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Spatial Orders in Maya Civic Plans Author(s): Wendy Ashmore and Jeremy A. Sabloff Source: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 13, No. 2 (Jun., 2002), pp. 201-215 Published by: Society for American Archaeology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/971914 . Accessed: 30/01/2015 11:38

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This content downloaded from 128.148.252.35 on Fri, 30 Jan 2015 11:38:14 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SPATIALORDERS IN MAYACIVIC PLANS

WendyAshmore and JeremyA. Sabloff

Ancient civic centers materialize ideas of proper spatial organization, among the Maya as in other societies. Weargue that the position and arrangementof ancient Maya buildings and arenas emphatically express statementsabout cosmology and politi- cal order.At the same time, the clarity of original spatial expression is often blurred in the sites we observe archaeologically. Factors responsiblefor such blurring include multiple other influences on planning and spatial order,prominently the politi- cal life history of a civic center. Specifically, we argue here that centers with relatively short and simple political histories are relatively easy to interpretspatially. Those with longer development,but relatively little upheaval, manifestmore elaborate but relatively robustand internally consistent plans. Sites with longer and more turbulentpolitical histories, however,materialize a more complex cumulativemix of strategies and plausibly, therefore,of varyingplanning principles invokedby sequent ancient builders. Weexamine evidencefor these assertions by referenceto civic layouts at Copa'n,, , , and .

En los antiguos centros cfvicos se materializanideas acerca de la organizacionespacial adecuada, tanto entre los mayas como entreotras sociedades. En este estudiose proponeque la ubicaciony la disposicionde antiguos edificiosy espacios abiertosmayas expresanenfaticamente ideas respecto a la cosmologfay el ordenpolftico. Al mismo tiempo, la claridad de la expresionespacial original a menudoes difusa en los sitios arqueologicos,debido a muchasotras in;Quenciasen la planeacion y el ordenespaciales, sobre todo la historia de la vida polftica de cada centro cfvico. Espeefficamenteproponemos que los centros que tienen historias polfticas cortas y simples son relativamentefaciles de interpretarespacialmente, mientras que aquellos con desarrollos mas pro- longados, aunque con agitacion polftica limitada,presentan una planeacion interna mas elaborada y relativamentefuerte. Sin embargo,en los asentamientoscon historiaspolfticas largas y mas turbulentas,se materializauna mezelama's compleja de estrate- gias y, presumiblemente,en consecuenciaquienes los construyeronse basaronen una ampliavariedad de principiosde planeacion. En este estudio exploramoslas evidenciaspara fundamentarestas propuestasrefiriendo a la disposicion cfvica de Copan,Xunan- tunich,Sayil, Seibal y Tikal.

Recognizing andinterpreting spatial order has Bradley 2000; Emerson 1997; Hegmon 1989; a long and rich history,with inquiriesfrom Whalenand Minnis 2001). Local historyand social varied perspectives and many disciplines memorymold the perpetuationor alterationof any (e.g., Eliade 1959; Lawrence and Low 1990; particularplace and its meanings (e.g., Ashmore Rapoport1982; Rykwert 1988; Ucko et al. 1972; 2000; Barrett 1999; Basso 1984, 1996; Bradley Wheatley 1971; Willey 1956). Like our colleagues 1993). The factorsidentified as shapingcivic plans, in otherdisciplines, archaeologists the world over are specifically,are similarly complex, and likewise fre- paying increasedattention to symbol and meaning quently highlight ideationalsources (e.g., Benson in the landscapeand the built environment,to the 1980; Carlet al. 2000; Steinhardt1986). range of meanings inscribed on architectureand Forthe ancientMaya, as for manyother peoples, space,and to the meansavailable for inferringthose it is increasinglyclear that maps of civic centers meanings(e.g., Ashmore2000; Ashmore and Knapp evince considerable planning and meaningful 1999;Bender 1993,1998; Bradley1993,2000; Fritz arrangementin the placementof buildings,monu- 1978,1986; Houston 1998;Kowalski 1999; Lekson ments, and open spaces. Because the arrangement 1999; Townsend 1992). Such meanings are fre- we perceive was often the result of centuries of quently identified as cosmological or political or growthand changing spatial design, structurein the both, as inferredfrom local analogy or from more cumulativewhole is less immediatelyclear than it general,cross-cultural, and theoretical treatises (e.g., appearsin the orderlygrid of ,whose

