rampant with racism, anti- Fletchers lived on the same streets as East European Jews and unionism, and xenophobia. Italians, as well as poor and working-class Poles and Lithuanians, Irish and Irish Americans, and others. Although long nicknamed Fletcher and thousands of his fellow Philadelphia dockworkers ‘the City of Brotherly Love,’ Philadelphia was anything but, belonged to Local 8, whose membership was roughly one-third especially for African Americans. Multiple ‘race riots’ had African American, one-third Irish and Irish American, and one occurred in the 19th and early 20th centuries. third European immigrant (particularly Italians, Poles and East European Jews). Chartered in 1913, amidst a successful two- Fletcher was one of the many thousands of young men who week strike that shut down one of the country’s five busiest walked to the Philadelphia waterfront looking for work to ports, Local 8 belonged to the Industrial Workers of the World support themselves and their families, as in port cities across the (IWW).
    [Show full text]
  • Ben Fletcher-Watson Phd Thesis
    “MORE LIKE A POEM THAN A PLAY”: TOWARDS A DRAMATURGY OF PERFORMING ARTS FOR EARLY YEARS Ben Fletcher-Watson A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the Royal Conservatoire of Scotland & University of St Andrews 2016 Full metadata for this item is available in Research@StAndrews:FullText at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8974 This item is protected by original copyright This item is licensed under a Creative Commons Licence “More like a poem than a play”: towards a dramaturgy of performing arts for Early Years Ben Fletcher-Watson PhD in Drama Date of submission: 26/01/2016 © Ben Fletcher-Watson 2016 Abstract This thesis aims to further our understanding of the emergent phenomenon of Theatre for Early Years (TEY) in Scotland. It interrogates a series of artistic practices – traditional, postdramatic, participatory – with the aim of proposing a possible dramaturgy of arts for the very young. Practice typically precedes theory in new fields of performance. TEY currently lacks a coherent theoretical framework or dramaturgy, instead drawing on interdisciplinary strands of psychology, pedagogy and existing dramaturgical practices from older forms of theatre for children. This study explores artists’ embodied knowledge as a repository of skill, while also recognising external factors that impact on creative production, from belief systems to training, the search for funding and the struggle for recognition. Using Grounded Theory as a method to analyse interviews with 26 leading Scottish practitioners, this project undertakes a qualitative investigation of current practice in the devising and production of performing arts for very young audiences.
    [Show full text]
  • Book Reviews 145 Peter Cole, Ben Fletcher
    Book Reviews 145 Peter Cole, Ben Fletcher: The Life and Times of a Black Wobbly, Revised and Expanded 2nd Edition (Oakland, CA: PM Press, 2021). 352 pp. Paperback $24.95. Native-born working-class Black radicalism in the United States during the 1910s- 20s is a challenging object of historical investigation. One approach to this topic is through Harlem, New York, a hotbed of Caribbean-influenced radicalism. Biographies of A. Philip Randolph, for example, provide a window into early experiments there with reading groups, unions, and revolutionary politics. Few industrial cities in the United States had significant numbers of African American workers prior to the First World War, but Philadelphia, Chicago, St. Louis, Pittsburgh, Kansas City, Indianapolis, and Cincinnati have hosted sizable Black populations since at least the turn of the twentieth century. How did politically engaged Black workers outside of Harlem interpret white supremacy, imperialism, capitalism, and the relations between them? How did they organize among themselves, and how did they relate to trade unions, industrial unions, white revolutionaries, and professional African Americans? Peter Cole’s indispensable biographical essay on Ben Fletcher provides fascinating insights into these questions for Black longshore workers in Philadelphia. The essay is followed up with nearly 100 primary-source documents, allowing readers to fully understand Fletcher’s life. Born in Philadelphia in 1890, Fletcher helped lead the powerful Industrial Workers of the World’s Local 8 of the Marine Transport Workers during the 1910s and beyond. About one third of the members were Black, making it one of the most successful attempts by the IWW to attract African American members.
