DOCSLIB.ORG

Preserving U.S. Interests in Latin America

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Preserving U.S. Interests in Latin America PRESERVING U.S. INTERESTS IN LATIN AMERICA by Liana Saldana A thesis submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in Global Security Studies and Certificate in Intelligence Baltimore, Maryland August, 2015 ©2015 Liana Saldana All Rights Reserved Abstract Traditionally, Latin America has been politically weak and economically disadvantaged, whereas; the U.S. has prospered. The U.S. has traded and invested in Latin America despite concerns regarding its weakness. The U.S. has created policies to bolster the economic climate and political stability in Latin America without success. However, the bigger question is determining if these policies and initiatives were created to protect financial and political U.S. interests or as means of creating viable trade partners. These chapters will exemplify several policies and initiatives that have been unsuccessful in the areas of national security, energy security, and instilling democratization strategies. Many of these implemented policies were developed to remedy an immediate threat but not an overarching strategy for long-term change. Also, for the most part, many of these strategies were imposed on Latin America without a cooperative agreement for change. Each of these three chapters presents issues that began in Latin America and have impacted the U.S. The first chapter presents information regarding drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) and their role as a major national security issue for the U.S. Historically, DTOs have begun in states with weak rule of law and oversight. The hypothesis states that DTOs are able to destabilize their states of origin through recruitment and corruption efforts to expand their empire. Once Plan Colombia was instituted in Colombia, drug cartels used Mexican drug organizations to create a network to transport their product to the U.S. As a result, many Mexican/Colombian drug cartel networks have become an international threat. There is evidence that Mexican drug cartels are heavily involved in expanding their empire using recruitment and corruption as a means of expanding their ii network into the U.S. The current policies in place have not had an impact on cartel activity within the U.S. The second chapter explores the threats stemming from Latin America in the energy security sector. Both Colombia and Venezuela were chosen as the case studies because they are the fourth and fifth biggest petroleum exporters to the U.S. with civil unrest issues. The hypothesis states that resource abundant states with threats of prolonged civil unrest could hinder oil production. The U.S. depends on these exports to sustain American consumption, without these exports energy supplies would be limited. This chapter evaluated U.S. measures to curtail the threat of civil unrest in these states. Plan Colombia proved relatively successful in the elimination of DTOs from Colombia, however; in an effort to regain their empire, DTOs have begun attacking oil production plants. Now, on the verge of inciting a civil war between DTOs and the government, U.S. petroleum exports from Colombia could be at risk. Venezuela has experienced recent civil unrest due to humanitarian rights violations and unfair elections by the current authoritarian regime. Venezuela's biggest economic contributor, PDVSA state oil company, has shown signs of decreasing production. The U.S. has imposed economic sanctions against the Venezuela regime to restore order. Venezuela has responded with refusing to abide by the economic sanctions and creating an anti-American rhetoric within its state. Chapter Two concludes with affirming the hypothesis that threats these two case studies present can negatively impact U.S. energy security. Not only have current policies not alleviated the aforementioned threats, but have exacerbated the situation in both cases resulting in unintended consequences as well. iii The final chapter examines the U.S. democratization strategies implemented within Latin America. The hypothesis states U.S. intervention strategies have not been successful in furthering democratization goals in Latin America. Covert action, economic sanctions, and diplomatic measures were the strategies evaluated. All have been implemented in varying degrees in Latin America. The case studies selected were: Guatemala from the 1950s to current, Venezuela from 1990s to current, and Mexico from 1990s to current. These case studies were chosen because they exemplified the most recent and most relevant cases of democratization strategies. Evidence provided in this chapter proves a correct hypothesis that U.S. democratization goals were not met with any measure of success. Also through the investigation, these strategies proved to be used to preserve a U.S. interest instead of promoting democratic goals. In conclusion, this thesis highlights some of the major issues of U.S. policy in Latin America. Although Latin America poses real threats, many policies deemed in favor of creating democracy in Latin America, are really to preserve U.S. interests. The major areas of security issues are discussed throughout this thesis to convey the idea that a more honest approach to these policies might create a better relationship with Latin America as a whole. Also, a more direct and reformative policy approach to alleviating these issues will mitigate the issues that impact the U.S. The anti-American rhetoric is becoming stronger and could create even greater international relation issues in the future. Each chapter provides recommendations for eliminating the threat presented, promote better Latin American governance, and provide security to the U.S. interests. Advisor: Mark Stout, Ph.D Reviewers: Andrew Selee, Ph.D and Professor John Gans iv Table of Contents Abstract ............................................................................................................................................ ii Table of Figures: ............................................................................................................................. vi Thesis Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 1 Chapter 1: Introduction .................................................................................................................. 10 Literature Review........................................................................................................................... 11 Political Stability ........................................................................................................................ 13 Recruitment ................................................................................................................................ 14 Corruption .................................................................................................................................. 16 Methodology .................................................................................................................................. 19 Data ................................................................................................................................................ 20 Mexico Drug Trafficking Organizations (DTOs) Recruitment Techniques .............................. 20 Colombia’s DTO Recruitment Techniques ................................................................................ 22 DTOs Recruitment within the U.S. ............................................................................................ 24 Corruption .................................................................................................................................. 25 Drug Cartels and Corruption in Mexico .................................................................................... 26 Drug Cartels and Corruption in Colombia ................................................................................. 28 Drug Cartels and Corruption in the U.S. .................................................................................... 30 Mexico and Destablization ........................................................................................................ 32 Colombia and Destablization ..................................................................................................... 32 The U.S. and the Threat of Destablization ................................................................................. 33 Analysis ......................................................................................................................................... 43 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................... 45 Chapter 2: Introduction .................................................................................................................. 45 Literature Review........................................................................................................................... 47 Resource Abundance, Civil Unrest, and Political Stability ....................................................... 47 Resource Curse and Rentier State Model .................................................................................. 50 Rentier States and Violent Conflict ........................................................................................... 52 Short vs. Long Term “Shocks” Due to Civil Unrest .................................................................