Wendy Ashmore * Departmentof Anthropology,University of California,Riverside, CA 92521-0418 Jeremy A. Sabloff * Universityof PennsylvaniaMuseum, 33rd & Spruce Streets, Philadelphia,PA 19104-6324 LatinAmerican Antiquity, 13(2), 2002, pp. 201-215 CopyrightC)2002 by the Society for AmericanArchaeology

201

This content downloaded from 128.148.252.35 on Fri, 30 Jan 2015 11:38:14 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 202 LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 13, No. 2, 2002] masterplan was laid down at the outset in the city's history.Even for Teotihuacan,however, the sources of the initiallydiscernible order and its meaningare proving ever more complex as investigationpro- ceeds (e.g., Cowgill 2000; Sugiyama 1993). In this paper,we describetwo such sources for Maya spa- tial patterning. Ourmost fundamentalguiding assumption is that the position and arrangementof civic construction was anythingbut random.From that base, we assert thatthe spatialexpressions of Mayacosmology and of Maya politics constituted the most prominent ideationalfoundations for planning,and acknowl- edge thatmany factors have affectedthe claritywith whichsuch foundations may be discernedtoday from archaeologicalsite plans. Prominentamong these factorsare the length and turbulenceof local politi- cal histories,which exemplify the critical roles of his- toryand social memory in shapingthe archaeological recordwe observe.To illustratethese points,we dis- cuss evidence from Copan, Xunantunich, Sayil, Seibal, and Tikal (Figure 1).l Figure 1. Map of Maya area. Redrawn, after Sabloff and Two furtherpoints are crucialin consideringour Tourtellot 1991. assertions.First, our intent is programmaticand our conclusionsprovisional. That is, ourargument is less of successive constructions.Vogrin (1989) makes aboutthe detailsof site-specificinferences and more somewhatsimilar arguments for othersites, includ- abouturging increased field inquiryinto ideational ing Copanand Quirigua. modelsfor ancienturban planning. Second, we read- Hereour focus is thelayout of aggregatesof build- ily acknowledge that ideational factors do not ings, civic precincts, and indeed, whole sites. We account for all patterningevident in Maya civic identify two potent sources of spatialpatterning at plans. Again, our contentionis that more research these scales: Maya concepts of directionality,and is needed to establishthe mix of ideational,social, politicalaffiliation through emulation of civic archi- environmental,economic, engineering, historical, tectureat more reveredor powerfulplaces. and other sources in observed architecturalforms Studiesof directionalposition and orientation rec- and arrangements. ognize the pervasiveand enduringMaya organiza- tion of space accordingto cardinaldirections, often Sources of Ancient Maya Civic Spatial Order includinga centerpoint, and sometimesusing inter- Ancientcognition figures prominently in manyinter- cardinalpositions as well (e.g., Hanks 1991; Vogt pretationsof ancientMaya architecture. Orientation 1969). ClemencyCoggins (1980) detailsthe politi- of individualbuildings is often linked to astronom- cal significanceof four-partdesigns in Mesoamer- ical phenomena,for example,and these may be tied, ica, and cites twin-pyramid groups at Tikal as in turn, to hierophaniesor other manipulationsof quintessential architecturalexemplars (compare light,shadow, and monumentality, to constitutepolit- Guillemin1968 on twin-pyramidgroups)(Figure 2). ical celebrationsof figuressuch as BirdJaguar III of These latterarchitectural assemblages are partic- ,or Pacal the Greatof (Schele ularly importanthere because of Coggins's com- 1977; Tate 1985; compare Brady and Ashmore pellingargument that they map horizontally the daily 1999).Taking adifferentanalyticalperspective, Peter verticalpath of the sun.That is, whereasthe east and Harrison(1994) has arguedthat, at Palenqueand in west pyramidsof these groupsindicate the rise and the CentralAcropolis of Tikal,particular geometric setting points of the sun, the northand south posi- relationshipsaccount for theposition and orientation tions mark"momentsbetween" sunrise and sunset