    [Show full text]
  • The Reds and the Wobs Research Paper.Docx
    Michigan State Journal of History Volume 7, 2015 1 Table of Contents Letter from Editor 2 The Death of an Army, the Birth of a Legion 3 Connor McLeod The Reds and the Wobs 22 Duncan Tarr French Africa and the Second World War 46 Caitlin McGee Bleeding Kansas: The Fight for Political Rights 70 Kevin Cunningham The Meiji Restoration: A Transition into a Modern Japan 88 Ali Kalam Essay Submission Policy 102 Staff of the Michigan State Journal of History Editor-in-Chief Kevin Cunningham Board of Editors Renee Brewster Kolt Ewing Nathaniel Medd Design Editor Kevin Cunningham Website Manager Elyse Hansen & Kevin Cunningham Faculty Advisor Dr. Glen Chambers 1 LETTER FROM THE EDITOR My first experience with the undergraduate academic journal was as a freshman History major. The scholarship in the Journal established a realistic standard for academic excellence in my mind. Publishing a piece of scholarship in the MSU Undergraduate Historian was from then on a goal of my collegiate career. Unfortunately, the journal did not continue after the publication of Volume 5 in Spring 2010. As a young, aspiring historian I joined the history club, HAMS, and listened to upper classmen discuss the potential for a future production of the academic journal. This task was not accomplished until the Journal returned from a long hiatus and Volume 6 of the Michigan State Journal of History was published in May 2014. I had the pleasure to serve as an editor and help return the Journal to a functioning state. Since the return of the undergraduate journal there has been a great deal of interest and the academic spirit of undergraduate historians has strengthened and grown at Michigan State University.
    [Show full text]
  • Clara Lemlich Awards for Social Activism
    Work History News New York Labor History Association, Inc. A Bridge Between Past and Present Volume 38 No 2 Summer/Fall 2021 Clara Lemlich awards for social activism By Abbe Nosoff In Praise of Older Women: The Clara Lemlich Awards celebrates these incredible women who changed the world with their activism: Barbara Dane, Suelika Cabrera Drinane, Debby King, Wilhemina Perry, Muriel Tillinghast. The awards event presented via Zoom included inspiring Muriel Tillinghast Barbara Dane Suelika Cabrera Drinane music and speeches hosted by movement organizer. She discussed the struggles of Black people Labor Arts and the Remember the Triangle Fire Coalition, denied their voting rights. What an inspiring and uplifting story supported by the Museum of the City of New York, the Puffin of doing the right thing. She questioned whether this is being Foundation and the 21st Century ILGWU Heritage Fund. echoed today in denying democracy and voting rights. Begun by chanteuse Cara Noel of SEIU 1199 singing “Wind BARBARA DANE, almost 94 years young, regaled us with Beneath My Wings” to call attention to our heroes, these 5 her history as a singer on the picket lines in Detroit. Music activists were honored on May 10. We were further entertained could move people as she played her guitar on the lines. Her by the NYC Labor Chorus singing “The Union Makes Us takeaway to young singers: Don’t stop, keep doing it. We’re Strong/ Solidarity Forever.” listening. Use your voice and music to propel your ideals. We were presented with a short history of the youthful Poetry and music enlightened us all.
