pressurise the government in British , Changing Hearts and Minds they felt that the time had come to switch to more confrontational tactics. through Non-violent Protest? They, accordingly, linked their struggle to that of . had its own Congress Com- David Hardiman mittee from the beginning of 1921, led by , which campaigned, among esides the well-known all-India book reviewS other things, for the abolition of un- campaigns led by M K Gandhi touchability. Meetings were organised to Bagainst the British, there were a Gandhian Non-violent Struggle and demand temple entry, and in September range of local-level protests that were in South India: The 1924–25 1921, the leader T K Madhavan waged during 1917–47, inspired by Gandhi Vykom and the Mechanisms of met Gandhi, who advised him to launch Change by Mary Elizabeth King; New Delhi: Oxford and his methods. Often, these were University Press, 2015; pp xxi, 344, Rs 995. a campaign of towards against other Indians. Being specifi c griev- this end. He told them that they must be ances, these, in many cases, gained their strictly non-violent and act with self- immediate objectives, in contrast to the which such a form of resistance works to restraint with the aim of winning over national campaigns, none of which won the best effect in practice. the higher through their exem- in the short term. There are a In this book, she has provided a plary behaviour. He cautioned that they number of studies of these discrete detailed study of the Vykom Satyagraha must not antagonise their princely rulers movements, some of them excellent, of 1924–25. One of her main concerns in any way, and focus on the justice of such as Rajendra Vora’s (2009) on the is to investigate the claim made by this specifi c demand. Mulshi Satyagraha of 1920–24 against Gandhi that opponents will be won over It was only in 1924 that the issue was a dam being constructed by the Tatas when their consciences are stirred by taken up actively. At a meeting in February, in the hills near . Mary King the self-imposed suffering of the non- it was decided to concentrate on a de- has now provided another such study violent protestor. To what extent were mand for the right of access to the roads of equal distinction, in this case of a the of Vykom disarmed in in the vicinity of the temple in satyagraha waged for the rights of this way? Vykom. This temple, which was con- to have access to the public space trolled by elite Brahmins, around the Vykom () temple in of was notorious in the region as a bastion Kerala during 1924–25. The protest was launched by some Ezh- of orthodoxy. It was situated in Mary King is a veteran non-violence avas of Travancore state in Kerala. Since a large complex of about 10 acres sur- activist. She was fi rst radicalised in her the late 19th century, a small educated rounded by a wall, with encircling roads early 20s through her participation, in section of this low-caste group had been that were used for religious processions. the 1960s, as a staff member of the Stu- campaigning to gain greater social sta- Untouchables were not allowed into the dent Non-violent Coordinating Commit- tus for their community, a key part of compound, and were excluded even from tee in the civil rights movement led by which was being allowed to enter Hindu certain sections of the surrounding roads. Martin Luther King (no relation) in the temples. Initially, they had tried petitio- As a result, they had to take inconve- United States (US). She wrote a book on ning the Travancore government, which niently circuitous routes when walking her experiences at the time: Freedom had a reputation for supporting social through the town. Song: A Personal Story of the 1960s Civil reform. This tactic had no success due to In focusing on the roads, the cam- Rights Movement (1987). She became a the reluctance of the princely govern ment paigners were putting forward a seem- leading thinker and writer in the US on to interfere in what it saw as “religious” ingly mild demand that they believed the theory and practice of non-violent matters and the intransigence of the might be conceded quite easily. This was resistance. In 1999, she published a ma- higher castes in Kerala. not, however, how the temple Brahmins jor book that examined the non-violent During the second decade of the 20th saw the matter. They were determined activism