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REPORTS 203

Acropolis

* U { \ \ I C.X, \ \ 0 500 m Str 5C-54 > >

Figure 2. Map of central Tikal, . Twin-pyramid groups are labeled TPG. Redrawn, after Martin 2000. (Brotherston1976), in this case,-metaphorically,the reflectschanges in Mayaconceptualization of polit- heavensand the underworld rather than what we take ical authority,from orientation representing primary to be "north"and "south."The implicationof this omnipotenceof the sun and his celestial associates interpretationis that rulers whose portraitstelae to one representingthe increasingprominence of the occupy the northernenclosures of these groupsare king and dynasties(e.g., Freideland Schele 1988a, themselvesmetaphorically transported to the heav- 1988b;Taube 1998). In some places, the shiftbegan ens, wherethey join royalancestors and the midday as early as the last centuryB.C. (Freideland Schele sun as emblemsof strengthand authority(Ashmore 1988a:47-48). We see the foregoing argumentsas 1989). mutuallycomplementary, not contradictory,and as Fromthis interpretation,one can extrapolatethe fruitfullines forfurther examination. Taken together, broadlyideational and specificallypolitical import thearguments reinforce strongly the notion of investi- of the two cardinalaxes. Their intersectiondefines ture of Maya civic space with knowableritual and a local Maya axis mundi(e.g., Eliade 1959; Tuan politicalmeaning, likely of variedsorts and sources. 1977; Wheatley 1971). More recently,David Frei- Anotherimportant means of enhancingthe polit- del, LindaSchele, and Joy Parker(1993) haveargued ical auraof a place is by constructingit to resemble that,for the Maya, the two axes representthe sun's locales of establishedstature: If a place looks like a pathand the MilkyWay, and that tracing them via recognized seat of authority,people behave there architecturalspace, ritual movement, or otherwise- accordingly (e.g., Ashmore 1986; Hall 1966; symbolicallyre-enacts the creationof the universe Rapoport1982). Colonialarchitecture in the Amer- andendows the spacesso tracedwith immense sacral icas, for example, re-createdcapitals of the imme- power.Long ago, Coggins(1967) observedthat Clas- diate and distantEuropean past, often by imperial sic cities of northeastPeten had dominantcivic axes decree. At the same time, the new construction orientednorth-south. Ashmore (1995) suggestedthat replacedthe razed centralbuildings of indigenous the pronouncedshift in axial dominance,from east- civilizationsand thereby prospectively their author- west in thePreclassic to north-southin Classictimes, ity, as in the spatialand symbolic relationbetween

