The Tibetan Independence Movement

THE TIBETAN INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT At the beginning of the 21st century the Tibetan independence movement has reached a critical juncture. China refuses to initiate meaningful dialogue. This leaves the onus for action with the Tibetan community, particularly as no country is willing to assist with their struggle. No progress has been made for at least ten years, certainly not since the Dalai Lama’s renunciation of the goal of Tibetan independence in 1988. This is the first serious political analysis of the Tibetan independence movement. It is also the first to view the struggle from a comparative perspective, using the Indian independence movement. It addresses the need to move away from Tibet being treated as a purely religious and cultural entity. This book examines Tibetan resistance through guerrilla warfare and the 1998 hunger strike undertaken by the Tibetan Youth Congress. Both of these have been condemned by the Dalai Lama for their inappropriateness in a Buddhist setting. By examining the types of resistance offered by the Tibetans against the Chinese, lessons can be drawn about the continuing reliance on the dual relationship of religion and politics in Tibetan society. While it is the Tibetan religion which has led to Tibet receiving a great deal of celebrity attention, it is time for a political assessment of the Tibetans’ plight. Ardley firmly rejects the ‘Shangri-la-ist’ approach to Tibetan resistance, jettisoning the assumption that Tibetans are primarily religious, non-violent, peaceful, and by implication, passive, to Tibetan affairs. Jane Ardley is Lecturer in Politics at the School of Politics, International Relations and the Environment, Keele University. THE TIBETAN INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT Political, religious and Gandhian perspectives Jane Ardley First published 2002 by RoutledgeCurzon, an imprint of Taylor & Francis 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by RoutledgeCurzon 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2003. RoutledgeCurzon is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group © 2002 Jane Ardley All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Ardley, Jane, 1972– The Tibetan independence movement: political, religious and Gandhian perspective / Jane Ardley p.cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0–7007–1572–X (alk. paper) 1. Tibet (China) – Politics and government – 1951 – I. Title. DS 786.A78 2002 951'.505–dc21 2002074328 ISBN 0-203-22115-X Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-27581-0 (Adobe eReader Format) ISBN 0–7007–1572–X (Print Edition) CONTENTS Preface vii Glossary ix Introduction 1 The study of politics and the case of Tibet 3 1 Tibet: religion, resistance and the state 6 The Chinese invasion and consolidation of rule 6 Culture and politics 9 The political influence of the monasteries 16 Religion, resistance and protest: an overview 21 2 Resistance in Tibet: violence and exile 27 The first phase of Tibetan resistance 28 The 1959 Lhasa uprising 35 Mustang: the final phase of armed resistance 37 Why the guerrilla movement failed 40 The Tibetan government in exile 42 3 ‘Our demand is cheap’: fasting for the future of Tibet 46 The 1998 Tibetan hunger strike 47 Can self-harming be rationalised? 51 Justifying the hunger strike 61 Implications for the future 64 4 ‘My life is my message’: the Gandhian paradigm 68 The principles of satyagraha 69 The birth of satyagraha 72 The types of satyagraha 74 Self-renewal amongst Tibetan exiles 83 Criticisms and limitations of satyagraha 90 Satyagraha in Tibet? 92 v CONTENTS 5 Spirituality and politics: the Gandhian and Tibetan cases 95 The religious origins of satyagraha 96 The Gandhian re-interpretation of karmayoga 100 Gandhi and Jainism 104 The Middle Way position of the Dalai Lama 106 The satyagraha of Samdhong Rinpoche 110 A Buddhist satyagraha? 116 6 The Indian path to independence: from colonialism to nationalism 118 Why examine the Indian case? 118 The consolidation of British rule in India 120 The Mutiny: causes and consequences 124 The development of the British Empire 1858–1914 127 7 Towards partition in India: lessons for politics and religion 135 The impact of World War One in India 136 India between the wars 141 Towards division: India in the 1940s 150 Indian solutions to a Tibetan problem? 