THE TIBETAN INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT
At the beginning of the 21st century the Tibetan independence movement has reached a critical juncture. China refuses to initiate meaningful dialogue. This leaves the onus for action with the Tibetan community, particularly as no country is willing to assist with their struggle. No progress has been made for at least ten years, certainly not since the Dalai Lama’s renunciation of the goal of Tibetan independence in 1988. This is the first serious political analysis of the Tibetan independence movement. It is also the first to view the struggle from a comparative perspective, using the Indian independence movement. It addresses the need to move away from Tibet being treated as a purely religious and cultural entity. This book examines Tibetan resistance through guerrilla warfare and the 1998 hunger strike undertaken by the Tibetan Youth Congress. Both of these have been condemned by the Dalai Lama for their inappropriateness in a Buddhist setting. By examining the types of resistance offered by the Tibetans against the Chinese, lessons can be drawn about the continuing reliance on the dual relationship of religion and politics in Tibetan society. While it is the Tibetan religion which has led to Tibet receiving a great deal of celebrity attention, it is time for a political assessment of the Tibetans’ plight. Ardley firmly rejects the ‘Shangri-la-ist’ approach to Tibetan resistance, jettisoning the assumption that Tibetans are primarily religious, non-violent, peaceful, and by implication, passive, to Tibetan affairs.
Jane Ardley is Lecturer in Politics at the School of Politics, International Relations and the Environment, Keele University.
THE TIBETAN INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT
Political, religious and Gandhian perspectives
Jane Ardley First published 2002 by RoutledgeCurzon, an imprint of Taylor & Francis 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by RoutledgeCurzon 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001
This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2003.
RoutledgeCurzon is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group
© 2002 Jane Ardley All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Ardley, Jane, 1972– The Tibetan independence movement: political, religious and Gandhian perspective / Jane Ardley p.cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0–7007–1572–X (alk. paper) 1. Tibet (China) – Politics and government – 1951 – I. Title. DS 786.A78 2002 951'.505–dc21 2002074328
ISBN 0-203-22115-X Master e-book ISBN
ISBN 0-203-27581-0 (Adobe eReader Format) ISBN 0–7007–1572–X (Print Edition) CONTENTS
Preface vii Glossary ix
Introduction 1 The study of politics and the case of Tibet 3
1 Tibet: religion, resistance and the state 6 The Chinese invasion and consolidation of rule 6 Culture and politics 9 The political influence of the monasteries 16 Religion, resistance and protest: an overview 21
2 Resistance in Tibet: violence and exile 27 The first phase of Tibetan resistance 28 The 1959 Lhasa uprising 35 Mustang: the final phase of armed resistance 37 Why the guerrilla movement failed 40 The Tibetan government in exile 42
3 ‘Our demand is cheap’: fasting for the future of Tibet 46 The 1998 Tibetan hunger strike 47 Can self-harming be rationalised? 51 Justifying the hunger strike 61 Implications for the future 64
4 ‘My life is my message’: the Gandhian paradigm 68 The principles of satyagraha 69 The birth of satyagraha 72 The types of satyagraha 74 Self-renewal amongst Tibetan exiles 83 Criticisms and limitations of satyagraha 90 Satyagraha in Tibet? 92
v CONTENTS
5 Spirituality and politics: the Gandhian and Tibetan cases 95 The religious origins of satyagraha 96 The Gandhian re-interpretation of karmayoga 100 Gandhi and Jainism 104 The Middle Way position of the Dalai Lama 106 The satyagraha of Samdhong Rinpoche 110 A Buddhist satyagraha? 116
6 The Indian path to independence: from colonialism to nationalism 118 Why examine the Indian case? 118 The consolidation of British rule in India 120 The Mutiny: causes and consequences 124 The development of the British Empire 1858–1914 127
7 Towards partition in India: lessons for politics and religion 135 The impact of World War One in India 136 India between the wars 141 Towards division: India in the 1940s 150 Indian solutions to a Tibetan problem? 160
Conclusion: political lessons for Tibet 163 Shangri-la-ism versus reality 166 What Tibet can learn from India 168 Religion, resistance and democracy 171 Tibet: the future 178