This content downloaded from 128.148.252.35 on Fri, 30 Jan 2015 11:38:14 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LATINAMERICAN ANTIQUITY 204 [Vol. 13, No. 2, 2002] the Mexican National Cathedraland the Templo fromplace to place andthrough time. Continuity and Mayor of the Aztecs (e.g., Low 1995, 2000). Spe- changein governanceaffect choices about cific resemblance among pre-Columbian whether cities is existing spatialorder is maintainedor likelydue, in part,to emulationof altered(e.g., architecturalstyles Barrett 1999; Chapman 1994; and spatialarrangements Shareret al. 1999; linked to establishedcen- Steinhardt 1986). ters. Examples The resultant architectural include talud-tablerostyle and the palimpsest N15°E availableto archaeologistsin any given orientationfor Teotihuacan(Cowgill 2000; site must thereforebe examined with appropriate Laporte 1987; Millon 1973), niches and other dis- attentionto developmentaland othersite-formation tinctive featuresof Inka architecture(Niles 1987), factors.There were no staticformulae for or architecturalreplications in the urbanplan- Mississippianand ning,but there were many CasasGrandes worlds (e.g., alternativesfor materially Emerson1997; Whalen assertingthe place of and Minnis 2001). one's civic centerin the larger politicaland ritual universe. We suggestthat Indeed, Teotihuacanmay have thedeci- reinforced the sions of ancienturban planners are aforementionedorientation shift decipherableand in Maya centers. that the legibility of a The layout of that given city's layout relates CentralMexican city was domi- directlyto the natedby a length and complexityof its political north-southaxis fromat leastthe firstcen- history(see tury Tourtellotand Sabloff 1994:91). A.D., and scholars recognize with increasing claritythe city's impacton political,economic, and Copan socialstructures of manyparts of ,par- Muchof the discussion about ticularlyin and after ideationalbases of the fourthcentury (e.g., Car- civicplanning rascoet al. involvesobservations of existingmaps 2000). Maya texts attest to the direct, and other archaeological,iconographic, or ethno- effective,and lasting interventionof high-ranking historicdata. Precisely because of the breadthof Teotihuacanosin lowland Maya governance and choicesavailable for materializingdirectional politicalsuccession beginning in A.D.378 sym- (Coggins bolismor emulation, testing any 1979;Stuart 2000). Although one proposed Mayakingsand archi- ideationalmodel through tectsdid notadopt the fieldwork is decidedly specificand distinctive N15°E challenging.In alignmentof Teotihuacan 1988-89,AshmoreappliedtoCopan architecture,Teotihuacan thedirectional model putan undeniably derivedfrom Coggins's (1980) strongstamp on diverseforms of analysesof Mayamaterial twin-pyramidgroups. To that point, Ash- culture,particularly of Maya royalty morehad and arguedthat cosmologically based direc- nobility,from the fourthcentury on (e.g., Fash tionalplans underlaycivic layoutsfor Tikalat andFash 2000; Kidderet al. 1946). The large potential aswell as elsewhere, including impactof such an influentialpolity Quirigua,, on civic plans is Palenque,and non-Maya certainlyplausible (compare Gualjoquitoand Cerro Coggins 1979, 1980). Palenque(Ashmore 1987, Withinthe Maya 1989, 1992). region,more proximate models Takingthe foremulation implicationsof this directionalmodel, havebeen identified in particularcases. she For proposedthat Groups 8L-10 and 8L-12 marked example, Agrinier (1983) and de Montmollin conceptualnorth, or metaphoricallythe heavens,for (1989,1995)suggest that the Chiapansite of Tenam metropolitanCopan (Figure 3). Extrapolatingfrom Rosarioderives from and mimics Yaxchilan,and Tikal'stwin-pyramid-group plan, she thensuggested numerousarchaeologists have likenedthe layoutof morespecifically that excavations in Copan's"North Quirigua'score to that of its larger,more powerful Group"should yield evidence linking the compounds andrevered neighbor, Copan (e.g., Ashmore 1984; toroyalty, especially one or more royal Fashand Stuart1991; Morley 1935; ancestors, Sharer1978). andto ritualscelebrating same. Even accepting the foregoing two principles- Even with such generalized predictions, the cosmologicaldirectionality and political emula- propositionreceived strong support (Ashmore tion-assignificant influences in civic 1991): architectural amongother finds, excavations design,we must still keep yieldedfragments of activelyin mind thatany aglyphic frieze on Str. onesite and its 8L-74 of Group8L-10. The layoutare the productsof numerous text includedthe name of 18 Rabbit(or XVIII Jog, localizeddecisions, often over many generations. An UaxaclahunUbac Kawil) and a Calendar-Rounddate architecturallexicon is availablewith which to of8 Lamat 6 Tzec, that on archaeological conveymessages of political or other ideational groundsmust have been carvedat a time when 18 import,butthe choice of specific componentsvaries Rabbitwas alreadydeceased and presumablycon-

