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JOHN EVELYN and MEDICINE* by C
JOHN EVELYN AND MEDICINE* by C. D. O'MALLEY JOHN EvELYN has often been described as a virtuoso in the seventeenth-century meaning of that word, and if it be recalled that the Earl of Arundel, the greatest of the virtuosi was his patron, that Evelyn was a member of the Royal Society almost from its inception and a diligent attendant of its meetings, which at that time dealt with a wide variety of curiosa and technological as well as scientific problems, that he was a vocal and literary exponent and collector of the odd and the artistic, and a recognized authority on architecture and gardens, he must certainly be classed among the notable virtuosi of his day. But within his multifarious interests and their related activities Evelyn appears to have had a particular regard for medicine, one that transcended the usual concern of those members of his class who did not espouse that subject professionally. Except for somewhat intermittent studies at Oxford, undertaken more as an obligation than because of genuine desire, medicine was the only discipline in which he deliberately took any formal instruction, and throughout the many years covered by his Diary medicine and matters ancillary to it received uncommon attention." Anyone living in the seventeenth century was very much aware of accident, disease, and ever proximate death. It was quite in the order of things that Evelyn, born in 1620, recalled from his fifth year the severe plague in 1625, its high mortality and the fact, as he later wrote, that he himself 'was shortly after so dangerously sick of a Feavor, that (as I have heard), the Physitians despair'd of me' (ii.7).2 He was fourteen years old when his sister Elizabeth died (ii.12), fifteen at the death of his mother, whose four attending physicians were identified by name in the Diary (ii.14-15), and twenty at the time of his father's death (ii.26). -
British & European Paintings & Watercolours Old Master & Modern Prints
Printed Books, Maps & Documents 16 JUNE 2021 British & European Paintings & Watercolours Old Master & Modern Prints including The Oliver Hoare Collection 23 JULY 2021 Gerald Leslie Brockhurst (1890-1978). Dorette, 1932, etching on wove paper, one of 111 proofs, published May 1932, signed in pencil, plate size 234 x 187 mm (9.25 x 7.3 ins). Wright 72, vi/vi; Fletcher 72. Estimate £1500-2000 For further information or to consign please contact Nathan Winter or Susanna Winters: [email protected] [email protected] 01285 860006 PRINTED BOOKS, MAPS & DOCUMENTS 16 June 2021 commencing at 10am VIEWING: By appointment only AUCTIONEERS Nathan Winter Chris Albury John Trevers William Roman-Hilditch Mallard House, Broadway Lane, South Cerney, Cirencester, Gloucestershire, GL7 5UQ T: +44 (0) 1285 860006 E: [email protected] www.dominicwinter.co.uk IMPORTANT SALE INFORMATION: COVID-19 Please note that due to the UK government's COVID-19 lockdown restrictions currently in place for England there may be no bidding in person for this sale. Viewing for this sale is available by booked appointment only. Please check our website or contact the offices to make an appointment or for more information. All lots are fully illustrated on our website (www.dominicwinter.co.uk) and all our specialist staff are ready to provide detailed condition reports and additional images on request. We recommend that customers visit the online catalogue regularly as extra lot information and images will be added in the lead-up to the sale. CONDITION REPORTS -
The Knowledge Bank at the Ohio State University Ohio State Engineer
The Knowledge Bank at The Ohio State University Ohio State Engineer Title: A History of the Slide Rule Creators: Derrenberger, Robert Graf Issue Date: Apr-1939 Publisher: Ohio State University, College of Engineering Citation: Ohio State Engineer, vol. 22, no. 5 (April, 1939), 8-9. URI: http://hdl.handle.net/1811/35603 Appears in Collections: Ohio State Engineer: Volume 22, no. 5 (April, 1939) A HISTORY OF THE SLIDE RULE By ROBERT GRAF DERRENBERGER HE slide rule, contrary to popular belief, is not in 1815 made a rule with scales specially adapted for a modern invention but in its earliest form is the calculations involved in chemistry. T several hundred years old. As a matter of fact A very important improvement was made by Sir the slide rule is not an invention, but an outgrowth of Isaac Newton when he devised a method of solving certain ideas in mathematics. cubic equations by laying three movable slide rule scales Leading up to the invention of the slide rule was the side by side 'and bringing them together or in line by- invention of logarithms, in 1614, by John Napier. laying a separate straight edge across them. This is Probably the first device having any relation to the now known as a runner. It was first definitely attached slide rule was a logarithmic scale made by Edmund to the slide rule by John Robertson in 1775. Gunter, Professor of Astronomy at Gresham College, About 1780 William Nicholson, publisher and editor in London, in 1620. This scale was used for multi- of "Nicholson's Journal", a kind of technical journal, plication and division by measuring the sum or differ- began to devote most of his time to the study and im- ence of certain scale lengths. -