160 Conclusion: political lessons for Tibet 163 Shangri-la-ism versus reality 166 What Tibet can learn from India 168 Religion, resistance and democracy 171 Tibet: the future 178 Notes 182 Bibliography 199 Index 206 vi PREFACE I first became interested in Indian politics when I visited India with my family in 1988. One of the many places we visited was Birla House in New Delhi, the site of Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination in 1948. In the garden Gandhi’s last footsteps have been marked in stone and a simple monument stands at the exact site where he died. I was struck by the emotion that was evident in the Indian visitors. The house, which is now a museum, contained Gandhi’s only possessions at the time of his death; little more than his glasses and a couple of books. These images have stayed with me and continue to impress with their humility and profundity. In 1990 I returned to India to teach music in Shimla, Himachal Pradesh, for six months. Due to political unrest over the then government’s policy of reserving a quota of university places and government jobs for scheduled castes, the school was actually closed for most of my time there. This allowed me to visit the nearby Dharamsala, the Indian home of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and many Tibetan refugees. Further unrest – a strike by transport workers – meant that I became stranded in Dharamsala, much to the amuse- ment of the Tibetans with whom I had become friendly. Having intended to stay in Dharamsala only for a couple of days, I had nothing to read, and so turned to the many books on sale on all aspects of Tibet. The impact of Indian political life upon this mainly Tibetan town has shaped my interest in both Indian and exile Tibetan politics since then. It has always seemed logical to me to think of the two systems as working together, or at least to observe the Tibetan exile polity as working within that of India. This book addresses some of the ways in which the experiences of Indians during their struggle for independence can help those Tibetan refugees who live in India – and around the world – today. Like so many first books, this one started life as my PhD thesis (Ardley 1999a). I must therefore thank colleagues in the Department of Politics at Keele University, for my PhD would not have been possible without the help and support of several people. First and foremost must be my supervisor, Rosemary O’Kane, for all her valuable suggestions and guidance. I must also thank Brian Doherty, my second supervisor; John Barry, my internal vii PREFACE examiner; and my friend Ben Seel, for his lively advice on Tibetan Buddhism. Ben also introduced me to Kelsang Rabten, whose perspective on the Dorje Shugden affair was extremely helpful. I also owe thanks to John Horton, Matthew Wyman, Nick Aylott and especially Robin Porter (now at LaTrobe University in Australia) for providing me with teaching opportunities at Keele, which financially helped to see me through the PhD. I am particularly indebted to Robin for agreeing to my teaching his Chinese politics students about Tibet, and also for inspiring my interests in Chinese politics and Hong Kong. My students on Chinese politics and ‘Modernisation and Democratisation’ have also contributed useful and sometimes entertaining perspectives. Away from Keele, but equally helpful and important to my work, was Professor Bhikhu Parekh of Hull University, who was the principal examiner of my PhD. I should also thank everyone at the Political Studies Association Politics and Religion group conference at the University of Sheffield in 1999, for their feedback and analysis of my paper on the democratisation of the Tibetan government in exile (Ardley 1999b). Invaluable information was further provided by all the interviewees, and I should especially thank the Tibet Society of the UK, particularly Alan Clements and Sheila Wild, for arranging my interview with Samdhong Rinpoche. Thanks are also due to Jamyang Norbu, for clarifying details on the Tibetan guerrilla movement; to Tsering Shakya, for providing me with several elusive articles; and to Alex McKay, with whom I kept up a lively email correspondence, during which he gave me much valuable advice. Finally, though, my thanks goes to my partner, Sol, and to my mother, Bridget, without whose support and love this work would not have been possible. I dedicate the book to them. Note on transcription of Tibetan terms English phonetic equivalents of Tibetan terms have been used where possible. The glossary contains italicised transliteration of Tibetan terms in parentheses. This transliteration follows the guidelines established by Turrell Wylie (1959). viii GLOSSARY ahimsa (Sanskrit) Refers generally to Gandhi’s doctrine of non-violence. It literally means ‘non-harming’, and was interpreted by Gandhi as active rather than passive. It is a doctrine common to Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism. Atman (Sanskrit) ‘Soul’ or ‘self’. In Hinduism it refers to God within oneself. Bhagavad-Gita (Sanskrit) Part of the Hindu epic Mahabharata.

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