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Figure 3. Map of eastern part of Copan Valley pocket, , highlighting the Principal Group and Groups 8L-10 and 8L-12. After Ashmore 1991, Figure 4. sidereda royalancestor. Ritual activities at the same of accomplishedresearch, we believe stronglythat buildingwere indicatedby non-glyphicfrieze ele- examinationof othersites suggests parallelinvoca- ments, includingan effigy stingray-spinebloodlet- tion of ideationalurban planning principles, and that ter and a depictionof what is probablythe Principal it likewise invites field testing of these ideas along Bird Deity, perhapsequivalent to VucubCaquix of specifiable lines (e.g., Dunning et al. 1999; Houk the . Moreover,ritual deposits elsewhere 1996). We illustratewith examplesfrom our experi- in Group8L-10 have been interpretedas symbolic ence at Xunantunich,Seibal, and Sayil. allusionsto 18 Rabbit'sdecapitation death and sub- sequentmetaphorical resurrection, perhaps but not Xunantunich necessarilyforeshadowing portions of thelater Popol Xunantunichis a compactcivic centerperched atop Vuh (Ashmore 1991:213).What is most important a ridge overlooking the in modern here is that conclusions from this researchinvolve (Figure4). Investigationsdirected by Richard not only inferencesabout urban planning and polit- Leventhaland WendyAshmore in the l990s docu- ical strategiesof Copan'srulers and theirheirs, but mentedthe growth and development of thecenter and also strongencouragement for pursuitof suchpropo- adjacent settlement (e.g., Ashmore et al. 2002; sitions and theirconcerted testing elsewhere. LeCountet al. 2002; LeventhalandAshmore 2002). The center itself was founded late in the Classic Other Applications period,and its eighth-and ninth-century florescence Althoughfew Maya sites can matchCopan's com- coincideswith the declineof otherlarger centers and binationof elaboratematerial symbolism and history polities to the west and north, especially

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0 50 m B-24 N

Figure5. Map of Group B at Naranjo, Guatemala. o 100 m Redrawn,after Graham and von Euw 1975.

Figure4. Map of Xunantunich, Belize. Courtesy, Xunan- gestedemulation of the establishedbut declining tunich Archaeological Project. centerof Naranjoby the buildersat Xunantunich.In 1995,Geoffrey Braswell drew our attentionto the andTikal. Texts are abundantat the lattertwo sites, coreplan of (Figure 6): becauseof Calak- butalmost nonexistentat Xunantunich;however, the mul'sprecocious and sustaineddevelopmental his- short,largely illegible text of Stela 8 does seem to toryand its pervasiveimportance in lowlandMaya includeaNaranjo emblemglyph (e.g., Graham1978; politics(e.g., Folan 1992;Folan et al.1995; Marcus Houstonet al. 1992; Martinand Grube2000). Ash- 1987;Martin and Grube 1995, 2000), Ashmore moreand Leventhal(1993) notedthatXunantunich's (1995,1998)subsequently suggestedthatperhapsthe corelayout resembledGroup B at Naranjo(Figure coreof that early and powerfulsite was the source 5),and that both share a particularset of building foremulation at both Naranjoand Xunantunich. typesin recognizablysimilar arrangement, as well The key inferencehere is thatbuilders in the lat- asthe pronounced north-southaxis arguablylinked tertwo capitalsperceived political benefits in con- toroyal authority and continuity. structingtheir capitals to resembleone thatwas far Takentogether with the relativechronologies of longerestablished and more widely revered.We pro- thetwo sites, the site-planand epigraphicdata sug- posethat the rulers at theyounger cities drewon both

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REPORTS 207

y iU n R_

> 2 H_ 1

0 50 m 'il; / _ 11 _ t N Str. 11

Figure 6. Map of central Calakmul, , . ° 250 m Redrawn, after Ruppert and Denison 1943. directionaland emulationstrategies to enfold their nascentcivic and ritualcenters in a mantleof long- standingauthority. The test implicationsof this pro- posal includeambitious but ultimately feasible pleas for,among other things, comparable excavation pro- gramsin the threesites, to provideconstruction his- tories and alignablesequences of specific forms.