JOHN EVELYN and MEDICINE* by C
JOHN EVELYN AND MEDICINE* by C. D. O'MALLEY JOHN EvELYN has often been described as a virtuoso in the seventeenth-century meaning of that word, and if it be recalled that the Earl of Arundel, the greatest of the virtuosi was his patron, that Evelyn was a member of the Royal Society almost from its inception and a diligent attendant of its meetings, which at that time dealt with a wide variety of curiosa and technological as well as scientific problems, that he was a vocal and literary exponent and collector of the odd and the artistic, and a recognized authority on architecture and gardens, he must certainly be classed among the notable virtuosi of his day. But within his multifarious interests and their related activities Evelyn appears to have had a particular regard for medicine, one that transcended the usual concern of those members of his class who did not espouse that subject professionally. Except for somewhat intermittent studies at Oxford, undertaken more as an obligation than because of genuine desire, medicine was the only discipline in which he deliberately took any formal instruction, and throughout the many years covered by his Diary medicine and matters ancillary to it received uncommon attention." Anyone living in the seventeenth century was very much aware of accident, disease, and ever proximate death. It was quite in the order of things that Evelyn, born in 1620, recalled from his fifth year the severe plague in 1625, its high mortality and the fact, as he later wrote, that he himself 'was shortly after so dangerously sick of a Feavor, that (as I have heard), the Physitians despair'd of me' (ii.7).2 He was fourteen years old when his sister Elizabeth died (ii.12), fifteen at the death of his mother, whose four attending physicians were identified by name in the Diary (ii.14-15), and twenty at the time of his father's death (ii.26). -
History of Medicine in the City of London
[From Fabricios ab Aquapendente: Opere chirurgiche. Padova, 1684] ANNALS OF MEDICAL HISTORY Third Series, Volume III January, 1941 Number 1 HISTORY OF MEDICINE IN THE CITY OF LONDON By SIR HUMPHRY ROLLESTON, BT., G.C.V.O., K.C.B. HASLEMERE, ENGLAND HET “City” of London who analysed Bald’s “Leech Book” (ca. (Llyn-din = town on 890), the oldest medical work in Eng the lake) lies on the lish and the textbook of Anglo-Saxon north bank of the leeches; the most bulky of the Anglo- I h a m e s a n d Saxon leechdoms is the “Herbarium” stretches north to of that mysterious personality (pseudo-) Finsbury, and east Apuleius Platonicus, who must not be to west from the confused with Lucius Apuleius of Ma- l ower to Temple Bar. The “city” is daura (ca. a.d. 125), the author of “The now one of the smallest of the twenty- Golden Ass.” Payne deprecated the un nine municipal divisions of the admin due and, relative to the state of opin istrative County of London, and is a ion in other countries, exaggerated County corporate, whereas the other references to the imperfections (super twenty-eight divisions are metropolitan stitions, magic, exorcisms, charms) of boroughs. Measuring 678 acres, it is Anglo-Saxon medicine, as judged by therefore a much restricted part of the present-day standards, and pointed out present greater London, but its medical that the Anglo-Saxons were long in ad history is long and of special interest. vance of other Western nations in the Of Saxon medicine in England there attempt to construct a medical litera is not any evidence before the intro ture in their own language. -
Front Matter Template
Copyright by Reem Elghonimi 2015 The Report Committee for Reem Elghonimi Certifies that this is the approved version of the following report: The Re-presentation of Arabic Optics in Seventeenth-Century Commonwealth England APPROVED BY SUPERVISING COMMITTEE: Supervisor: Denise Spellberg Brian Levack The Re-presentation of Arabic Optics in Seventeenth-Century Commonwealth England by Reem Elghonimi, B.S.; M.A. Report Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts The University of Texas at Austin May 2015 The Re-presentation of Arabic Optics in Seventeenth-Century Commonwealth England Reem Elghonimi, M.A. The University of Texas at Austin, 2015 Supervisor: Denise Spellberg Arabic Studies experienced a resurgence in seventeenth-century English institutions. While an awareness of the efflorescence has helped recover a fuller picture of the historical landscape, the enterprise did not foment an appreciable change in Arabic grammatical or linguistic expertise for the majority of seventeenth-century university students learning the language. As a result, the desuetude of Arabic Studies by the 1660s has been regarded as further evidence for the conclusion that the project reaped insubstantial benefits for the history of science and for the Scientific Revolution. Rather, this inquiry contends that the influence of the Arabic transmission of Greek philosophical works extended beyond Renaissance Italy to Stuart England, which not only shared a continuity with the continental reception of Latinized Arabic texts but selectively investigated some sources of original Arabic scientific ideas and methods with new rigor. -
The Book As Instrument: Craft and Technique in Early Modern Practical Mathematics
