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Stepping into the streets of exposes Henri Lefebvre’s ideas that “space is polit- A Confined Youth? ical and ideological” (Lefebvre 31). The Lived Space and Shifting urban fabric of the Lebanese capital still bears the marks of the violent conflicts Boundaries in Beirut that once ravaged the country (1975-1990) and displays countless evidences of its persistent social and political fractures. Flags, graffiti and posters fill the space with ideologies and symbolically prolong the physical divisions that characterized the city during the war (Haugbolle 161). Contemporary Beirut remains a polycen- tric city in which territories are subjected to powerful identity claims. Having inher- ited this space molded from past confron- tations, when the Green Line separated what was referred to as the West, mostly populated by Muslims, and the East, pre- dominantly Christian, young Beirutis born in postwar have, in their daily Bruno Lefort1 activities, “to get along in a network of already established forces and represen- This article questions spatial experiences these boundaries not as ideological but tations” (De Certeau 18). In this article, I among students in Beirut. It mobilizes col- as the result of daily practices of segrega- intend to explore how the youth living in laborative map interviews to explore the tion born during the Lebanese wars Beirut manage this spatial-temporal heri- ways young people experiment with (1975-1990). This evolution reveals tage. More precisely, I aim at investigating space and the social boundaries it incor- renewed understandings of the Lebanese how the memory of the war as well as the porates. I argue that their perception of complex landscape and contributes to practices it inspires inform the ways young their lived space underlines a crucial shift: delineate youth as a social shifter. people experiment with space and the whereas their parents experimented the social boundaries it incorporates. How do city in terms of sectarian and political divi- Keywords: Youth; Politics of Space; today’s youth live and make sense of sions, my interlocutors have integrated Memory; Lebanon these inherited spatial divisions, and to

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what extent are these experiences consti- and to critically engage with the notion of participants were asked to mark with a tutive of what could be identified as a youth and generation from the case of pen places or areas that bear special generation? contemporary Lebanon. meanings in their life on three successive While the questions of territoriality and maps at different scales: the first map rep- wartime memory have been the focus of Mapping Students’ Lived Space resenting their campus, the second the many academic works, which have espe- Before considering how the young people city of Beirut, and the third Lebanon. In cially insisted on the strength of socio- I met experiment with space, I deem it doing so, my intention was to play on spa- political territories (e.g. Deeb; Harb) and important to introduce my methods and tial scales to locate at once daily routines the difficulties of the country to deal with data collection techniques in more detail. as well as the imagination and memory its troubled past (Haugbolle; Makarem), The past decade has seen a developing embedded in these spatial frameworks. the position of the youth in regard to this attraction for collaborative research Using this technique, I collected thirteen double heritage has received insufficient (Rappaport 1), which “deliberately and interviews lasting between one and a half attention. The Lebanese youth have explicitly emphasizes collaboration […]” and two and a half hours, complemented remarkably remained for the most part (Lassiter 15). Following this growing inter- with ethnographic material gathered dur- ignored compared to other Arab coun- est, this article relies on collaborative inter- ing previous fieldwork among Lebanese tries, with the notable exception of studies views conducted among students of the students. Participants, recruited with the concerned with the prominent issue of American University of Beirut. (AUB) assistance of AUB professors, were aged migration (Kasparian). Yet, in a post-con- Fieldwork took place during the spring of between 21 and 27, with one exception of flict society such as Lebanon, the signifi- 2016 as part of a French-Lebanese an older, thirty-four-year-old student. They cance of youth is crucial to understanding research program on the role of universi- were in majority women (nine vs. four how the notion of generation matters in ties in the production of space in Beirut. men). These volunteers were studying at the reproduction of past boundaries and Within this project, I started from Henri the graduate and postgraduate levels, how the youth could locate themselves in Lefebvre’s notion of lived space (Lefebvre either in the department of Architecture territories marked by violent legacies. 33), which is born from the conception of and Urbanism or in the department of Positioning this article at the intersection space as both physically experienced (real Sociology. Four of them were beneficia- between the questions of memory, spati- space) and mentally constructed (imag- ries of full scholarships, covering the inte- ality and youth, I propose to shift the atten- ined space), invested with symbolism and grality of their tuition fees. The result is that tion to the experiences and imagination of meaning. After exchanges with my French despite the heavily elitist nature of the space among Beirut’s youth. Starting from and Lebanese colleagues, I designed col- AUB, not all the participants belong to an empirical case study grounded in laborative map-elicited interviews to upper-class families. These young people, young people’s imaginaries, it becomes investigate how students experiment with whose names and other identifying details possible to revisit the question of the spa- lived space, i.e. both the materiality of have been modified, agreed to share tial and temporal boundaries from below space and its imagination. Individually, aspects of their daily routine, memories