Notes 182 Bibliography 199 Index 206
vi PREFACE
I first became interested in Indian politics when I visited India with my family in 1988. One of the many places we visited was Birla House in New Delhi, the site of Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination in 1948. In the garden Gandhi’s last footsteps have been marked in stone and a simple monument stands at the exact site where he died. I was struck by the emotion that was evident in the Indian visitors. The house, which is now a museum, contained Gandhi’s only possessions at the time of his death; little more than his glasses and a couple of books. These images have stayed with me and continue to impress with their humility and profundity. In 1990 I returned to India to teach music in Shimla, Himachal Pradesh, for six months. Due to political unrest over the then government’s policy of reserving a quota of university places and government jobs for scheduled castes, the school was actually closed for most of my time there. This allowed me to visit the nearby Dharamsala, the Indian home of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and many Tibetan refugees. Further unrest – a strike by transport workers – meant that I became stranded in Dharamsala, much to the amuse- ment of the Tibetans with whom I had become friendly. Having intended to stay in Dharamsala only for a couple of days, I had nothing to read, and so turned to the many books on sale on all aspects of Tibet. The impact of Indian political life upon this mainly Tibetan town has shaped my interest in both Indian and exile Tibetan politics since then. It has always seemed logical to me to think of the two systems as working together, or at least to observe the Tibetan exile polity as working within that of India. This book addresses some of the ways in which the experiences of Indians during their struggle for independence can help those Tibetan refugees who live in India – and around the world – today. Like so many first books, this one started life as my PhD thesis (Ardley 1999a). I must therefore thank colleagues in the Department of Politics at Keele University, for my PhD would not have been possible without the help and support of several people. First and foremost must be my supervisor, Rosemary O’Kane, for all her valuable suggestions and guidance. I must also thank Brian Doherty, my second supervisor; John Barry, my internal
vii PREFACE examiner; and my friend Ben Seel, for his lively advice on Tibetan Buddhism. Ben also introduced me to Kelsang Rabten, whose perspective on the Dorje Shugden affair was extremely helpful. I also owe thanks to John Horton, Matthew Wyman, Nick Aylott and especially Robin Porter (now at LaTrobe University in Australia) for providing me with teaching opportunities at Keele, which financially helped to see me through the PhD. I am particularly indebted to Robin for agreeing to my teaching his Chinese politics students about Tibet, and also for inspiring my interests in Chinese politics and Hong Kong. My students on Chinese politics and ‘Modernisation and Democratisation’ have also contributed useful and sometimes entertaining perspectives. Away from Keele, but equally helpful and important to my work, was Professor Bhikhu Parekh of Hull University, who was the principal examiner of my PhD. I should also thank everyone at the Political Studies Association Politics and Religion group conference at the University of Sheffield in 1999, for their feedback and analysis of my paper on the democratisation of the Tibetan government in exile (Ardley 1999b). Invaluable information was further provided by all the interviewees, and I should especially thank the Tibet Society of the UK, particularly Alan Clements and Sheila Wild, for arranging my interview with Samdhong Rinpoche. Thanks are also due to Jamyang Norbu, for clarifying details on the Tibetan guerrilla movement; to Tsering Shakya, for providing me with several elusive articles; and to Alex McKay, with whom I kept up a lively email correspondence, during which he gave me much valuable advice. Finally, though, my thanks goes to my partner, Sol, and to my mother, Bridget, without whose support and love this work would not have been possible. I dedicate the book to them.
Note on transcription of Tibetan terms English phonetic equivalents of Tibetan terms have been used where possible. The glossary contains italicised transliteration of Tibetan terms in parentheses. This transliteration follows the guidelines established by Turrell Wylie (1959).