Load more

Recommended publications
  • In Historical Terms, Venezuelan Democracy Emerged from an Extended Process of Political Learning
    COUNTRIES AT THE CROSSROADS COUNTRIES AT THE CROSSROADS 2011: VENEZUELA ANGEL ALVAREZ INTRODUCTION In historical terms, Venezuelan democracy emerged from an extended process of political learning. The lessons obtained from the breakdown of the democratic experiment led by the Democratic Action (AD) party from 1945–1948 paved the road for a 1958 governability accord known as the Punto Fijo pact. Leaders during the subsequent era of political stability were particularly inclined to heed lessons about the damaging effects of extreme polarization. Democratic political parties—aside from AD, the most important group was the Social Christian Party (COPEI)—were convinced that political stability depended on the exclusion of antidemocratic forces like the leftist guerrillas and right- wing militarists that engaged in sporadic attacks. Although this mode of stability entailed violations of human rights, democracy did indeed prevail. Venezuelan democratic continuity was based on oil revenues, and both political stability and oil dependence increased after the nationalization of the industry in 1974. In the 1970s, AD and COPEI continuously captured more than 80 percent of the vote, with only small groups of ultra-radical leftists violently challenging the government. This exceptional political steadiness, in a region plagued by authoritarian regimes, was based on massive distribution of the oil rent. Yet by the 1980s, oil prices fell dramatically and Venezuelan external debt skyrocketed. In 1983, the government depreciated the bolívar, the dramatic initiation of an era in which middle class voters, the political base of both parties, became progressively alienated by economic crisis exacerbated by blatant corruption. Political dissatisfaction with democratic politics became evident through declining electoral turnout between 1983 and the 1988 election of Carlos Andrés Pérez as president.
    [Show full text]
  • The Indigenous World 2018
    THE INDIGENOUS WORLD THE INDIGENOUS WORLD 2018 Copenhagen THE INDIGENOUS WORLD 2018 Compilation and editing: Pamela Jacquelin-Andersen Regional editors: Arctic and North America: Kathrin Wessendorf Mexico, Central and South America: Alejandro Parellada Australia and the Pacific: Diana Vinding Asia: Signe Leth The Middle East: Diana Vinding Africa: Marianne Wiben Jensen and Geneviève Rose International Processes: Lola García-Alix and Kathrin Wessendorf Cover and typesetting: Spine Studio Maps and layout: Neus Casanova Vico English translation: Elaine Bolton, Rebecca Knight and Madeline Newman Ríos Proofreading: Elaine Bolton Prepress and Print: Eks-Skolens Trykkeri, Copenhagen, Denmark Cover photographies: Pablo Toranzo/Andhes, Christian Erni, Delphine Blast, Nelly Tokmagasheva and Thomas Skielboe HURIDOCS CIP DATA © The authors and The International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs Title: The Indigenous World 2018 (IWGIA), 2018 All Rights Reserved Edited by: Pamela Jacquelin-Andersen Pages: 640 ISSN: 1024-0217 The reproduction and distribution of information con- ISBN: 978-87-92786-85-2 tained in The Indigenous World is welcome as long as the source is cited. However, the translation of articles Language: English into other languages and the of the whole BOOK is not Index: 1. Indigenous Peoples – 2. Yearbook – 3. allowed without the consent of IWGIA. The articles in The Indigenous World are pro- International Processes duced on a voluntary basis. It is IWGIA’s intention that BISAC codes: LAW110000 Indigenous Peoples The Indigenous World should provide a comprehensive update on the situation of indigenous peoples world- REF027000 Yearbooks & Annuals POL035010 wide but, unfortunately, it is not always possible to find Political Freedom & Security / Human Rights authors to cover all relevant countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela's Political Party System on the Eve of National Elections
    No. 44 by Howard Handelman Venezuela's Political Party South America [HH-3-'781 System on the Eve of National Elections On January 23,1978, Venezuelan parties and popular mobilization had a range of activities and to meet President Carlos Andres Perez not existed prior to the 1930s. When demands from competing sectors of opened the doors of Miraflores, the President Betancourt took office in society in a manner that other Latin nation's presidential palace, to the 1958, then, democratic institutions American governments cannot public. Throughout the day, for expressing popular will had afford. While relative affluence is no thousands of housewives, scarcely been established. guarantor of democracy, businessmen, workers, and Venezuela's economic growth has shantytown-dwellers poured In December of this year the nation