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and experiences of space. The significa- tical, economic and social inequality Recounting Navigation Practices tion of the selection was then discussed (McFarlane and Anjaria 6). In our conversations, Beirut was depicted from the commentaries of the participants, as a demanding city, difficult to domesti- in collaboration with me. Adopting a I argue that ways young people reflect on cate. Chaotic, vertical or even overgrown micro-sociological approach, I used these their relation to space underline a shift in were the words put forward by most par- the experience of Beirut’s fragmented ticipants to describe the metropolis. In the interpersonal situations as a strategy reality: whereas their parents firstly con- maps they drew, three images predomi- through which broader social forces, ceived of the city in terms of its sectarian nate: first, the depiction of routes describ- properties, and processes can be un- and political divisions, my interlocutors ing their ability to move across the city; derstood as constituted in practice have integrated these boundaries not as second, the delimitation of specific areas, (Fine and Fields 131). ideological but as the result of daily prac- conveying the idea of territories, i.e. tices of avoidance of the Other born dur- spaces identified as familiar or, on the con- Accordingly, the stories presented in this ing the war and its immediate aftermaths. trary, alien; third, the descriptions of article were not highlighted because they In the next sections of this article, I lay out boundaries and fault-lines, which are not would be statistically representative. this central argument in the following only acknowledged but also frequently Rather, they were selected because of manner: First, I describe how their ways of confronted and transgressed. All three their capacity to illuminate dynamics I navigating the urban space underline a features materialize these young people’s observed during the fieldwork years and sense of territorial restriction, articulated sense of navigating Beirut’s urban terrain. in my dialogue with the participants. They around an insider/outsider trope. Then, I A master’s student in sociology, Maya, 34, uncover not only personal but also social describe how this confinement can be organizes her experiment with Beirut’s imaginaries and collective memories, traced back to daily practices of segrega- space according to three major areas, which, according to Maurice Halbwachs, tion born during as well as immediately each of which relates to a specific life always “unfold within a spatial framework” after the 1975-1990 wars. I make a case sphere: first, her family house and its (6). More specifically, I analyzed my mate- that, contrary to the war generations, these neighborhood of Badaro2, a residential rial using the concept of navigation as a limitations are practical in nature rather area marking the frontier between the theoretical underpinning. The notion of than ideological, which opens the way municipality of Beirut and its southern navigating lies “at the intersection of urban toward renewed narratives on coexistence suburb as well as between Christian dis- and youth studies” (Hecking 57) and high- and innovative strategies of bypassing tricts of Furn al-Chebbak or Ayn al-Rum- lights the ways confinement. Finally, I conclude that these maneh and Shia inhabited regions; sec- experiences of Beirut’s urban space index ond, the location of her studies, i.e. the people make sense of and work their shifting relationships within Lebanese AUB and its adjacent district of Hamra in way through diverse urban environ- society and delineate the youth as a spe- West Beirut, where she has been renting a ments, often in context of deep poli- cific, relational category. flat for the last year; third, the region of Sin

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el-Fil, a Christian populated suburb in the the young participants expose the exis- parties Amal and , two organiza- eastern margins of the city, where she tence of distinct territories as the daily tions recruiting mostly among Shia works as an English teacher. She explains: routes and familiar places they drew on Muslims who make up the majority of the the maps underline a contrario the exis- population in this area of the city. She also My space is first where my family is, tence of alien spaces in the city, depicted recalls how she had to familiarize herself that is the district of Badaro and Furn as unfamiliar (Interview with Maya) or with this new environment: al-Chebbak. That’s where I was first in- revealed by the repeatedly heard sen- troduced to Beirut [after moving from tence “I never go there” (e.g. Interview I had to adapt to people with different Nigeria where she was born]. [...] Then I with Nina). backgrounds. I had to learn the places went to AUB and my space became Ba- The