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Cleanliness and the Poor in Eighteenth-Century London

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Cleanliness and the Poor in Eighteenth-Century London Cleanliness and the Poor in Eighteenth-Century London PhD Law Louise Falcini July 2018 ABSTRACT This study identifies the ways in which the urban poor both experienced and engaged with cleanliness during the long eighteenth century. It argues that the poor not only participated in acts of cleanliness but they did so multiple ways, sometimes as a client, at others as a service provider but more often than not as a strategist engaging in actions that enabled them to acquire clean clothing, bodies or surroundings. By drawing on a wide range of archival and printed sources it examines aspects of everyday plebeian life that have hitherto remained uncharted. It suggests that no single cleanliness regime – neither based on full-body immersion, nor ‘clean linen’, existed in eighteenth-century London. Instead, it posits that at least two regimes were present, and that, if anything, working men were most likely to pursue bodily cleanliness through river bathing. It also argues that even among the institutions of the capital, there were real disagreements about cleanliness, with most institutions adopting a clean linen regime, while prisons and lock-ups preserved an older regime. Overall, this thesis seeks to demonstrate that eighteenth-century cleanliness cannot be understood, without locating it in the specific circumstances of class, community and gender. ii Declaration I confirm that this is my own work and the use of all material from other sources has been properly and fully acknowledged. iii Abbreviations LL London Lives LMA London Metropolitan Archives OBP Old Bailey Proceedings Online TNA The National Archives WCA Westminster City Archives Spellings, capitalisation and punctuation have been left as they were in the original documents. iv CONTENTS Pages Abstract ii Declaration iii Abbreviations iv Contents v Tables and Illustrations vi Acknowledgements vii Chapter 1 Introduction 1 Personal cleanliness Chapter 2 Public immersive bathing: men’s bodies and open water bathing 28 Chapter 3 High and lowlife at the public bagnio 60 Chapter 4 The business of cleanliness: washerwomen and laundresses 96 Institutional cleanliness Chapter 5 Workhouses 140 Chapter 6 Children and infants in Institutions 184 Chapter 7 Hospitals 219 Chapter 8 Prisons 258 Chapter 9 Conclusion 298 Bibliography 308 v List of Illustrations Page Fig. 2.1 Chapter 2: Accidental drownings within the Bills of Mortality, 31 1701-1758 Fig. 3.1 Chapter 3: Location of eighteenth-century bagnios in London, 86 mapped onto Cary, 1792. List of Tables Table 3.1 Percentage of goods and services sold at Bolton Street Bagnio, 82 May-Nov 1725 by cost Table. 4.1 1851 Census: women's occupation by age (laundry work). 106 Table 5.1 Weekly Soap usage at St Andrew and St George’s 172-173 Workhouse, Holborn, 1791. vi Acknowledgements I am grateful to the University of Reading and their award of AHRC funding which enabled me to undertake this thesis. Gracious thanks to my supervisors Charlotte Smith and Tim Hitchcock for their guidance, patience and practical advice throughout the course of this thesis. I should also like to thank members of the IHR, British History in the Long Eighteenth Century seminar, past and present. The seminar has long provided me with academic inspiration, challenging intellectual discussion and convivial company; it is where I have forged many valued friendships. Special thanks go to my much loved friends in West Tytherley. They sustained me with their good company and kindness. They looked after me during the year I had cancer and always encouraged me to look to the future in my academic endeavours. I can quite happily say that there is absolutely nothing quite like a Sunday afternoon spent at the pub with my friends in my own wonderful community – I cherished these days. My final thanks go to my family: Paul, Abigail and Cesare together with my mother Kay. Thank you for your forbearance. Over many years Tim Hitchcock provided me with academic support and encouragement and without him this thesis would never have been written, I therefore dedicate it to him. Of everything he taught me I now realise that academic kindness is the most important lesson of all. vii Chapter 1 Introduction Indeed, the Reason of all these shocking Scenes of Want, seems but too plain and obvious. The Poor refuse or neglect to help themselves, and thereby disable their Betters from effectually helping them. They have an abject Mind, which entails their Miseries upon them; a mean sordid spirit, which prevents all Attempts of bettering their Condition. They are so familiarized to Filth and Rags, as renders them in a Manner natural; and have so little Sense of Decency, as hardly to allow a Wish for it a Place in their Hearts.1 John Clayton, Friendly Advice to the Poor (1755) Eighteenth-century commentators were quick to characterise the poor as filthy, emphasizing