been supplemented by the through the building's ornate halls. will hold its fifth democratic national development of popular democratic "Today," proclaimed the election since 1958, for the institutions. government's television and press presidency and both houses of advertisements, "Miraflores belongs Congress. Shortly thereafter, Yet, it is well to remember that to the people." The President's President Perez will become the Venezuelan democracy is still open house marked the twentieth fourth consecutive Venezuelan chief young. As the January 23 anniversary of a critical date in executive to serve out his anniversary approached, movie modern Venezuelan history, the constitutional five-year term and theaters in Caracas showed brief abdication of the nation's dictator, peacefully hand over power to his news documentaries on the 1958 General Marcos Perez Jimenez, and successor.2 Moreover, unlike many popular uprising.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy and Human Rights in South East Europe: Selected Master Theses
    EUROPEAN REGIONAL EUROPEANMASTER’S DEGREEREGIONAL IN MASTER’SDEMOCRACY DEGREE IN DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS INAND SOUTH-EAST HUMAN RIGHTS EUROPE IN SOUTH-EAST EUROPE Sarajevo - Bologna Sarajevo - Bologna DEMOCRACYDEMOCRACYDEMOCRACYDEMOCRACY ANDAND HUMANHUMAN AND AND HUMANHUMAN RIGHTSRIGHTS ININ RIGHTSRIGHTS ININ SOUTHSOUTH EASTEASTSOUTHSOUTH EASTEAST EUROPE:EUROPE: EUROPE:EUROPE: SELECTEDSELECTED SELECTEDSELECTED MASTERMASTER THESESTHESESMASTERMASTER THESESTHESES ACADEMIC YEAR ACADEMIC YEAR 2012-2013 2012-2013 SOUTH EAST EUROPE: SELECTED MASTER THESES MASTER THESES SOUTH EAST EUROPE: SELECTED MASTER THESES SOUTH EAST EUROPE: SELECTED Ambasciata d’Italia Ambasciata d’Italia This project is funded This projectSara is jfundedevo Sarajevo A.Y. 2012-2013 DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN RIGHTS HUMAN A.Y. 2012-2013 DEMOCRACY AND IN RIGHTS HUMAN A.Y. 2012-2013 DEMOCRACY AND by the European Union The project was co-fundedby the by European Direzione Union The project was co-funded by Direzione Generale per la Cooperazione allo Generale per la Cooperazione allo Sviluppo of the Italian Ministry Sviluppo of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Foreign Affairs EUROPEAN REGIONAL MASTER’S DEGREE IN DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN SOUTH-EAST EUROPE University of Sarajevo - University of Bologna DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN SOUTH EAST EUROPE: SELECTED MASTER THESES A.Y. 2012- 2013 MASTER THESES SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REGIONAL MASTER’S DEGREE IN DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN SOUTH-EAST EUROPE IN OCTOBER 2013 SARAJEVO BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela: Background and U.S
    Venezuela: Background and U.S. Relations Clare Ribando Seelke, Coordinator Specialist in Latin American Affairs Rebecca M. Nelson Specialist in International Trade and Finance Phillip Brown Specialist in Energy Policy Rhoda Margesson Specialist in International Humanitarian Policy Updated November 7, 2019 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44841 SUMMARY R44841 Venezuela: Background and U.S. Relations November 7, 2019 Venezuela remains in a deep crisis under the authoritarian rule of Nicolás Maduro of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela. Maduro, narrowly elected in 2013 after the death of Clare Ribando Seelke, Hugo Chávez (president, 1999-2013), began a second term on January 10, 2019, that Coordinator most Venezuelans and much of the international community consider illegitimate. Since Specialist in Latin January, Juan Guaidó, president of Venezuela’s democratically elected, opposition- American Affairs [email protected] controlled National Assembly, has sought to form an interim government to serve until internationally observed elections can be held. Although the United States and 56 other Rebecca M. Nelson countries recognize Guaidó as interim president, he has been unable to wrest Maduro Specialist in International from power. With Norway-backed negotiations between Maduro and Guaidó suspended, Trade and Finance [email protected] prospects for a negotiated solution to the crisis are uncertain. Phillip Brown Venezuela’s economy has collapsed. The country is plagued by hyperinflation, severe Specialist in Energy Policy shortages of food and medicine, and electricity blackouts that have worsened an already [email protected] dire humanitarian crisis. In April 2019, United Nations officials estimated that some Rhoda Margesson 90% of Venezuelans are living in poverty.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela: Conservative Representation Without Conservative Parties