concept of navigation also resonates I could go or not, what kind of clothes daro and Hamra. And now, I have ad- with the recurrent distinction made I could wear and what I could not. [...] ded Sin el-Fil for work. [...] I negotiate between insiders and outsiders. This I have been learning the hard way. [...] between these three spaces, work, fa- opposition surfaces at various levels when When I first arrived, I was totally sho- mily and studies. [...] I usually spend the it comes to recounting an initiation to a cked. [...] With all the people looking weekend at my family house and stay new territory and the rules that organize it, at you. [...] They know you are not from at my apartment during the week, but if recalling a sense of alienation in an unfa- here. (Interview with Nisrine). I have to work in Sin el-Fil, then I would miliar neighborhood, or contemplating probably go back to the family house the perception of political and sectarian Nisrine confesses having felt depressed as it makes it much easier to reach my divisions in the city. The story told by and admits that she never settled into the workplace. Traffic makes me negotiate Nisrine provides a powerful example of neighborhood, which she now tries to between the three spaces (Interview this insiders/outsiders effect on how space avoid. After a year or so, she moved to with Maya). is lived. A fourth-year student in architec- another part of the city, closer to AUB, ture, Nisrine was born in Brazil in a family where she feels much better due to a The ability to circulate in the city is a key of the Lebanese diaspora. Because her lower density of the urban landscape and component of students’ lived space. parents wanted her to study in Lebanon, a greater diversity in the population, mak- Practical questions play a prominent part, she moved with her younger sister to ing her feel less different (Interview with mostly because contemporary Beirut suf- Beirut in 2012. She recounts the shock of Nisrine). According to her, she discovered fers from severe traffic congestion, com- her arrival as she moved into an apartment the daily manifestations of sectarianism plicated by persistent security threats. situated in the Salim Salam area, at the with equal astonishment and disbelief More symbolically, the issue of navigation center of Beirut. She evokes the young (Interview with Nisrine). Another key ele- also relates to the transitions in between men hanging out in front of the buildings, ment in her feeling of alienation was her familiar spaces and different life spheres. controlling and marking the space of the difficulty in mastering Arabic, a language Circulating between moments and places, neighborhood with flags of the political

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she had not spoken at home before arriv- the strength of the heritage of localism riences looms also the heritage of the vio- ing in Beirut. and kinship as a key storyline in the defini- lent past of the Lebanese capital. Experiences of the distinction between tion of one’s positioning, understood as insiders and outsiders also emerge from the dynamic and relational identification Revisiting Boundaries the stories of students’ integration into the in social interaction (Davies and Harré 44). Visions of political and sectarian territories surroundings of the AUB, and more pre- In this context, the question of borders remain ultimately inseparable from the cisely the neighborhood of Hamra, his- between territories logically relates to the memory of the Lebanese wars (1975-1990). torically identified with the Arab left and issue of political and sectarian demarca- Wartime distinction between sharqiyya the cosmopolitan lifestyle in the Lebanese tions and their resulting tensions. Nora, a (East) and gharbiyya (West) remains a capital (Davie 4). “Hamra is a very exclusive fourth-year student whose father is an offi- pivotal element in the imagination of neighborhood, and a specific group of cer in the Lebanese Army, describes her Beirut’s space: people there has a tendency to bully the neighborhood as follows: newcomers arriving from outside” said I am aware that my spaces are split bet- one of the participants (Interview with I don’t like my neighborhood because ween the East/West divide [...] as well Nina). Clara, a master’s student in sociol- problems always break out there. […] as built around upper-middle-class mi- ogy, similarly highlights the elitism she For instance in the street fighting of lieus. [...] They felt like separated areas encountered in Hamra but also explains May 7, 2008. [...] My school was also not because I was aware of it but be- how she was able to negotiate her posi- politically identified with one party [the cause I became aware of it through tion in this environment: of the Sunni leader what people said. [...] I was not aware ] but it is located in a district of it until I was accepted to join the My family originates from Corniche al- affiliated with a rival group [namely AUB. [...] All I knew was Badaro and Mazraa in Beirut. […] I only went there the ]. [...] There were my school. [...] It was a postwar reality. two or three times in my whole life. […] always troubles between young men Mum was scared. We lived a confined But there are not many people who ac- from the neighborhood and some of life. [...] It’s strange because we are a tually are originating from the city. Sen- my schoolmates. (Interview with Nora). Muslim family and we were living in a timentally, I am very attached to Beirut. Christian district. (Interview with Maya). So I like to brag a little bit about it […]. The ways research participants navigate That way, I can justify my attachment to the city acknowledge social and political Maya’s reflections suggest how the mem- the city with roots. (Interview with Clara). fractures. The narrative of their spatial ory of the divide is passed on in interac- understanding along the insiders/outsid- tions, mainly through a sectarian framing. Family origins hence provide a powerful ers trope unsurprisingly reveals how cru- Yet, she questions this sectarian view and symbolic resource for claiming a status of cial the question of territoriality remains in notes that, during the wars, a safe space insider within a given territory. It confirms contemporary Beirut. Beyond these expe- was primarily a confined, local space,

