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News Framing in Crisis: a Study of Hong Kong's Press Coverage Of News Framing in Crisis: A Study of Hong Kong's Press Coverage of The 1989 Pro-Democracy Movement m CMiia by Tak-lieng Feng A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy (Communication) in the Chinese University of Hong Kong 1990 Thesis Committee: • Dn Joseph Man Chan, Cliairaian Dr. Leonard L. Cho Dr. Kuang-sheng Liao r fN 5369 316310 0 oa ？ 丨；丨厂！： / ：、 、 •F ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Traditional Chinese men do not praise their wives openly. So Yolanda^ don't be upset. With all my heart, I hope I could have told the others how you have supported and encouraged me to work on this thesis. I certainly would be very proud if I could have let the others know how hard you worked even in your pregnancy to support the family when I had to concentrate on school work. I truly think that this thesis would not have been done if not for your patience, love and care. But still, I am too traditional to praise you openly. And I am too shy to tell the others just how much I love you. Bm there are other people whom I have to thank openly. Dr. Joseph Chan, the chairman of my thesis committee, has invested much time on my thesis and have given me a lot of insightful advice. Although my late submission of the thesis have totally spoiled his holiday in Europe, he did not complain. I would also like to extend my gratitude to Dr. Leonard Chu and Dr. Kuang-sheng Liao. As members of my thesis committee, they have made a lot of useful suggestions and criticisms. I am indebted to the journalists who have kindly granted me interviews. Most of them have shared with me a lot of unforgettable days and nights in Beijing, especially in the Tiananmen Square. The promise for anonymity, however，forbids me from thanking them individually. Only a few names can be mentioned here. They include Mr. Tsang Tak Shing and Miss Yung Wei Ling of ra Rung Poo, and Mr. Liu Ruixiao of Wen Wei Poo. Without their help, this thesis could not have been written. I am gratefai to Mr. Pao Wan Lung, former controller of ATV News，for his support. Mr. Pao has kindly made special arrangements which enabled me to further my studies while keeping my job. I also owe my thanks to Dr. Leonard Chu and Dr. Michael Wei for some special reasons. I will never forget their trust in me. And finally a few words to my forthcoming baby. I thank you, no matter who you are, for having given me hope and strength to survive the hard time. For I knew that if I did not work hard and finish the thesis in time, I will not have enough time to be financially prepared to welcome you to this world. I love you. ABSTRACT This study aims to study how and why news framing shift from the routine mode to the crisis mode by examining Hong Kong's press coverage of the Beijing pro-democracy movement in 1989. It is found that the imtial news frames vary with the press，political ideologies spanning from the left to the right. As the crisis unfolded, all the newspapers converged in showing their support for the students and their opposition to the Chinese Government. However, when the Beijing authorities regained control, the newspapers began reverting to their original positions. This crisis is characterized by a high degree of power uncertainty as well as heavy social involvement. Hiese are conducive to the relaxation of organizational control over journalists which, when coupled with the journalists， personal involvement, in effect render journalists' personal inclination the dominating factor in news framing. Once the crisis is over, organizational control is resumed and personal tendencies are again suppressed. That explains how news framing shifts from one mode to the other. CONTENTS ABSTRACT CHAPTERS 1. Introduction ^ 2. News framing 2.1 The Concept of News Frames 4 2.2 The Formation of News Frames 5 3. Routine Mode Vs Crisis Mode 3.1 Definition of Crisis 3.2 Framing the News: Routine and Crisis 15 Routine Mode vs Crisis Mode: A Comparison 19 4. The Press Structure in Hong Kong 4.1 The Political Press - 21 4.2 The Commercial Press 2 2 4.3 Framing Chinese News: The Routine Mode 23 5. Hypotheses, The Case and Methodology 5.1 Hypotheses 5.2 The Case 2g 5.3 Research Method 31 6‘ Dissensus in Routine Mode: The First Stage 6.1 Key Events During the First Stage 34 6.2 The Leftist Press 35 6.3 The Commercial Press 43 6.4 The Rightist Press g 6.5 Summary 灼 7, From Routine To Crisis: The Second Stage 7.1 Key Events During the Second Stage M 7.2 The Leftist Press 7.3 The Commercial Press ro 7.4 The Rightist Press 7.5 Summary �� Consensus In Crisis 