of Gandhi and Martin Luther century, a more activist organisation to fi ght off the challenge, believing that King: and Martin Luther emerged amongst the Ezhavas called the any concession would merely give rise King Jr: The Power of Non-violent Action Sree Narayana Darma Paripalana ( SNDP) to further demands and a consequent (Cultures of Peace) (1999). While being a Yogam led by Sree Narayana (1854– unravelling of their prestige and status. remarkable advocate of non-violent meth- 1928). From 1917 onwards, it cam- They expected the state authorities to ods, one who has toured all over the paigned actively for temple entry for all. support them in this. They had a reputation world speaking on the issue, she is also When, around 1920, the Ezhava leaders for using violence to maintain what they concerned about elucidating the ways in saw Gandhi using direct action to saw as the integrity of their sacred

Economic & Political Weekly EPW DECEMBER 19, 2015 vol l no 51 31 BOOK REVIEW space. The Ezhavas of the town remem- to stop the detention of the satyagrahis. demands were made for the roads around bered how, when some of them had Pitt was sympathetic towards the demands the temple to be opened to all. Sympa- attempted to enter the temple in the of the protestors, but as a Christian he thisers also came in considerable num- mid-19th century, they had been set upon had to be careful to avoid being accused bers from neighbouring Tamil regions of and murdered by upper-caste people. of discriminating against the Brahmins British India, and joined the protest. through religious prejudice. He, therefore, Although Gandhi had stated that he Gandhi’s Role adopted a neutral stance. He ordered would not take any active role in the Gandhi, just released from jail, was app- that barricades be erected on the roads movement, he now began interfering. roached and asked to act as leader of guarded by policemen. As attacking the When he heard of the hunger strikes, he the campaign, but he declined the offer. barriers would have involved violence, sent a telegram advising them to stop it, He agreed, however, to give guidance. the protestors had no choice but to stand as when applied in such a way it was in He advised them to maintain strict non- in front of them in a silent vigil. The his opinion a form of violence. Rather, violence, and accept beatings meekly. volunteers took no food or water while they should stand calmly and await arrest. He told them that once people witnessed exposed to the sun. Some fainted after a The protestors followed this advice and the violence of the oppressor against un- day of this. stopped fasting. Gandhi also insisted armed protestors, they would gain wider The hunger strike brought attention that the movement should be carried on sympathy for their cause. and enthusiasm to the movement. Sup- only by Hindus. Hitherto, Muslims and The protest began on 24 March 1924, port for the Congress soared in the state. Christians had been supporting it. The with volunteers entering the disputed Khadi-wearing for the fi rst time became signatures of orthodox Hindus were to roads. The police, acting on behalf of common, and there were demonstra- be collected for a petition condemning the higher castes, arrested them. The tions against the practice of untoucha- untouchability to the Maharaja of Travan- fi rst batch was sentenced to six months bility that were preceded with Congress core. Only through such self-limiting and in jail. The next protest was on 7 April fl ags and resonated with cries of “Vande exemplary behaviour would the hearts with further arrests and more six- Mataram” and “Mahatma Gandhi ki jai.” of the temple priests be won over. month jail sentences. They were gener- Resolutions were passed in solidarity It soon became clear, however, that ally treated well in jail. On 10 April, with the protestors at Vykom, for the rather than respect the protestors for the Travancore police commissioner adoption of khadi, and in opposition their dignifi ed restraint and self- discipline, W H Pitt—a British offi cer employed by to liquor-drinking. The attitude of the the Vykom Brahmins had become more the state government—issued an order Travancore authorities was deplored, and intransigent. Death threats were sent to