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where people knew their neighbors and The young woman, who confessed earlier The place I am living in [Kesrouan] is the could be equally identified. During the in the interview that she had refrained opposite of the area where my boyfriend conflict, fear spurred a separation that was from crossing the former Green Line for lives. I am now telling in terms of religi- a question of localism rather than purely years, explains that she changed her atti- on or sect. […] But now [that I visited the sectarian. Despite their brutal attempts, tude when she grew older and started to area] I am thinking if these two places militia organizations never achieved the question “the prejudices [she] was taught, are different just because I know they are construction of homogenized communal especially about the war” (Interview with different. And maybe they are not that territories that they were seeking to create Clara). This is in contrast to her exiled rela- different after all. (Interview with Nina). (Picard). Hinting at an intergenerational tives, whose last memories of Beirut gap, Maya acknowledges the fact that, for remain embedded in the reminiscence of While the description of the two spaces as her, the reason for this confinement the wars. For them, the temporality of con- opposite hints at the persistent power of remained vague. Only crossing the border flict seems to have solidified in their imag- sectarian imaginaries, the end of the revealed its existence. This lack of sub- ination of the city. On the contrary, among account testifies of the possibility of ques- stance frequently surfaced in the words of young people like Clara, if the spatial prac- tioning stereotypes. For young people like her fellow students. For instance, Clara tices of the immediate postwar period Nina originating from Christian families, elucidates: have perpetuated, they have been partly studying at the AUB in the predominantly emptied of their ideological foundations. Muslim West Beirut opens up lived space For us, separation was just a fact […]. The border remains in young people’s to territories that have long remained dis- My father used to work for Tele Liban, imagination, but seems to only work at a tant and fearsome. Life on the campus, as in the West. So, we were not necessa- practical level, maintained by the habits of well as time spent with classmates from rily living a confined life, but that [West a confined life born during and after the various origins or in the cafés and restau- Beirut] was something I did not know. wars. Localism, as the young people I met rants in Hamra all contribute to daily prac- For us, it was a practical difference, experienced it, was not fueled by ideo- tices of coexistence making up what Asef unlike my mother’s family. They were logical, negative perceptions of the Other. Bayat calls “everyday cosmopolitanism” engaged during the war [in the Chris- Originally imposed by the eruption of vio- (Bayat 10). These practices challenge tian militia] and had lence, confinement then habitualized inherited representations and fears, all the to leave Lebanon. When I see them, I through socialization and spatial practices. more readily since they have lost parts of am exposed to their stories and visions. The more practical nature of boundaries their substance with the return to civil They still live on war mythologies like makes their crossing more probable and peace. Borders are not exclusively sites of Phoenicia and these kinds of very stu- hence paves the way toward renewed nar- separation, but also of passage and trans- pid things. (Interview with Clara). ratives on coexistence, as the following gression. Youthful spaces are materialized story recounted by Nina illustrates: in the city through the emergence of vibrant territories dedicated to arts, cul-

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ture and nightlife, whose rapid circulation Youth territories hint at a desire for refor- self in regard to the legacy of the past and between various areas of the capital mulating social norms and reinventing state not only age differences but also reflects a desire for renewal and for a rad- coexistence in a public space freed from claims for rights, agency and authority. As ical redefinition of urban spaces, partially inherited representations of the Other. As such, youth appears as “a social shifter”: emancipated from the pressure of social Haidar, a master’s student in architecture “when invoked, youth indexes sets of control: who grew up in a Shia family of the south- social relationships that are dynamic and ern suburb of Beirut like Mona, explains: constructed in the invocation” (Durham There is a circulation of hangout places 