BJHS Themes (2020), 5, 111–129 doi:10.1017/bjt.2020.8 RESEARCH ARTICLE The book as instrument: craft and technique in early modern practical mathematics Boris Jardine* Department of History and Philosophy of Science, University of Cambridge, Free School Lane, CB2 3RH, UK *Email: [email protected] Abstract Early modern books about mathematical instruments are typically well illustrated and contain detailed instructions on how to make and use the tools they describe. Readers approached these texts with a desire to extract information – and sometimes even to extract illustrations which could be repurposed as working instruments. To focus on practical approaches to these texts is to bring the category of ‘making’ to the fore. But here care needs to be taken about who could make what, about the rhetoric of craft, and about the technique of working with diagrams and images. I argue that we should read claims about making instruments cautiously, but that, con- versely, we should be inquisitive and open-minded when it comes to the potential uses of printed diagrams in acquiring skill and knowledge: these could be worked on directly, or cut out or copied and turned into working instruments. Books were sites of mathematical practice, and in certain disciplines this was central to learning through doing. One of the more surprising things a sixteenth-century owner of an expensive folio volume might do was to take a sharp knife and cut it to pieces. John Blagrave’s 1585 The Mathematical Jewel, in fact, demands nothing less. This book, which introduced an elaborate instrument of Blagrave’s design for performing astronomical calculations, included wood- cuts that were specifically intended to be cut out and used as surrogates for the brass original: ‘get very fine pastboord … and then spred your paste very fine thereon, & quickly laying on this picture & clappe it streight into a presse’.1 ‘This picture’ refers to the full- page diagram printed near the front of the book, which can, as Blagrave says, be compiled with other diagrams to make a functioning instrument. -
Biographical Notes on Henry Briggs (1561 - 1630)
Biographical Notes 1 Biographical Notes on Henry Briggs (1561 - 1630). 1. Introduction. This introduction is related mainly to the professional life of Henry Briggs, and in particular to his work in table production. Briggs was the inaugural Professor of Geometry for many years at Gresham College, London. These notes are based partially on the chapter devoted to Briggs in J. Ward's : Lives of the Professors of Gresham College, (1740). In addition, the earlier work by T. Smith (1707), A Memoir of the Life and Work ..... Mr. Henry Briggs1 has been consulted and quoted from, and other sources, including letters. There is a fair amount of overlap of the material presented in these two sources, and we will mainly use the first reference, though it appeared later, as Ward's narrative holds the interest. Ward himself was professor of Rhetoric at the college at a later time, and he had available more contemporary material than we can readily muster to-day, so we must trust to his good judgement as to his selection - although according to Dr. Smith, most of Briggs' material had disappeared by the time he wrote his book. However, Ward was not a mathematician, and there were certain things to which he was oblivious, and there we must augment his presentation; and occasionally he got his dates wrong, and these we correct without further ado. This chapter has little to say about the actual mechanisms Briggs used to create his tables, instead it sets the stage historically on which this development was played out. Inevitably, the works of John Napier (1550 - 1617) are examined in addition to those of Briggs, in the remarkable unfolding of the story of the development of logarithms in the British Isles over the ten year period from the first appearance of Napier's tables in 1614 to those of Briggs in 1624. -
Napier's Ideal Construction of the Logarithms
Napier’s ideal construction of the logarithms Denis Roegel To cite this version: Denis Roegel. Napier’s ideal construction of the logarithms. [Research Report] 2010. inria-00543934 HAL Id: inria-00543934 https://hal.inria.fr/inria-00543934 Submitted on 6 Dec 2010 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Napier’s ideal construction of the logarithms∗ Denis Roegel 6 December 2010 1 Introduction Today John Napier (1550–1617) is most renowned as the inventor of loga- rithms.1 He had conceived the general principles of logarithms in 1594 or be- fore and he spent the next twenty years in developing their theory [108, p. 63], [33, pp. 103–104]. His description of logarithms, Mirifici Logarithmorum Ca- nonis Descriptio, was published in Latin in Edinburgh in 1614 [131, 161] and was considered “one of the very greatest scientific discoveries that the world has seen” [83]. Several mathematicians had anticipated properties of the correspondence between an arithmetic and a geometric progression, but only Napier and Jost Bürgi (1552–1632) constructed tables for the purpose of simplifying the calculations. Bürgi’s work was however only published in incomplete form in 1620, six years after Napier published the Descriptio [26].2 Napier’s work was quickly translated in English by the mathematician and cartographer Edward Wright3 (1561–1615) [145, 179] and published posthu- mously in 1616 [132, 162]. -