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32 DECEMBER 19, 2015 vol l no 51 EPW Economic & Political Weekly BOOK REVIEW the satyagrahis. Gandhi’s admirers were and allow a group of 15 protestors to sit theatre performances to spread the left bewildered and hesitant and were by the road. The Travancore government anti-untouchability message. Although unsure as to how to proceed. Many lost then offered to have three of the four initially they had limited success, the heart and dropped away. By the end of roads opened to all. The sat yagrahis Travancore government ruled in the May 1924, Sree , the refused this offer; all four roads must be mid-1930s that all public roads, wells, leader of the SNDP Yogam, was begin- opened. No attempt was then made to water tanks and lodges that it main- ning to voice his doubts about Gandhi’s stop entry to the three roads, and it be- tained from state funds should be open tactics. He felt that the protestors should came clear after some time that they to all communities. Nonetheless, many attack the barricades and occupy not had, in effect, become accessible to all. important temples remained closed to only the roads, but the temple itself. In The government claimed in late 1925 Dalits. other words, they needed to be far more that as all the roads, except for one small confrontational. Although he was care- lane that allowed access to the temple, A Narrow View of Civil Rights ful not to disagree with Gandhi openly, had been opened; the satyagrahis had A key element in Gandhi’s whole ap- it was clear that there was a rupture gained their main objective. Gandhi proach was to make this an issue for between the two. accepted this, arguing that the cam- Hindus alone to decide amongst them- The more dedicated satyagrahis re- paign had succeeded and should now be selves. As he had stated at the Belgaum mained at their posts, standing without called off. In fact, the temple priests had Congress session of 1924: protection from either the sun or rain, constructed an entirely new road to the Untouchability is another hindrance to swaraj. and singing religious and nationalist entrance which only caste Hindus were Its removal is just as essential for swaraj as songs. During June 1924, the police made allowed to use. Following Gandhi’s the attainment of Hindu-Muslim unity. This no attempt to stop the temple guards advice, the campaign was called off on is an essentially Hindu question and Hindus from beating them up. They were hit, 23 November 1925. cannot claim or take swaraj till they have restored the liberty of the suppressed classes kicked, their clothes torn, and limestone King quotes the Kerala historian (Gandhi 1967c: 479). was thrown in their eyes. One protestor T K Ravindran, who in a 1973 book argued: was beaten so badly that he died, another After 20 months of relentless fi ght, Congress He went on to observe that the higher lost his sight, and others suffered per- withdrew from the scene with its fi nery castes had, above all, to purify them- manent injury. In a message of 1 July torn, and its prestige tarnished, leaving the selves by abandoning the practice of un- 1924, Gandhi stated: “I hope ...that the cause of the depressed classes at the same touchability. They should, therefore, satyagrahis will remain calm, unper- spot whence they picked it up in March 1924 campaign to change the minds of the or- (p 213). turbed and withal particularly non-vio- thodox. When George Joseph, a Syrian lent. It is a time of great trial for them” King argues that in fact the movement Christian from Travancore, took a lead- (Gandhi 1967b: 333). had challenged the institution of un- ing role in the protest, Gandhi wrote to News of these atrocities polarised touchability in ways from which it would him on 6 April 1924: opinion in the state. While some ortho- not recover. Following K M Panikkar, As to Vykom, I think that you should let the dox Hindus felt that the protestors she observes that the initial challenge to Hindus do the work. It is they who have to deserved such treatment, large numbers deeply entrenched prejudices is often purify themselves. You can help by your of higher-caste people in both Kerala the hardest, and even a small victory is sympathy and by your pen, but not by orga- nising the movement and certainly not and other parts of India were disgusted highly signifi cant. The Vykom Satyagraha by offering satyagraha. If you refer to the by the actions of the temple