viii GLOSSARY
ahimsa (Sanskrit) Refers generally to Gandhi’s doctrine of non-violence. It literally means ‘non-harming’, and was interpreted by Gandhi as active rather than passive. It is a doctrine common to Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism. Atman (Sanskrit) ‘Soul’ or ‘self’. In Hinduism it refers to God within oneself. Bhagavad-Gita (Sanskrit) Part of the Hindu epic Mahabharata. It consists of a dialogue between the god Krishna and the warrior prince Arjuna, on the eve of the great battle that is the focus of the Mahabharata. Although ostensibly about the rights and wrongs of war and violence, the Gita concerns itself with discussions about the nature of God, and the best way for mankind to serve God. bhakti (Sanskrit) ‘Devotion’. The act of bhakti (bhaktiyoga) is presented in the Bhagavad-Gita as one of the most effective ways of knowing God. bodhicitta (Sanskrit) (Tibetan: byang chub kyi sems)In Mahayana Buddhism, the intention to become enlightened for the benefit of others. bodhisattva (Sanskrit) (Tibetan: byang chub sems dpa’) A Sanskrit term meaning ‘enlightenment being’. In Mahayana Buddhism the bodhisattva has attained the enlightenment of a Buddha, but chooses not to enter Nirvana so as to stay on Earth to help others attain enlightenment. The Dalai Lama is thought to be a human manifestation of the bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara (Tibetan: Chenrezig). Bon (Tibetan) The indigenous pre-Buddhist religion of Tibet. It is still practised alongside Buddhism, as Tibetan Buddhism incorporates many of its characteristics. Brahman (Sanskrit) In Hinduism, the absolute principle, or God. The Atman is God within oneself; Brahman pervades the whole universe. chigyab khembo (Tibetan: spyi khyab mkhan po) The Lord Chamberlain of the traditional Tibetan government. chos srid gnyis ldan (Tibetan) The political ideology of the traditional Tibetan government, meaning ‘religion and politics combined’ (chos meaning religion). Chushi Gangdruk (Tibetan: chu bzhi sgang drug) One of the guerrilla movements to emerge from the east Tibetan province of Kham during the 1950s. Its name is taken from a traditional name for Kham, meaning ‘Four Rivers, Six Ranges’. dharma (Sanskrit) (Tibetan: chos) A term in both Hinduism and Buddhism. In Buddhism it refers to the teaching of Buddha, while in Hinduism it can be taken to mean law or sacred order.
ix GLOSSARY dobdobs (Tibetan: rdab rdob) The monastic police force of Tibet; responsible for the discipline of monasteries as well as general policing duties during religious festivals. Gelugpa (Tibetan: dge lugs pa) One of the four schools of Tibetan Buddhism, founded by the scholar Tsongkhapa (1357–1419). The school, of which the Dalai Lama is head, emphasises monastic discipline, celibacy, non-violence and abstinence, as well as scholarship and intellectual prowess. gyaltsab (Tibetan: rgyal tshab) The regent who ruled Tibet while the search for the Dalai Lama was underway, and while the Dalai Lama was under eighteen. Harijans (Sanskrit: Hari name of Vishnu; jana person) The name Gandhi gave to the Untouchables, or those who are considered to be without caste in the Hindu system of social stratification. It literally means ‘children of God’. Today they prefer to be called Dalits (Hindi: oppressed). hartal (from Sanskrit: hattal locking of shops) A political method used by Gandhi against the British. It involves a total cessation of work, with the participants instead engaging in prayer and fasting. hijrat (from Arabic: hijrah exodus or departure) Voluntary migration by an oppressed group, as an act of political protest. It was occasionally advocated by Gandhi. Jainism (Sanskrit: jaina) An indigenous religion of India which can be traced back to the Indus River valley civilisation of 3000 . It sprang up as a reaction against the elitism of the Hindu caste system, and bears some resemblance to Buddhist philosophy. Its founder is thought to be Vardhamana Mahavira (599–527 ), the last of the tithankaras, or Jinas. These are the heroes of Jainism who taught by example the method of freeing oneself from earthly existence. Jains are strict vegetarians and are committed to non-violence. jnana (Sanskrit) ‘Knowledge’. The act of jnana (jnanayoga) is presented in the Bhagavad-Gita as an effective means of knowing God. Kadampa (Tibetan: bka’ gdams pa) An early tradition of Tibetan Buddhism founded by Atisha (982–1054), who introduced Buddhist teachings into Tibet from India. The tradition emphasises purity of the mind based on monastic discipline, and meditation. Kagyupa (Tibetan: bka’ rgyud pa) One of the main schools of Tibetan Buddhism, founded by Gampopa (1079–1153), a disciple of the Tibetan poet Milarepa. It combines tantricism with monastic discipline. kalon (Tibetan: bka’ blon) A member of the traditional Tibetan cabinet. karma (Sanskrit) The moral law of cause and effect common to many Indian religious traditions. It holds that a person’s thoughts and actions have consequences which result in either a favourable or an adverse rebirth. karmayoga (Sanskrit) Translated by Gandhi as the doctrine of ‘selfless action’. It is again emphasised in the Bhagavad-Gita as a method of reaching God. It traditionally means renouncing the results of all action and offering the results to God, but Gandhi took this further by arguing that all action should be for the service of others. A karmayogi is one who engages in karmayoga.