    VENEZUELA: CONSERVATIVE REPRESENTATION WITHOUT CONSERVATIVE PARTIES Michael Coppedge Working Paper #268 – June 1999 ABSTRACT Why would a powerful elite ever consent to a transition to democracy? Democratic institutions would soon encroach on the interests of the privileged few if political equality were fully enforced. This dilemma is especially central to the study of democracy in Latin America, where social and economic inequality are so great that economic elites are often threatened by pressure to share their wealth and often have sufficient political resources to respond by having democratic governments removed. For this reason political scientists have long held that democratic regimes are more likely to survive where there are guarantees that the fundamental interests of economic elites will be protected, and recently some scholars have proposed that elite interests are best protected, and democracy best preserved, by successful conservative parties. There is no better illustration of the crucial role played by accommodation of elite interests than Venezuela’s transition to democracy in 1958. Yet this paper argues that Venezuela has not had any significant parties since 1958 that were uncontestably conservative, nor can it be considered a societal corporatist system. Instead, during the first thirty years of its democratic regime, Venezuela developed effective ways of representing elite interests informally, centered around clientelistic relationships between individual politicians and family-owned economic groups. For decades these informal arrangements enhanced political stability. But they had unhealthy side effects—corruption and inefficiency—which grew increasingly worse, so that when the economic decline began in 1979 and the abuses became widely known, Venezuela entered a period of political instability.
    [Show full text]
  • Brand Dilution and the Breakdown of Political Parties in Latin America
    BRAND DILUTION AND THE BREAKDOWN OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN LATIN AMERICA By NOAM LUPU* ETWEEN 1958 and 1993, Venezuela’s two major parties, Demo- Bcratic Action (AD) and the Independent Political Electoral Orga- nizing Committee (COPEI), together drew an average of 78 percent of the vote in national elections. But by 1998, a mere 3 percent of Ven- ezuelans cast their ballots for these parties. After Bolivia transitioned to democracy in 1980, the three parties that dominated politics–—the rightist Nationalist and Democratic Action (ADN), the centrist Revolu- tionary Nationalist Movement (MNR), and the center-left Revolution- ary Left Movement (MIR)—together received an average of 67 percent of the vote. But in 2002, ADN attracted only 3 percent of the vote, and in the 2005 election neither it nor the MIR even fielded a presidential candidate. The dramatic and sudden decline in the staying power of established political parties is one of the most puzzling features of Latin American democratic politics since the third wave of democratization. Between 1978 and 2007, one-quarter of the region’s established parties broke down, meaning that they suddenly became uncompetitive for national executive office. Parties that had only recently been major competitors were relegated to an average vote share of merely 6 percent. Yet these very parties, some more than a century old, had previously managed to * This article draws on research conducted for a forthcoming book. For feedback on the article, I thank Steve Levitsky, Dan Slater, and seminar participants at Chicago, Columbia, Di Tella, the Getúlio Vargas Foundation, Northwestern, Notre Dame, Pontifical Catholic University of Chile, Salamanca, the University of the Republic of Uruguay, and Yale.
    [Show full text]
  • Download (2973Kb)
    University of Warwick institutional repository: http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap/77710 This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. Regulatory Governance in the Brazilian Oil Sector: Passport to the Future or Passage to the Past? Pedro de Abreu e Lima Florencio A thesis submitted to the School of Law, university of Warwick in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Law, University of Warwick, July 2015 CONTENTS List of Figures ........................................................................................................................... iv Glossary of Terms and Abbreviations .....................................................................................v Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................ vii Declaration ............................................................................................................................. viii Abstract .................................................................................................................................... ix Part I - Legal and Theoretical Foundations for the Analysis ...............................................
    [Show full text]