    [Show full text]
  • Chad Pearson on Peter Cole
    Peter Cole. Ben Fletcher: The Life and Times of a Black Wobbly. Oakland: PM Press, 2020. 352 pp. $39.49, cloth, ISBN 978-1-62963-832-4. Reviewed by Chad Pearson (Collin College) Published on H-Labor (June, 2021) Commissioned by David Marquis (The College of William & Mary) I have too often heard the following critiques: ways employers have historically promoted white labor history is simply the study of white men in supremacy, combined with an underappreciation unions, and labor historians have done a poor job of class struggles across racial and gender lines of exploring divisions and identities other than has harmed the place of labor studies in the class. These claims ignore more than half a cen‐ academy, leading to the near erasure of the subject tury of “new labor history” scholarship—loads of in numerous higher educational institutions. Sadly, books and articles by Herbert Gutman, David few know about the combative struggles of Black Montgomery, Jacqueline Jones, Tera Hunter, Joe and interracial unions, and most have never Trotter, and many others that examine the histor‐ heard of Ben Fletcher (1890-1949), the influential ical experiences of racially and ethnically diverse and militant African American longshoreman and working men and women both in and outside of proud Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) workplaces—that disproves these sorts of state‐ member. ments. Moreover, labor historians such as Maybe that will change thanks to Peter Cole’s Theodore W. Allen, Noel Ignatiev, and David Roedi‐ wonderful investigative work. Cole, the author of ger were more responsible for introducing and two important books about the intersections of popularizing “whiteness studies” in the 1990s than class and race in the labor movement, has re‐ any other group of scholars, and one does not need cently re-released this edited collection, Ben to look far to find the enduring significance of this Fletcher: The Life and Times of a Black Wobbly, historiographical intervention.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Download
    THE POLITICS OF LABOUR AND RACE IN THE USA B ILL F LETCHER, JR . AND F ERNANDO G APASIN nderstanding the question of race and labour in the USA can be helped by Ureference to a story. In the mid-1700s there was a slave conspiracy in the New York colony. Like many slave conspiracies this was uncovered before it could be hatched. What was unusual about this particular conspiracy was that the rebels were both Africans and Irish. Prior to their execution, the rebels were interviewed and asked about the objectives of the planned uprising. The Africans answered that they sought to kill all the white people. No surprise there. The Irish were interviewed as well. They answered, in turn, to kill all the white people – i.e. Irish people in the Americas had yet to become what we know as ‘white’. The ironic contrast, of course, can be found one hundred years later in the New York 1863 Draft Riots, where Irish immigrants conducted a pogrom/mass lynching targeted at freed Africans, as a way of venting their anger about the Civil War and the unfair draft laws. By the mid-1860s, the Irish were well on their way to becoming ‘white’.1 While the Irish, as Europeans, could become ‘whites’, what is fascinating is that they were not immediately assumed to be white.2 In other words, a process had to unfold in order for the Irish to become white, at least in the manner in which we have come to understand that term. Thus, whiteness, like racial iden- tity in general, must be understood as a socio-political construct rather than anything fundamentally rooted in biology.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 PETER COLE APPOINTMENTS 2000-Present Professor of History
    PETER COLE [email protected] • Department of History • Western Illinois University • Macomb, IL 61455 USA • @ProfPeterCole APPOINTMENTS 2000-present Professor of History, Western Illinois University, Macomb, IL 2014-present Research Associate, Society, Work and Development Institute (SWOP), University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa 2011 Visiting Scholar (summer), Institute for the Study of Societal Issues, University of California, Berkeley, CA 2009 Visiting Research Fellow, Centre for Sociological Research, University of Johannesburg, South Africa 2007 Associate Director, Culture & Society in Africa Program, Associated Colleges of the Midwest (ACM) & Visiting Professor of History, University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania 1998-2000 Visiting Assistant Professor, Boise State University, Boise, ID 1998 Lecturer, Western Maryland (now McDaniel) College, Westminster, MD 1997 Visiting Assistant Professor, Washington College, Chestertown, MD 1996 Instructor, Georgetown University, Washington, DC EDUCATION 1997 Ph.D. in History, with distinction, Georgetown University, Washington, DC 1991 B.A. in History, Columbia University, New York City, NY BOOKS Ben Fletcher: The Life and Times of a Black Wobbly, editor. Revised and expanded 2nd ed., with Foreword by Robin D.G. Kelley. Oakland: PM Press, 2021 (1st ed. Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 2006). Dockworker Power: Race and Activism in Durban and the San Francisco Bay Area. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2018. 1 Wobblies of the World: A Global History of the IWW, co-editeD with David Struthers and Kenyon Zimmer. London: Pluto Press, 2017. French edition: Solidarité Forever: Histoire globale du syndicat Industrial Workers of the World. Marseille: Éditions Hors d’atteinte, forthcoming in 2021. Wobblies on the Waterfront: Interracial Unionism in Progressive-Era Philadelphia.
    [Show full text]