guards. As focused India’s attention on the issue of Congress resolution of Nagpur, it calls upon Mary King notes, “winning over those who untouchability, and showed that Gandhi the Hindu members to remove the curse of have, hitherto, supported the status quo was prepared to back their agitations for untouchability (Gandhi 1967a: 391). is a key element in non-violent strategy.” access to religious sites. Gandhi played He went on to note that the Syrian In this respect, Gandhi’s tactics appeared up the positive message of the move- Christians themselves discriminated aga- to be bearing fruit. ment, stating in a speech in Alleppey inst Christians who came from an in 1927 that the agreement at Vykom untouchable background; the implica- End of Struggle provided “a bedrock of freedom” that tion being that Joseph should divert his The Travancore authorities refused, was a step on the path to the eventual energies to campaigning on this issue. however, to intervene in favour of the liberty of the community. Joseph, however, continued to partici- satyagrahis. By early 1925, the protest Vykom indeed inaugurated an on- pate actively in the Vykom Satyagraha. seemed to have reached a dead end. going struggle in Kerala. Demands were Commenting on this, King notes that Demands came to the fore once more for made for access to the roads around the issue was primarily that of the civil more aggressive action, including the other Hindu temples in Travancore, and rights of all people, regardless of reli- forcible occupation of the temple. When Gandhi was called in again to mediate gion, sect or community, to have access Gandhi heard of this, he decided to go to between protestors and the state autho- to public spaces. This certainly was how Vykom himself. He managed to persuade rities. There was widespread agitation George J oseph viewed the matter at the the authorities to remove the barricades by nationalist activists, who put on street time. She also comments that almost all

Economic & Political Weekly EPW DECEMBER 19, 2015 vol l no 51 33 BOOK REVIEW modern proponents of unarmed forms of adherents to reject all Hindu texts that defect in Gandhi’s way of thinking, resistance insist on the central importance valorised untouchability and by 1927 namely his of building the widest possible basis of was organising public burnings of the erroneous belief that the suffering of the support. Restricting protest to just one reli- Manusmriti. For Ambedkar, it was more satyagrahis could sway the sentiments of gious group is tactically inadvisable. The important to strengthen the resolve those who for generations had immunities society as a whole should be mobilised of the Dalits by such means, rather and benefi ts bestowed on them as high-caste against injustices that, as a rule, cut than try to win the sympathy of the landholders. If anything, Vykom proved that the satyagrahis’ appeals and suffering across sectarian and religious divides. oppressor. He believed that the higher were insuffi cient to produce immediately This was certainly the case in South Asia, castes would only change if made to do responsive social change. Much more pressure a region in which no religion was free so by pressure from below that both would be required (p 232). from the iniquity of untouchability. undermined their position and forced Gandhi’s stance also implied that the the state to step in to actively enforce Martin Luther King and Gandhi lower classes should rely largely on the civil rights. This issue—that of a change of heart higher caste’s fi ght against untouchability, Gandhi claimed of the satyagrahis at that could theoretically be brought about rather than on their own agency in the this time that “their uniform courtesy through exemplary non-violence was matter. These shortcomings in Gandhi’s towards the opponents to reform will also one of great concern to Martin position were ones that B R Ambedkar break the edge of the opposition” (Gandhi Luther King. Initially, he followed was to expose remorselessly over the 1967d: 438). As King notes (p 232), Gandhi in believing in the effi cacy of next two decades. Although Ambedkar, Gandhi believed very strongly that the non-violence in this respect. There were then a relatively unknown Dalit lawyer, oppressor could be won over through indeed a few cases in which Southern was initially impressed by