x GLOSSARY kashag (Tibetan: bka’ shag) The traditional Tibetan cabinet. khadi (Hindi) Traditional home-spun cloth; its production was seen by Gandhi as symbolic of Indian self-sufficiency. He persuaded Indians to use khadi rather than British-produced textiles. khorra (Tibetan: bskor ba) The act of circumambulating religious structures or other places such as sacred mountains. In Tibetan Buddhism such acts are believed to be meritorious. Kusun Depon (Tibetan: sku srung mda’ dpon) The bodyguard of the Dalai Lama. Lama (Tibetan: bla ma) A spiritual teacher or mentor; the equivalent of the Sanskrit guru. The term is often wrongly applied to any Tibetan monk. Losar (Tibetan: lo gsar) The festival marking Tibetan New Year; it normally falls around the end of February. Mahabharata (Sanskrit) The sacred book of Hinduism, it is concerned with the epic battle between two families, the Kauravas (representing evil) and the Pandavas (representing good). Mahayana (Sanskrit) ‘Great Vehicle’; one of the two main schools of Buddhism, which stresses enlightenment for the sake of the welfare of others. Mahayana Buddhism is followed in India, Tibet, China, Korea and Japan. Mimang Tsongdu (Tibetan: mi dmangs tshogs ’du) A movement founded in April 1952; the first popular anti-Chinese group to be established in Lhasa and Shigatse. Mo (Tibetan: mo) A form of Tibetan divination; it literally means ‘to cast lots’. Moksha (Sanskrit) Liberation from earthly life in Hinduism. Nyingmapa (Tibetan: rnying ma pa) One of the main schools of Tibetan Buddhism; it traces its origins to the siddha (Buddhist saint) Padmasambhava (eighth century). Sakyapa (Tibetan: sa skya pa) One of the main schools of Tibetan Buddhism, founded by Drogmi (992–1072). The tradition emphasises scholarship and has produced historical accounts of Buddhism. sannyasa (Sanskrit) The final stage of life in Hinduism, whereby the Hindu abandons all worldly interests and directs his or her efforts toward moksha. satya (Sanskrit) Truth; one of the five virtues of Hinduism, and for Gandhi the basis of all life. satyagraha (Sanskrit) ‘Insistence on truth’; Gandhi’s religio-political philosophy and method of non-violent resistance. shape (Tibetan: zhabs pad) Another name for kalon, a member of the kashag, or Tibetan cabinet. shruti (Sanskrit) The scriptures of Hinduism that derive from divine revelation. silon (Tibetan: srid blon) The Tibetan Prime Minister. smrti (Sanskrit) The scriptures of Hinduism based upon tradition. sutra (Sanskrit) (Tibetan: mdo) In Buddhism, the discourses of the Buddha. swadeshi (Sanskrit) Pertaining to one’s own country; the use of home industries, such as khadi. swaraj (from Sanskrit: sva own; rajya rule) ‘Self-rule’; both in the sense of inner control over the self, and national Indian self-rule.