The Athens Journal of History ISSN NUMBER: 2407-9677 - DOI: 10.30958/Ajhis Volume 6, Issue 3, July 2020 Download the Entire Issue (PDF)
The Athens Journal of (ATINER) (ATINER) History Volume 6, Issue 3, July 2020 Articles Front Pages JACOB ABADI US-Syrian Relations, 1920-1967: The Bitter Harvest of a Flawed Policy MARTIN B. SWEATMAN Zodiacal Dating Prehistoric Artworks DONALD C. SHELTON A Satire, not a Sermon: Four Stages of Cruelty and Murder ELLI PAPANIKOLAOU Walter Charleton’s Theory of Matter: How Politics and Scientific Societies Influenced his Works i ATHENS INSTITUTE FOR EDUCATION AND RESEARCH A World Association of Academics and Researchers 8 Valaoritou Str., Kolonaki, 10671 Athens, Greece. Tel.: 210-36.34.210 Fax: 210-36.34.209 Email: [email protected] URL: www.atiner.gr (ATINER) Established in 1995 (ATINER) Mission ATINER is an Athens-based World Association of Academics and Researchers based in Athens. ATINER is an independent and non- profit Association with a Mission to become a forum where Academics and Researchers from all over the world can meet in Athens, exchange ideas on their research and discuss future developments in their disciplines, as well as engage with professionals from other fields. Athens was chosen because of its long history of academic gatherings, which go back thousands of years to Plato’s Academy and Aristotle’s Lyceum. Both these historic places are within walking distance from ATINER‟s downtown offices. Since antiquity, Athens was an open city. In the words of Pericles, Athens“…is open to the world, we never expel a foreigner from learning or seeing”. (“Pericles‟ Funeral Oration”, in Thucydides, The History of the Peloponnesian War). It is ATINER‟s mission to revive the glory of Ancient Athens by inviting the World Academic Community to the city, to learn from each other in an environment of freedom and respect for other people‟s opinions and beliefs. -
The Eighteenth-Century Origins of the Concept of Scientific Revolution Author(S): I
The Eighteenth-Century Origins of the Concept of Scientific Revolution Author(s): I. Bernard Cohen Source: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 37, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 1976), pp. 257-288 Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2708824 . Accessed: 03/06/2013 11:30 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of Pennsylvania Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the History of Ideas. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 148.206.40.98 on Mon, 3 Jun 2013 11:30:35 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY ORIGINS OF THE CONCEPT OF SCIENTIFIC REVOLUTION1 BY I. BERNARDCOHEN Many historians of science, like their fellow general historians, believe that the concept of revolution in science is of fairly recent origin, and that it has been superimposed anachronously-and even harshly-on events of the past.2 In fact, however, for some three centuries there has been a more or less unbroken tradition of viewing scientific change as a sequence of revolutions. In the eighteenth century, when this tradition appears to have taken its first rise, there was still some confusion and ambiguity about the sense of the word "revolution": in relation not only to science but to political events. -
Isaac Newton's TONOMETER and COLORIMETER1
Volume 22, Number 1, Spring, 2013 41 “In Experiments, where Sense is Judge” Isaac Newton’s TONOMETER and COLORIMETER1 Charles R. Adams In 1631, William Oughtred (1573-1660) published a small tones and colors, hearing and seeing. Newton was, of course, book on algebra, Clavis Mathematicæ (The Key of Mathe- no stranger to most fields of applied mathematics (such as matics), that was to become, through numerous editions and astronomy, mechanics, and navigation). But that he would commentaries, one the most popular and influential intro- also create significant uses for circular rules in the realm of ductory texts of the 17th century. He wrote the book, he said: sensory perception and the neurophysiological workings of audition and vision might seem unusual. However, he did “… to extend to students of mathematics, as it succeed in making technical advances in just those areas in were, Ariadne’s thread, by the help of which they part by incorporating a matho-musical model into his new may be led to the innermost secrets of this knowl- theory of light and colors, in effect tuning the rainbow. edge [such as Euclid’s mathematical demonstra- tions], and directed towards an easier and deeper Not only were discourses “on the consent and dissent of understanding of the most ancient and favoured visibles and audibles” (Francis Bacon) ubiquitous through- authors”. out all the sciences of the 17th century, but attention to the senses was a significant aspect of Newton’s own philosophy “Oughtred’s purpose was to use the method of analysis to of nature. He considered “the motion of light and sound … understand and recreate the work of ancient writers; Ari- [to be] topics that are most general and most fundamental for adne’s thread was to be a guide not to the future but to the natural philosophy”.