Sayil Like Xunantunich,Sayil- was founded towardthe Figure 7. Map of Sayil, Yucatan, Mexico. Redrawn, after end of the Classic period,with peak florescencein Sabloff and Tourtellot 1991. the ninth century A.D. Its civic layout provides instructiveparallels and contrasts with Xunantunich underthe directionof Michael Smyth and Christo- (Figure7). pher Dore in the l990s, have provideda detailed Sayil is situatedin a north-southtrending valley view of Sayil's settlementand have revealed that the in the hilly zone approximately7 km southof buLkof the site's occupationoccurred between A.D. and 5 km west of .Three phases of 750 and 900 (e.g., Sabloff and Tourtellot 1991; research,the firsttwo underthe directionof Jeremy Smythand Dore 1992;Tourtellot and Sabloff 1994; Sabloffand GairTourtellot in the 1980s andthe third Tourtellotet al. 1992).

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The civic centerof Sayil follows the orientation of the valley within which it is located and has a north-southaxis. A large three-storypalace, which apparentlywas a residence,is situatedat the north- ern end of the valley.A causeway links this palace with a stela platformand then a ball courtalmost 1 km to the south.A two-storypalace, which does not appearto have been residential,is found near the southerncauseway terminus. A temple groupand a possible marketplaceare located just north of the midpointof the causeway.It has been inferredthat the NorthPalace was the residenceof theruling fam- ily of Sayil and that it was significantlyenlarged over time. The smaller city of Labna, nearby to the east, appearsto havecopied its largerneighbor directly in its basic civic plan (Figure8). The Labnacauseway is only 150 m long, but like its one-km-longcoun- terpartat Sayil, it connects a single northernpalace with a set of compoundsplausibly comparable with the nonresidentialsouthern palace complex at Sayil. Orientationsof the principalbuildings at each end of the causeway are similarat the two centers,and except for the lack of a ballcourt at Labna, the observedbuildings and spaces are broadlyparallel in form and array.Indeed, although specifics of Labna'sarchitectural growth sequence are less fully documentedthan are those of Sayil, Labna'scivic buildingsand core civic plan seem miniaturerepli- cationsof Sayil (Gallaretaet al. 1995). Wejoin oth- ers who suggest that Labna'spolitical history was yokedclosely to that of Sayil, and we suggest that comparisonof spatialorder in the two places yields clues to political dynamics of founding order and hierarchical relations (e.g., Kowalski 1998: 413-416). In our view, the civic plans of both Sayil and Labnaresemble those of majorClassic centers of the SouthernLowlands. Sayil apparentlyserved as a N modelfor planningat Labna.But if Sayil's builders hadany other particular city in mindas a model,such specificemulation is not now evident.Instead, they 0 50 m seemto have drawnon principlesof cosmological directionality,emphasizing the north-south axis inferredto representdynastic continuity. Figure8. Map of Labna, Yucatan, Mexico. Redrawn, after Pollock1980. Seibal videsfurther clues to ancientMaya civic design(Fig- The Southern Lowland city of Seibal, in the ure9). Guatemalan Peten,is significantlydifferent from all Seibal is located on a ridge overlookingthe Rio ofthe foregoingin urbanplan and,in our view, pro- Pasion,and its two principalarchitectural groups are