xi GLOSSARY tapas (Sanskrit) Intensive spiritual exercises undertaken in the desire to reach God. For Gandhi, self-suffering is a requirement of satyagraha. tendra (Tibetan: bstan dgra) ‘Enemy of the faith’; a Tibetan term given to the Chinese invaders. Tenshuk shapten (Tibetan: brtan bzhugs zhabs brtan) A Tibetan religious ceremony involving the making of offerings to the protector deities of Tibet to ensure the long life of the Dalai Lama. Tensung Dhanglang Magar (Tibetan: bstan srung dwang blangs dmag) ‘The Volun- teer Army for the Defence of Buddhism’; one of the names given to the Tibetan guerrilla movement of the 1950s–1970s. thamzing (Tibetan: ’thab ’dzing) The term used for Chinese-initiated ‘struggle sessions’ in Tibet, whereby people are required to renounce their ‘reactionary’ past and accuse others of similar ‘crimes’, often resulting in extreme brutality and death. trung khor (Tibetan: drung ’khor) The generic term given to lay-officials in the traditional government of Tibet. trunyichemmo (Tibetan: drung yig chen mo) A monastic official, who is a member of the yigtsang, or monastic council of the traditional Tibetan government. tse khor (Tibetan: rtse ’khor) The generic term given to monastic officials in the traditional government of Tibet. tshopa (Tibetan: tsho pa) Minor tax collectors in the traditional Tibetan government. tsigang (Tibetan: rtsis khang) The finance office of the traditional Tibetan government. tsipon (Tibetan: rtsis dpon) An official of the tsigang. tsongdu (Tibetan: tshogs ’du) The National Assembly of the traditional Tibetan government. tulku (Tibetan: sprul sku) The reincarnation of a high lama; the tulku is found through such methods as divination, consultation of oracles, and the testing of potential candidates. Upanishads (Sanskrit) Hindu scriptures that form the final portion of the shruti. The Upanishads are particularly concerned with the significance of Atman and Brahman. yigtsang (Tibetan: yig tshang) The monastic council of the traditional Tibetan government.
xii INTRODUCTION
You say you want independence and in the same breath you say you do not want bloodshed. Impossible! Jawaharlal Nehru to the Dalai Lama1
Over the last ten years or so, public sympathy for the Tibetan independence movement has grown enormously. A specific area of concern is the survival of Tibetan Buddhist culture; indeed, it seems that this issue is emphasised over and above the political status of the Tibetan nation. This wider sympathy for the Tibetans has not, however, been reflected in the international political community. It appears that while Tibetans enjoy moral support around the world, as political agents they are simply not taken seriously. The ambition of the book is to attempt to rectify this fundamental problem. It is the intention here to demonstrate the value of examining the Tibetan struggle from an inherently political, rather than religious or historical, perspective; and to acknowledge and examine the sometimes violent nature of the resistance offered by Tibetans. The over-arching aim of the book is to examine the relationship between resistance, religion and politics in the Tibetan independence movement. This relationship raises many issues, which relate not only to the Tibetan experience but also to that of India, the major case with which Tibet is compared. These issues include the importance of international contexts and the link between religion and perceptions of resistance. To understand some- thing of the nature of the Tibetan independence movement, five specific areas are examined. These are: the nature of the Tibetan state prior to the Chinese invasion of 1950; the role of Tibetan religious institutions in the downfall of the Tibetan state; the characteristics of Tibetan resistance, both in Tibet itself and in exile; the Chinese response; and the transition to democracy currently being undertaken by the Tibetan government in exile. The book does not address the issue of the past political status of Tibet and, in particular, the nature of the relationship with China. This is a vast and complex area with both Tibet and China making various claims upon which
1 THE TIBETAN INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT there is no clear consensus. Despite the ambiguity of the exact nature of Sino–Tibetan historical political relations, the book is, however, in broad sympathy with the Tibetan people and, in particular, with the cause of Tibetan independence. The important issue here is that those Tibetans who have resisted Chinese rule believe Tibet to have been an independent nation and so rest their current claims upon this conviction. It is more or less certain that Tibet was effectively independent during the first half of the twentieth century, when China was suffering from internal turmoil; although China does not recognise this to be the case. Though in sympathy with the Tibetan