the Vykom the self-sacrifi ce and suffering of the white racists changed their minds in campaign, describing it in 1924 as “the oppressed in a way that pierces what sympathy with the strength of feeling most important event in the country Joan Bondurant has called their “ration- displayed by the civil rights activists; a today” for his community, he noted that al defences” and achieve a “catharsis” notable instance being the public change- the Brahmins of Kerala sought to legit- (1958: 228). She does not believe that of-heart of the mayor of Nashville dur- imise their stance by appealing to their the history of Vykom bears this claim ing the lunch-counter strike of 1960 scriptures. He began to call upon his out. Rather, it revealed one serious (Ackerman and DuVall 2000: 326–28). new from PRIMUS A Dictionary of Dictionary of Historical Law and Statecraft Places: Bengal, FEJUFECZ1BUSJDL0MJWFMMF  1757–1947 BOE%BWJE#SJDL FEJUFECZ3BOKBO$IBLSBCBSUJ BOE.BSL.D$MJTI ISBN: 978-93-80607-41-2 ISBN: 978-93-84082-64-2 )#tQQt` 1295 ` 1795 )#tQQt 5IJT WPMVNF JT UIF GJSTU PG JUT 5IJT %JDUJPOBSZ DPOUBJOT LJOEUPEFBMXJUIUIFMJUUMFLOPXO UFDIOJDBMUFSNTVTFEJO4BOTLSJU IJTUPSJFT PG IVOESFET PG QMBDFT UFYUT PG BODJFOU BOE NFEJFWBM JO #FOHBM (JWFO UIF SFDVSSJOH *OEJBEFBMJOHXJUIMBXBOETUBUFDSBGUXJUIJO%IBSNBƽƣTUSB HFPQIZTJDBM BOE DMJNBUJD EJTSVQUJPOT JO 8FTU #FOHBM  BOE"SUIBƽƣTUSB&BDIFOUSZJTQSPWJEFEJOCPUI%FWBOƣHBSƯ SFQFBUFEDIBOHFTPGBENJOJTUSBUJWFVOJUTBOEOBNFT MBDLPG BOE3PNBOTDSJQUT DPMMFDUJWFNFNPSZPSBEFRVBUFMZEPDVNFOUFEGPMLTPVSDFT PSPSBMUSBEJUJPOT UIFDPNQJMBUJPOPGTVDIBEJDUJPOBSZJTB NJOPSNJSBDMF Forthcoming t :BKOBWBMLZB4NSJUJ"5FYUVBM)JTUPSZPGB)JOEV -FHBM$PEF‰PATRICK OLIVELLE t 1MVOHJOHUIF0DFBO2VPUFT $BTUFBOE$PVSUFTBOTJO UIFA,BUBIBTBSJUTBHBSB‰TARA SHEEMAR Virat Bhavan, Commercial Complex, Mukherjee Nagar, ĞůŚŝϭϭϬϬϬϵͻdĞů͗͘;ϬϭϭͿϰϳϬϯϴϬϬϬ t -JUFSBSZ$VMUVSFBOE5SBOTMBUJPO/FX"TQFDUTPG ǁǁǁ͘ƉƌŝŵƵƐŬƐ͘ĐŽŵͻǁǁǁ͘ŇŝƉŬĂƌƚ͘ĐŽŵ $PNQBSBUJWF-JUFSBUVSF‰DOROTHY FIGUEIRA ŬƐ͘ƌĞĚŝī͘ĐŽŵͻǁǁǁ͘ƵƌĞĂĚ͘ĐŽŵ

34 DECEMBER 19, 2015 vol l no 51 EPW Economic & Political Weekly BOOK REVIEW Nonetheless, by 1963 Martin Luther fraternised with each other across com- government that had hitherto not wanted King had come to see that such cases munal boundaries after being moved to put pressure on the orthodox Hindus. were the exception rather than the rule. by Gandhi’s last fast of January 1948 Also, the presence of Gandhi made a big This understanding informed his angry (Pandey 2001: 143–44). difference. The Travancore state would “Letter from Birmingham City Jail” of These are, without doubt, remarkable look bad in the eyes of the world if it sent April 1963, written in response to eight cases, but Vykom suggests that these him packing on a matter of such obvious prominent “liberal” Protestant, Catholic were the exception rather than the rule. civil justice. and Jewish clergymen who had criticised In general, he failed to win the hearts King points out that, by this stage of him for provoking civil disorder. He and minds of his communally-minded the campaign, Gandhi was insisting that denounced with cold fury the way that opponents, whether of the Hindu rights it was only through the “pressure of public white people constantly told the African or of the Muslim separatists. He also opinion” that the roads around the temple Americans to be patient, while at the same alienated Ambedkar and his Dalit sup- would be opened (Gandhi 1967d: 304). time discriminating against them in the porters by his methods, notably by the Here, he was showing a sophisticated vilest ways. He expressed grave disap- Pune fast of 1932. As for his imperial appreciation of the way that the power of pointment with the white “moderates” opponents, Kathryn Tidrick has argued: protest could be used to force a capitula- who were more devoted to “order” than it is remarkable ...how morally unmoved the tion on the unwilling, and downplay the justice; their bland “goodwill” was for him British hierarchy in India seems to have been role of moral suasion. This, it appears, is more dangerous than the rabid racism at the time by civil disobedience: if British the more important lesson that King of the Ku Klux Klan. They failed to see offi cials found it morally painful to see Indians believes we should take from Vykom. that the ills needed to be exposed to the breaking the law and suffering for it, by and large they succeeded