the rags in which they were clothed and their dirty itchy bodies. Their self- neglect, John Clayton complained, and inability to accept help only compounded the issue, so that in the view of many, the poor began to accept filth as their ‘natural’ state. Likewise, Joseph Hanway cautioned his readers that pauper children were put in the hands of ‘indigent, filthy, or decrepit women’ so that ‘lice, itch and filthiness’ were passed to and fro.2 Bodies were not the only problem. William Buchan pointed out, in his widely read medical treatise, Domestic Medicine that ‘fevers commonly begin among the inhabitants of close dirty houses, who breathe unwholesome air, take little exercise, and wear dirty clothes.’3 The condemnation of those towards the bottom of the social scale as dirty, filthy or otherwise unclean was not confined to eighteenth-century commentators. In the twentieth century, historians and others continued to perpetuate this notion.4 Laurence 1 John Clayton, Friendly Advice to the Poor; Written and Publish’d at the Request Of the Late and Present Officers of the Town of Manchester (Manchester: Jos. Harrop, 1755), 4. 2 Jonas Hanway, An Earnest Appeal for Mercy to the Children of the Poor, Particularly those Belonging to the Parishes Within the Bills of Mortality, Appointed by an Act of Parliament to be Registered, Being a General Reference to the Deserving Conduct of the some Parish Officers, and the Pernicious Effects of the Ignorance and Ill Judged Parsimony of Others (London: J. Dodsley, J. Rivington, H. Woodfall and N. Young, 1766), 42-43. 3 William Buchan, Domestic Medicine; or, The Family Physician: Being an Attempt to Render the Medical Art More Generally Useful, by Shewing People What Is Their Own Power Both with Respect to the Prevention and Cure of Diseases, 2nd American Edition (London: Joseph Crukshank, R. Aitken, 1774), 74. 4 For a discussion on the creation of working class Victorians as filthy see Michael Brown, “From Foetid Air to Filth: The Cultural Transformation of British Epidemiological Thought, ca. 1780-1848,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 82, no. 3 (2008), 516–517. 1 Stone suggested that the early modern period was a time when, ‘personal and public hygiene was largely disregarded. Men and women rarely, if ever, washed their bodies, and they lived in the constant sight and smell of human faeces and human urine.’5 Historians of medicine, James Riley and Simone Smala, asserted that ‘personal hygiene remained a matter of infrequent concern in the eighteenth century.’6 However, foreign visitors to London, like Charles Moritz in 1782, remarked that ‘persons, from the highest to the lowest ranks, almost all well-looking people’ were ‘cleanly and neatly dressed.’7 Moritz went on, I rarely see even a fellow with a wheel-barrow, who has not a shirt on; and that too such an one, as shews it has been washed; not even a beggar, with-out both a shirt, and shoes and stockings. The English are certainly distinguished for cleanliness.8 Somewhere between the polemic writings of eighteenth-century commentators, the travel literature of those eager to give a good account of their visit to England, and the clichés of later historians rests a history of the poor and their cleanliness. This thesis seeks to lay foundations for such a history by examining aspects of the urban poor’s experiences of and engagement with cleanliness during the long eighteenth century. This introduction will consider some fundamental questions about cleanliness by examining how hygiene is conceptualised and studied in other disciplines. It will outline how cleanliness was understood in the eighteenth century and in doing so it will identify those areas of study that are under-represented in the existing historiography. It will then mark out the topics at the heart of this study and how they are identified and more 5 Lawrence Stone, The Family Sex and Marriage in England, 1500-1800 (New York: Harper & Row, 1977), 159 6 James C. Riley, and Simone Smala. Eighteenth-Century Campaign to Avoid Disease (Basingstoke: Macmillan Press Ltd, 1987), 95. 7 Charles P. Moritz, Travels, Chiefly on Foot, Through Several Parts of England in 1782 Described in Letters to a Friend, 2nd ed. (London: G. G. and J. Robinson, 1797), 23-24 as mentioned in John Styles, The Dress of the People: Everyday Fashion in Eighteenth-Century England (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2007), 78. 8 Ibid., 24. 2 importantly how plebeian ‘agency’ might be defined in the context of this thesis. Finally, it will delineate the chapters that make up the body of this thesis by identifying its major themes, notably immersive bathing, women and the economics of cleanliness and institutional care together with the ‘white linen regimen’. What is cleanliness? In 1966 Mary Douglas’s anthropological study, Purity and Danger, was published.9 Initially receiving little attention, it has nevertheless remained in print and has become the single most influential text in the study of hygiene.
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