case, as will become clear, critical perspectives are, however, by no means ruled out. In order to help to understand the dynamics of the Tibetan independence movement, a comparison is made with the Indian independence movement. The primary reason for choosing this comparison is the often-stated admiration that the leader of the Tibetan people, His Holiness the Dalai Lama, holds for Mahatma Gandhi. The Dalai Lama has suggested that Gandhi’s non-violence is an appropriate example for Tibetans to follow. An additional reason for choosing India for comparison is that the majority of Tibetans in exile (around 130,000) live in India, and so the Indian struggle for independence could be called a natural point of reference for the Tibetan community. A major preoccupation of the book is, therefore, whether Gandhian means are suitable for the Tibetan struggle, or if Tibetans should in fact look to other aspects of the Indian experience. The comparison between the Gandhian model and the Tibetan approach to date again raises issues of context: religious, political, pragmatic and international. A fundamental problem that is heightened by attempting to apply Gandhian methods in Tibet is the role of religion; specifically, the importance of Hinduism in Gandhian political thought. In order to assess the applicability of the Gandhian approach in Tibet, three elements of the Indian independence movement are studied: the Gandhian model of satyagraha; the religious content of Gandhi’s political thought; and the development of the Indian nationalist movement. Through comparative study of Tibet and India, lessons for each country, as well as for the general relationship between resistance, religion, and politics, will be developed. As Giovanni Sartori has argued: ‘comparing is “learning” from the experience of others and, conversely . . . he who knows only one country knows none’ (Sartori 1991: 245). This statement is particularly apposite to Tibet; as will be shown below, the culture, traditional political system, and experiences of resistance in Tibet are distinct. To study the coun- try in isolation is to deny it the potential it has to deliver lessons on resistance and, in particular, on the relationship between religion and politics. Further, it is contended here that a study of India demonstrates that Tibetans could have much to ‘learn’ from India, a country the Dalai Lama has described as his ‘spiritual home’(Dalai Lama 1999a: 57).
2 INTRODUCTION
The study of politics and the case of Tibet The Tibetan exile community is interesting from a political perspective because it offers a rare example of a traditional polity – and an unparalleled example of a spiritual polity – adapting and reacting to modern political pressures. A particular aspect of the Tibetan government in exile that is examined below is the process of democratisation initiated by the Dalai Lama. The Tibetan encounter with democracy is unusual because the traditional Tibetan polity was not authoritarian. The democratisation process is not characterised by conflict between old elites and new political agents, but rather by discord between those who hold traditional notions of the place of religion in Tibetan society and those who recognise the need for change and, perhaps, secularisation. It is suggested that the process of democratisation has been initiated by the Dalai Lama in order to achieve legitimate authority as a political leader (rather than a religious one) in the eyes of non-Tibetans, more specifically Western democracies.2 A second area of particular relevance of the Tibetan case for politics is that relationships between religion and politics generally have been portrayed from a fairly negative perspective, with religious groups viewed as inherently confrontational. An example of this approach can be found in Keddie (1998). Here, the term ‘New Religious Politics’ is applied to groups which tend to be anti-secular, populist, conservative and patriarchal. The only examples cited of Buddhist political movements are militant groups in Sri Lanka, and the author further generalises that ‘communal religiopolitics focuses on controlling territory and suppressing other communities’ (Keddie 1998: 711). Tibetans do focus on controlling their territory, but do not wish to suppress the Chinese in any way. A further example is Westerlund (1996); this volume focuses on anti-secular groups and their relation to the state. The problem appears to be that the existing literature focuses on religio-political movements while overlooking the continuing existence of at least one religio- political society: the Tibetan community in exile. It should of course be pointed out that other religio-political societies, such as Iran, exist today. However the difference between examples such as these and Tibet – or at least the Tibetan community in exile – is that in the Tibetan example the society that exists today is an unbroken continuance of religio-political structures. Religio-politics have not arisen through revolution, through imposition, or as a form of opposition to a previous regime. Even within Tibet itself, although Chinese rule has obviously broken the jurisdiction of the Dalai Lama, the evidence suggests that the majority of Tibetans continue to regard the Dalai Lama as their rightful leader. Furthermore, the persistence of monasticism in Tibet, despite extreme repression, demonstrates the perpetual importance of religious institutions in Tibetan life. In the traditional Tibetan polity, and in exile, religio-politics were embodied within the state apparatus; indeed, the political philosophy of