3.1 Key Events During the Third Stage 79 8.2 Framing The Crisis 79 9. Return To Normalcy 9.1 The Leftist Press 90 9.2 The Commercial Press 95 9.3 Reporting the Anniversary Under the Routine 96 Mode 10. The Newsroom In Crisis 10.1 The Leftist Press 99 10.2 The Commercial Press inR 10.3 The Rightist Press JJ2 11. Discussion and Conclusion n3 BIBLIOGRAPHY CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION As a journalist，I will never forget the experience of reporting the Tiananmen Square tragedy in 1989. The excitement, the involvement, the sense of achievement in beating the news blackout and the depression in witnessing the massacre were all beyond compare. As a graduate student of mass communication, however, the tragedy interests me in another way. Studies have found newspapers in Hong Kong to be framing major political events in totally different ways according to their background (Chan and Lee 1984，Lee 1987). Yet, it was certainly not the case this time. In a surprising move, the leftist press took an anti-Beijing stand. Hie commercial press also gave up their moderate posture towards the Chinese government. Both of them had joined the rightist Hong Kong Times in condemning and de-legitimizing the Chinese government in their news reports. What interests me more is that as soon as the situation was stabilized, the newspapers became ‘normal，again. Differences in news framing between different types of newspapers recurred. All these led me to the decision to study how and why news framing shifts from the routine mode to the crisis mode and then back again. A search through the literature revealed that little had been done in this field. However, basing on researches on news framing in routine times and organizational behaviour in crises, I was able to put forward a set of assumptions to be tested. Hie portrayal of the Tiananmen Square incident by the Hong Kong 1 organizational behaviour in crises, a set of assumptions are generated. A number of studies have confirmed that, during routine situations, the interest of the news organization is a major factor in determining news frames. The personal interests and inclinations of the journalists, on the other hand, is always suppressed. In a crisis，however, the situation will be quite different. It is hypothesised that (1) during a crisis, due to the uncertainties of the situation, the organizational control on journalists will be loosened; (2) the strong personal involvement of journalists will turn them into advocates rather than gatekeepers and (3) as a result, the personal interest of journalists will become more important in news framing in a crisis. Hie portrayal of the Tiananmen Square incident by the Hong Kong press provides a good case for testing these hypotheses. The Hong Kong press was operating in the routine mode during the first stage of the student movement when the political and social situation in both China and Hong Kong was still relatively stable. Following the sharp confrontation between the students and the government, the press gradually entered the crisis mode. Hien the routine mode made a comeback after the situation was stabilized. Analyzing how the same incident was framed by the press in different stages will give us a clear picture of how and why news framing is different between the routine mode and the crisis mode. This thesis is organized into eleven chapters. After these opening words in Chapter One, I shall go on to review the literature on the framing of news in the next chapter. A model of news framing in crisis will be put forward in Chapter Three. 2 IT^e press structure of Hong Kong will be introduced in Chapter Four, followed by methodology and hypotheses of this study. -From Chapter Six to Chapter Ten, I shall illustrate how the Tiananmen Square incident was framed by the Hong Kong press in different stages and the factors involved. I shall discuss the implications of these findings in the final chapter. 3 CHAPTER TWO NEWS FRAMING 2.1 The Concept of News Frames "Objective reporting" has become a doctrine in western journalism since the end of World War I (Schudson 1978). Most people believed that news should be identical with "facts" and insulated from "values". However, following numerous studies in recent years, the myth of absolute objectivity in news reporting has lost ground. Instead of being a mirror reflecting the "reality"，news is now rather seen as "the active, patterned remaking performed by mirrors in a fun house." (Gitlin 1980). Or，in Tuchman's words, the reality is constructed rather than impartially reflected in news (Tuchman 1978).
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