in keeping the fact to David Hardiman ([email protected]) harsh light of day before they could be themselves (Tidrick 1990: 233–34). repressed. As he stated: teaches at the Department of History, University of Warwick, UK. History is the long and tragic story of the fact She notes that while Gandhi could that privileged groups seldom give up their rely on British scruples for his own per- References privileges voluntarily. Individuals may see sonal safety, he could not count on it for the moral light and voluntarily give up their Ackerman, Peter and Jack DuVall (2000): A Force unjust posture; but as Reinhold Niebuhr has political concessions. The real challenge More Powerful: A Century of Nonviolent Con- reminded us, groups are more immoral than that Gandhi mounted was not to the fl ict, New York: Palgrave. individuals (King 1991: 292). conscience of the British, but to their Bondurant, Joan (1958): Conquest of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Confl ict, Princeton, NJ: Martin Luther King now saw that the authority. Besides the challenge to the Princeton University Press. suffering endured by himself and his institutional authority of the British posed Dalton, Dennis (1993): Mahatma Gandhi: Non-violent Power in Action, New York: Columbia University supporters was most effective not in the by civil disobedience, Gandhi also chal- Press. impact it had on Southern whites, but on lenged their “monopoly over the force of Gandhi, M K (1967a): Collected Works of Mahatma a wider American public opinion. Televi- personality.” It was here that the British Gandhi, Volume 23, Delhi: Publications Division. — (1967b): Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, sion pictures of the police brutality in appreciated him as a worthy adversary. Volume 24, Delhi: Publications Division. Birmingham eventually moved the US He had the charismatic authority that — (1967c): Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Volume 25, Delhi: Publications Division. federal government to send in troops to the British had claimed in their heroic — (1967d): Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, enforce the civil rights of African Ameri- years of personal administration in the Volume 26, Delhi: Publications Division. cans, and then legislate to enshrine such 19th century, but could do so now “only King, Martin Luther, Jr (1991): A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings and Speeches of Martin rights in law. In other words, the wider in fantasy.” Luther King Jr, James Melvin Washington (ed), conscience of national opinion had to be The record, therefore, appears to rein- New York: Harper Collins. Pandey, Gyanendra (2001): Remembering Partition: brought to bear on local oppressors who force King’s point; Gandhian-style non- Violence, Nationalism and History in India, would not willingly change their beliefs violent methods rarely won over the Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tidrick, Kathryn (1990): Empire and the English and ways of life. immediate adversary. Where his tech- Character: The Illusion of Authority, niques were successful was in the way and New York: I B Tauris. ‘Pressure of Public Opinion’ they polarised opinion, with those who Vora, Rajendra (2009): The World’s First Anti-Dam Movement: The Mulshi Satyagraha 1920–24, In this book, Mary King examines this were hitherto unconcerned or sitting on Ranikhet: Permanent Black. issue only in the context of the Vykom the fence coming over to the side of the Satyagraha. Was Gandhi more success- protestors. Once those who had power ful in India on some other occasions? We realised that they were losing control may point, for example, to his engage- over this centre-ground, they were pre- available at ment with some hardened communalists pared to negotiate and make whatever in 1947–48, such as the Prime Mini ster of concessions were needed to stop the pro- Oxford Bookstore-Mumbai Apeejay House Bengal during partition, H S Suhrawardy, test. Vykom bore this out well. The 3, Dinshaw Vacha Road who admitted his culpability in provok- growing support from people in Travan- Mumbai 400 020 ing earlier riots (Dalton 1993: 235, core and adjoining regions of South Ph: 66364477 note 96), and the people of Delhi who India eventually forced the hand of a

Economic & Political Weekly EPW DECEMBER 19, 2015 vol l no 51 35