The Sociocultural Effects of Natural Disaster in a Peruvian Highland Community
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THE SOCIOCULTURAL EFFECTS OF NATURAL DISASTER IN A PERUVIAN HIGHLAND COMMUNITY By STEPHEN WILLIAM DUDASIK, JR. A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE J COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1978 To Curry Slaymaker and Michael Rourke my friends who touched the sun. PREFACE Say, when you hear their piteous, half-formed cries, Or from their ashes see the smoke arise, Say, will you then eternal laws maintain, Which God to cruelties like these constrain? -Voltaire I imagine that fieldwork takes its physical and emo- tional toll on most researchers who must operate in an alien environment with a poor diet and less than sanitary living conditions. But there is some other, undefinable dimension to working in an area devastated by disaster, some factor transcending culture shock and the routine concerns of personal health and hygiene. I became aware of this dimension in the Callejon de Huaylas where I con- ducted my field investigation for this dissertation. Dur- ing the four occasions I visited the valley after the earthquake of May 31, 1970, I could discern a certain quality of life, a certain sadness in the people generated not only by the irrevocable loss of loved ones and property, but also by the abrupt disappearance of a way of life that will never be recaptured. Having lived in Huaraz prior to the earthquake, I have some small notion regarding how the victims feel, and I too must share the sense of loss and the sadness. Even today, almost eight years after the catastrophic Sunday afternoon, I tend to recall the departmental capital of Ancash as it was before: the quaintly narrow streets, the white-washed adobe buildings, the red-tiled roofs. Al- though the town was the social, economic and political center of the valley, the pace of life was rarely hectic, and there was always time for a leisurely stroll around the plaza or a few moments to chat with friends encountered along the way. For two years I lived in what has come to be known as Old Huaraz, and that chapter of my life was brought to an end -- as quickly as turning a page -- on a bright Sunday in May of 1970. I am thankful that I was in California at the time of the earthquake. Had I been in Huaraz I feel that I would surely have perished as did so many of my friends and acquaintances. It took me several months to obtain a special discharge from the Air Force, but when I finally arrived in the Callejon de Huaylas in February of 1971 I was still unprepared to witness firsthand the magnitude of suffering and destruction. I had heard many reports and had read many accounts of the calamity, but no words or pictures could ever have conveyed the sorrow which almost visibly shrouded the valley. Huaraz, once a quiet sierra town, now lay in ruin, and here and there an unscathed structure stood alone in the sea of rubble which had en- gulfed at least a third of the population. For many days and weeks following my arrival, I joyously greeted friends IV who had somehow escaped death, wept for those I would never see again, and walked solemnly through the debris of peoples' homes and peoples' lives. Each visit to the Callejon seems to confirm the loss of what once was. Modern earthquake-resistant buildings have replaced the adobe deathtraps, streets have been widened, and the pace of life has quickened immeasurably. Planners seem determined to impose their concepts of effi- ciency and beauty, to build their dream city on the ruins, to sacrifice in the process the charm and grace of Old Huaraz. And as the old gradually disappears, friends speak of those who died in the disaster and wistfully remember the tranquility of the days before the earthquake. I did not enjoy the research which went into this dissertation, and I doubt that many readers will find my descriptions entertaining. Although I often deal with the abstract processes of the sociocultural system in disaster, those processes are ultimately reduced to the tragedies of the individuals with whom I spoke during the course of fieldwork. "Collective stress" tends to hide in its mean- ing the suffering of the persons who compose the collec- tivity, but the researcher must deal with personal calamity in the quest for valid generalization. It is not surpris- ing, then, that I was frequently depressed by my task and at times lost the perspective necessary to avoid subjec- tivity in the process of data collection. v Every phase of the research project represented by this dissertation is associated with blood, sweat and tears, and there would be no dissertation on the effects of disaster in Marian had there not been many kind and helpful people who assisted and supported me in one way or another. No resear- cher can claim all credit for his or her work, and I person- ally