3 THE TIBETAN INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT
Tibet is chos srid gnyis ldan, or ‘religion and politics combined’. By examining Tibet as an example of a religio-political society, the focus of existing work on religion and politics can be widened. From the traditional Tibetan perspective, it is accepted that religion will play an inherent role in politics. This is, of course, embodied by the Dalai Lama, who is the spiritual and temporal leader of the Tibetan people. In Tibetan politics, religion is not a challenge to any existing structures, it is not associated with opposition groups, and religious institutions do not generally perceive themselves as threatened by secularism.3 Quite simply, religion permeates all political, cultural, social and economic aspects of society. While of course this emphasis upon religion is changing in exile, religion continues to dominate Tibetan life. My original expectation was that a study of religion and the Tibetan polity would demonstrate religio-politics to be a positive relationship; it will become clear that this view has been modified. One of the reasons why it was assumed that Tibetan religio-politics could be desirable was that Tibetan Buddhism, with its insistence upon compassion and altruism, had much to offer the modern world, and politics in particular. The present Dalai Lama certainly believes that Buddhist principles are firmly in accordance with political principles. He stresses the example of socialism, as he believes that Buddhists and socialists share the notion that we are ultimately responsible for our own destiny.4 He is also in favour of humani- tarian government, believing that this too is an extension of Buddhist thought. The book also seeks to illuminate the less well known aspects of the Tibetan independence movement. Much attention has been given to non-violent resistance within Tibet, which has generally been initiated by monks and nuns.5 The punishments that the clergy receive, including long prison sentences, torture and execution, have been fairly well-documented by groups such as Amnesty International and specialist Tibetan human rights organisations. The attention which such protest has merited has meant that the impression given is that Tibetan resistance against the Chinese occupation has been almost exclusively non-violent. While such protest is significant, there has been a history of violent resistance against China which has, arguably, had a far greater impact upon the Chinese regime in Tibet. Literature (in English) on violent resistance in Tibet is scarce and largely anecdotal or historical.6 The reason for its scarcity is the violent nature of the resistance itself: the reality of Tibetan resistance does not conform to the non- violent image of the Tibetan independence movement that is generally presented to outsiders.7 The widely-held perception that Tibetans are over- whelmingly non-violent has, therefore, resulted in a dearth of material on the role of violence in the Tibetan independence movement. Contemporary exceptions to the historical literature on violent resistance in Tibet have largely been written by Tibetans, and are generally critical of the response of the Tibetan government in exile to the Chinese occupation.8
4 INTRODUCTION
Finally, in addition to these objective concerns of the book it should again be stated that the overall moral and political position of the book is that Tibetans have a right to campaign for independence, and that furthermore, the independence movement should be taken seriously by the international political community. As Thubten Jigme Norbu, a brother of the Dalai Lama, argues,
The majority of the Tibetan people realise that Tibet’s independence is a wholly realistic desire at this point in history, when we have seen dictatorships of all sorts fail and suppressed peoples take their rightful place among the community of nations. (Norbu, T. 1994: 8)
It is hoped that by examining the case of India, and by analysing the various tactics that Tibetans have used to resist the Chinese occupation of their country, lessons may be drawn that can provide new strategies for the regaining of an independent Tibet.