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a

L l s - : lS

N o 300 m -

Figure 9. Map of Seibal, Guatemala. Redrawn, after Smith 1982. situatedon the high points of the ridge. Extensive southto a largeround platform, Str. 79, andgives the surveysand excavations of the site, undertakenin the causewaysystem a formlike a capital"T." The older mid-1960s by a Peabody Museum, HarvardUni- Classic center of the city is located in GroupD, at versityproject directed by GordonR. Willey andA. the east end of the causeway,while the final Termi- LedyardSmith, have shown that Seibal was occu- nal Classic architecturalburst at Seibal is found at pied from the Middle Preclassic(beginning around the west and slightly higherend in GroupA. 900 B.C.) to the Terminal-Classic(ending around Significantly,however, the earliest documented A.D. 900), with a minimumoccupation during the occupation within the Seibal civic core underlies EarlyClassic and a majorflorescence in its last cen- whatis now GroupA(Smith 1982). We suggestthese tury of culturalactivity (e.g., Sabloff 1975; Smith MiddlePreclassic and slightly laterfeatures in both 1982; Tourtellot1988; Willey et al. 1975). GroupsA and D defined an east-west axis consis- The core of Seibal's urbanzone is laid out along tent with urbanplans at precociousMiddle Preclas- an east-westaxis witha causeway,the latterbuilt late sic cities, like El Miradorand (Figure 10). in the city's occupation,linking the two high points Like the latter cities, Middle and Late Preclassic of the city andthereby its two maincivic groups.At Calakmulwas dominatedby one or morelarge pyra- the mid-pointof the causeway,an extension leads mids (Folanet al. 1995), but the full plan in thatera

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N

0 500 m

Figure 10. Map of , Guatemala. Redrawn, after Matheny 1986. is less clear. This is because, unlike its peers to the Sayil than it did for the establishedleaders of Late south, it continuedto thrivethroughout the Classic Classic Seibal or their powerfulneighbors, first in period, and neitherconstruction history within the the Petexbatunregion or laterat (see Schele city nor its consequentcity-planning history is yet and Mathews 1998:Chapter5). fully known. In partbecause of its contrastingaxial emphasis, Discussion Seibal is unlikethe contemporaneouscities already To bringthe discussionto a broaderplane, we return discussed, Late and Terminal Classic Sayil and to Tikal, where we began. Although Tikal's twin- Xunantunich, andit lacksimmediately obvious mod- pyramidgroups provide the clearest template for els or counterpartsfor the layoutof its Classicurban spatialmanifestation of cosmologicalorder, the site core.While topographywas doubtlessa stronginflu- as a whole is a complicatedassemblage of many encein placement of civic precincts,we reiterateour city-planningprinciples. Without attempting detailed view thatthe cumulativecity plan is significantlya reviewof architecturalsequences, suffice it here to productof its longer and more complex history. callattention to thetwo principalknown assemblages That is, we suggest the builders of Sayil and of architecturalelaboration in Tikal,in whatbecame Xunantunich drew on ties to more establishedand the Great Plaza/NorthAcropolis area, and in the powerful neighbors in, respectively, the southern MundoPerdido (Str. 5C-54) complex to the south- Puuc/northern Chenes region and northeastPeten west (e.g., Coe 1990; Laporte and Fialko 1995). and Calakmul.Whether emulating specific models Theirearliest manifestationsdefined an east-west orsimply broaderspatial principles, the civic plans solaraxis for the Preclassiccivic core. As the cen- ofthese two cities derivedfrom canons well defined turiespassed, the pairevinced very different specific in Classic lowland urban design. Seibal's plan formsand roles withinthe ritualand political life of reflectsits Middle Preclassicfounding and history thecity, a city in whichthe north-southdynastic axis withinthe greaterCentral Lowlands. By the Late cameto supersede its earlier solar one. Multiple Classic,Seibal was itself an old city, with its own authorshave ascribedchanges in architecturaland accumulated authorityand prestige.Subscribing to spatialform, function, and meaning to shiftsin polit- theideology underlyingCentral Lowland Classic, icalfortunes over manygenerations of dynasticrule civic design likely held more advantage for the atTikal (e.g., Ashmore 1989; Coggins 1975; Jones "upstart"founders and planners of Xunantunichand 1991;Laporte and Fialko 1990, 1995).