can claim very little. Every datum here can be traced to some person besides myself, and even my analysis must to a large degree be credited to insightful individuals who clarified certain points, thereby clearing the path for another step towards completion of the project. The people of Marian were invariably courteous, accept- ing me into their homes and lives and, with infinite patience, attempting to answer the seemingly endless series of questions I posed. Sister Mary Anne Faucher was a font of information and gave invaluable assistance in the collection of data in the community. More importantly, she became a cherished friend. Another of my closest friends, Allyn Stearman, willingly undertook the unenviable task of reading each chap- ter, commenting on content and pointing out the grammatical and typographical errors. The support of Barbara Wubbel has been more important than she could possibly realize. The community of Los Pinos was a refuge in Huaraz, and each of the Benedictine monks has become a brother to me. Marco and Cecilia Campos and their children are my family, and their friendship means more to me than I can express. Curry Slaymaker and Mike Rourke were unique individuals and vx . will be remembered lovingly by all who knew them. I believe the National Park of Huascaran, which they were instrumental in creating, stands as a fitting monument to their love of natural beauty. My committee guided my graduate career, and I shall strive to live up to their expectations. Paul Doughty, the chairman, gave both professional and personal support for these many years. Solon Kimball, Maxine Margolis, Anthony Oliver-Smi th , and George Warheit have patiently and unself- ishly given of their valuable and profound knowledge. There are many individuals who have assisted me in this project and many friends who have stood by me during a diffi- cult period. Although their names do not appear, I have not nor will I forget them. To everyone directly and indirectly contributing to this research project I express my undying gratitude Finally, I thank the National Science Foundation for the financial assistance which helped in part to defray the expenses of the project. Vll TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE iii ABSTRACT x CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1 Disaster-Related Literature 7 The Research Problems 16 Organization of the Dissertation 25 CHAPTER II THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE, METHODS AND PROCEDURES 27 The Organic Domain of the Sociocultural System. 29 The Social Domain of the Sociocultural System . 39 The Cultural Domain of the Sociocultural System . 47 Collective Stress Situations 50 Procedures and Methodology . 58 CHAPTER III MARIAN IN SPACE AND TIME 67 The Physical Setting 68 The Historical Setting 85 CHAPTER IV MARIAN: THE CORE FEATURES OF THE COMMUNITY SYSTEM 102 The People of Marian 104 The Core of the Community System 112 Labor Arrangements in Agricultural Production . 121 Structure of the Economic Components 13 4 CHAPTER V MARIAN: PERSISTENCE AND CHANGE IN THE COMMUNITY SYSTEM 14 6 Systemic Persistence 147 Controlled and Uncontrolled Systemic Change ... 179 CHAPTER VI THE DISASTER EVENT AND IMMEDIATE EMERGENCY PERIOD 204 The Disaster Event: May 31, 1970 205 Physical Dimensions of the Disaster Event .... 208 Individual Response to Disaster 212 viii Organized Response to Disaster 216 National Intervention 224 International Intervention 231 The Secondary Disaster 234 Concluding Observations Regarding the Initial Emergency Period 241 CHAPTER VII THE PERIOD OF RECOVERY 252 Differential Loss and Destruction in Huaraz. 253 Disaster-Related Factors Contributing to Change. 257 The Disaster Boom Economy 260 The Recovery Period in Marian 271 CPIAPTER VIII CONCLUDING REMARKS 284 Disaster in Marian 285 The Post-Impact Utopia 290 The Secondary Disaster 293 The Disaster Boom Economy 3 07 REFERENCES 316 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 328 IX Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy THE SOCIOCULTURAL EFFECTS OF NATURAL DISASTER IN A PERUVIAN HIGHLAND COMMUNITY By Stephen William Dudasik, Jr. June 1978 Chairman: Paul L. Doughty Major Department: Anthropology Research was conducted in the farming community of Marian, located in an Andean valley approximately 400 kilo- meters north of Lima, Peru. The major objectives of the research project were to determine the social and cultural consequences of the earthquake which struck north-central Peru on May 31, 1970. A principal focus of research was the hypothesis that community oriented behavior would increase in the research site as the result of feelings of shared tragedy. What has been termed the "post-disaster utopia" did not emerge in the highland community, however, and an important conclusion based on field data was that no situation of collective stress arose in Marian.