5 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Books and journal articles Anderson, Benedict (1991) Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, London: Verso Andrugtsang, Gompo Tashi (1973) Four Rivers, Six Ranges: Reminiscences of the Resistance Movement in Tibet, Dharamsala: Information and Publicity Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama Ardley, Jane (1999a) ‘Resistance, Religion and Politics: the Tibetan Independence Movement in Comparative Perspective’, Keele University: unpublished Ph.D. thesis —— (1999b) ‘From theocracy to democracy? Modernising the Tibetan polity’, paper given at the 1999 PSA Politics and Religion Group Conference, University of Sheffield Arnold, Edwin (1899/1993) Bhagavadgita, New York: Dover Publications Avedon, John F. (1997) In Exile from the Land of Snows, New York: HarperCollins Barnett, Robert and Shirin Akiner (eds) (1994) Resistance and Reform in Tibet, London: Hurst and Company Bell, Charles (1992) Tibet: Past and Present, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Bell, David V. J. (1973) Resistance and Revolution, Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company Benn, James A. (1998) ‘Where text meets flesh – burning the body as an apocryphal practice’ in History of Religions 37 (4) pp. 295–322 Besant, Annie and Bhagavan Das (1926) The Bhagavad Gita, Madras: Theosophical Publishing House Bharati, Agehananda (1970) ‘Gandhi’s Interpretation of the Gita: An Anthro- pological Analysis’ in Ray, S. (ed.) Gandhi, India and the World: An International Symposium, Melbourne: Hawthorn Press pp. 57–70 Bhattacharjee, Arun (1988) A History of Modern India, Liverpool: Lucas Publications Bondurant, Joan V. (1958) Conquest of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict, Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press Bose, Anima (1987) Dimensions of Peace and Non-Violence: The Gandhian Perspective, Delhi: Gian Publishing Brown, Judith M. (1994) Modern India: The Origins of an Asian Democracy, Oxford: Oxford University Press Burman, Bina Roy (1979) Religion and Politics in Tibet, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing
199 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Carrasco, Pedro (1959) Land and Polity in Tibet, Seattle: University of Washington Press Chandra, Bipan (1989) India’s Struggle for Independence 1857–1947, New Delhi: Penguin Conner, Victoria and Robert Barnett (1997) Leaders in Tibet: A Directory, London: Tibet Information Network Craig, Mary (1992) Tears of Blood: A Cry for Tibet, London: HarperCollins —— (1997) Kundun: A Biography of the Family of the Dalai Lama, London: HarperCollins The Dalai Lama (1962) My Land and My People: Memoirs of the Dalai Lama of Tibet, New York: Potala Corporation —— (1985) Kindness, Clarity and Insight, Ithaca: Snow Lion Publications —— (1986) Collected Statements, Interviews and Articles, Dharamsala: Information Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama —— (1988a) ‘Human Rights and Universal Responsibilities’ in Piburn, S. (ed.) (1993) The Dalai Lama: A Policy of Kindness – An Anthology of Writings By and About the Dalai Lama, Ithaca: Snow Lion Publications pp. 102–5 —— (1988b) ‘The Strasbourg Statement: An Address to Members of the European Parliament’ in Kelly P. K., Bastian, G. and Aiello, P. (eds) The Anguish of Tibet, Berkeley: Parallax Press pp. 300–5 —— (1990) Freedom in Exile, London: Abacus —— (1999a) Ancient Wisdom, Modern World: Ethics for the New Millennium, London: Little Brown and Company —— (1999b) ‘Buddhism, Asian Values and Democracy’ in The Journal of Democracy 10 (1) (January 1999) pp. 3–7 —— (1994) (with Jean-Claude Carrière) Violence and Compassion, New York: Doubleday —— (1995a) (trans. Geshe Thupten Jinpa) The Power of Compassion, London: Thorsons —— (1995b) (trans. Geshe Thupten Jinpa) The World of Tibetan Buddhism: An Overview of its Philosophy and Practice, Boston: Wisdom Publications Desai, Mahadev (1948) The Gospel of Selfless Action, or, the Gita According to Gandhi, Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House Dhondup, Tashi (1998) ‘Independence can only be achieved with real sacrifices: an interview with Tseten Norbu’ in Tibetan Review 33(6) (June 1998) pp. 17–18 Donnet, Pierre-Antoine (1994) (trans. Tica Broch) Tibet: Survival in Question, London: Zed Books Duncan, Ronald (ed.) (1972) Selected Writings of Mahatma Gandhi, London: Fontana Dundas, Paul (1992) The Jains, London: Routledge Edgerton, Franklin (1965) The Beginnings of Indian Philosophy: Selections from the Rig Veda, Atharva Veda, Upanishads and Mahabharata, London: George Allen and Unwin Edin, Maria (1992) Transition to Democracy in Exile – A Study of the Tibetan Government’s Strategy for Self-Determination, University of Uppsala: Department of Government Minor Field Study No.16 Fischer, Louis (1951) The Life of Mahatma Gandhi, London: Jonathan Cape Ford, Robert (1990) Captured in Tibet, Hong Kong: Oxford University Press
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