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OtherMayanists have explored evidence of ancient To summanze,we suggestthat the cases reviewed planningprinciples and have foundpolitical dynam- in ffiispaper, the civic layoutsof Copan,Sayil, Seibal, ics at differentsocial scalesembodied in architectural and Xunantunich,as well as Tikal, manifestdiver- arrangements.For example,several sites in northern gent specific plans denved from similar planning Belize have civic plans that resemble the specific processesand pnnciples. We further suggest that the north-southarrangement Ashmore linked with Tikal differencesamong all these sites incorporatemulti- and Copan(Dunning et al. 1999; Houk 1996). Hav- ple influences,including topographic factors and the ing takensite layoutas one line of evidencefor polit- like, butalso, andquite prominently, including such icalalliance, Nicholas Dunning, Bret Houk, and others ideologicalelements as cosmologicaldirectionality suggestthat Late Classic disjunction in local occupa- and politicalemulation. tionmay relateto "largerscale conflicts involving the Thosecities withrelatively short and simple polit- 'superstates' of Tikal,Calakmul and " (Dun- ical histones, like Sayil andXunantunich, should be ning et al. 1999:657458). Elsewherein the Maya and are relativelyeasy to decipherspatially. Those world,drawing on whathe sees as multipleplanning with longerpolitical development, but relatively lit- templatesin Late Classic sites of Chiapas'sRosario tle upheaval,like Copan,offer more elaborate but rel- valley, Olivier de Montmollin (1995) has inferred ativelyrobust and internally consistent plans. When politicaljockeying and, at times, succession,among one examines sites with long and more turbulent multiple,perhaps ethnically and linguistically distinct politicalhistones, however places like Seibal and populaces.Even at the relatively politically stable cen- Tikalne encountersa morecomplex mix of strate- terof Copan,Loa Traxler(2001 :67) calls attentionto gies and plausibly, therefore, of the principles conflict and architecturalmaterialization of its reso- invokedby sequentancient builders. Such a situa- lution,in the dynasticfounder's positioning his fifth- tioncertainly does notpreclude understanding urban centurycompound near but respectfullyapart from planningin these cities. Instead,it behooves us to those of the local groupshe supersededin governing attendclosely to linkagesamong construction devel- the Copanvalley. John W. Fox (1994) views the lay- opment,political history, and ntual evolution, and to outsof Utatlanand other Quiche Maya centers as spa- incorporatean explicit searchfor evidenceof urban tial mediation of factional conflict, in the ranked planningin our evolving researchdesigns. positioningof faction-specificbuildings. And Edward Schortmanand Seiichi Nakamura(1991) identifyan Acknowledgments.An earlier version of this paper was pre- sented arrayof political rebels to Copan's eighth-century at the Segunda Mesa Redonda on and Ideology, in 1997, and we thankLic. Silvia Trejo hegemony citing, among other for invit- things, the abrupt ing us to participatein that very productiveforum. We grate- appearanceof morethan a dozen architecturallydis- fully acknowledge the opportunity to have worked on the tinctivecenters after Quirigua's revolt in A.D. 738. multiple field projects that have provided the core of our Across the Maya lowlands,Ashmore (2002) has insights here, specifically at Copan and Xunantunich suggestedthat plan similarities to Tikalor Calakmul, (Ashmore) and Seibal and Sayil (Sabloff). Fuller acknowledg- ment of the many institutionsand individuals specifically, signal supportingthat participationin one of the two work are provided in publications cited herein for each of largestand mutuallyantagonistic alliance networks those projects.We are gratefulto Chelsea Blackmorefor com- documentedfor Classic times. The potentialimpor- pleting the illustrationswith skill and good humor.We thank tance of this assertionlies in the testableextension Joyce Marcus, Thomas Patterson, KatharinaSchreiber, and four of political maps based on decipheredpolitical his- anonymous reviewers for comments, and Clemency Coggins and Gair Tourtellotfor early stimulus. tory (especiallyMartin and-Grube 2000). Morethe- oretically, it recognizes that centers like References Cited Xunantunich, Sayil, and Labna, where texts are Agrinier,Pierre eroded or absent, were neverthelessactive partici- 1983 TenamRosario: una posible relocalizaciondel Clasico pants in political dynamics of Maya antiquity. MayaTerminal desde el Usumacinta.InAntropologia e his- toriade los Broadly Mixe-Zoquesy Mayas:homenaje a FransBlom, analogous reasoning about architectural editedby LorenzoOchoa and Thomas A. 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