589). With their pens and their words, the [for the youth]. Before [in the early [Space and sectarian identity] still affect young people I met pinpointed spots, 2000s] it used to be in Monot Street [in us, in a way, but not as much as it used places and areas that not only represent East Beirut, near the Jesuit University], to be. Because for us, the younger ge- spaces, but also assert powerful dynamics then it was Gemmayzeh and Mar Mik- neration, it is not like for the older ones. of change. Presented with the map of the hail [two Christian populated neigh- The borders between areas are not city, Gloria, 25, a master’s student in archi- borhoods in East Beirut] and now in that strong. Especially for us who are tecture who grew up in Jounieh, immedi- Badaro [a mixed, formerly residential born after the war […]. The younger ately gave a hint how she learned to navi- district], Qarantina and the River [both generation is more easy-going with gate through and around the fears situated in the Eastern limit of the mu- people from different areas. (Interview populating the narratives of the elders: nicipality, between the harbor and the with Haidar). Armenian district of Bourj Hammoud]. During and right after the war, East and They opened bars, art centers […]. It Haidar claims that this changing attitude West Beirut were divided. My parents […] brings ‘civil life’ [i.e. non-sectarian] toward sectarian boundaries and other- used to think that the West was dan- (Interview with Lisa). ness results from a generational gap in the gerous. […] They were always scared classical sense put forward by Mannheim, of West Beirut. […] Even, according I love [nightlife districts of] Gemmay- i.e. fueled by the alteration of experiences to my father, all Beirut is unsafe. Even zeh and Mar Mikhail because you can and historical contexts. I think however now, when I come home late, I don’t be there with your friends, you can be that this generational claim has to be tell them that I was there […] (Interview with your lover, you can kiss or wear clo- understood as performative. Proclaiming with Gloria). thes that are not [appropriate]. In other this shift contributes to delineating youth neighborhood like Tareq al-Jadideh [a as a relational category defined by oppo- She concretely located the time and space residential Sunni populated area known sition to the war (and immediate postwar) of her realization of this weighty heritage as conservative] […] they have their own generations in “a shifting and contested by marking the road intersection where a codes and you cannot do whatever you historical and social arena” (Durham 593). decisive argument erupted with her would like to (Interview with Mona). To declare to be a youth is to position one- fiancé. From the evocation of this intimate

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episode unfolds the narration of what she is conflicting. […] [But] 10 years ago, Lebanon, but rather to underline some perceives as a struggle between the old no one would have dared to say such dynamics of change at work among and the new. The time and space of the things like having relations before mar- young people through the study of their incident has become the symbol of a turn- riage. Now women ask why is that men lived space. If the practices and imagina- ing point in her life and experience of the can do things women are not allowed tions of space collected during this proj- city. Following this line of thought, she dis- to do? (Interview with Gloria). ect remain imprinted by the memory of tinguishes her old habits centered around the 1975-1990 wars, they nonetheless the conservative environment of her Some among the research participants expose a clear inflection. Contrary to their hometown from her present eagerness to have gone further in their denunciation: parents, whose vision of the city was discover Beirut and feel the energy of its Lisa, a fourth-year student in architecture, directly affected by violence, the students youth, presented as secular, cosmopolitan decided to confront the sectarian divides I met have experienced spatial fragmen- and willing to emancipate from the taboos in her university by joining AUB’s secular tation as the result of daily routines. of Lebanese society, particularly regard- club and took and active part in the civil Accordingly, their ways of making sense ing sexuality (Interview with Gloria). Her campaign “Beirut Madinati”, which chal- of boundaries are radically different. As a words describe how she now challenges lenged the power of traditional sectarian postwar generation, they inherited the the practices of avoidance adopted by her political forces during the 2015 municipal consequences of forced segregation parents, as well as the sectarian and patri- elections (Interview with Lisa). Her class- without, however, having a direct knowl- archal structures in which she grew up, by mate Tareq lives an even more radical rup- edge of its origins. Consequently, while deliberately spending time in the Western ture. Our map-elicited conversation their visions are not free of prejudices and part of the city and socializing in cafés and details how he has learned to discover the identity assignations, they have lost parts restaurants renowned for their cosmopol- sites of gay Beirut and decided to frontally of their traumatic charges and thus seem itan and liberal ambiance. However, her defy the prejudices of his society by more prone to engage in renewed exper- call for emancipation and gender equality exposing his own homosexuality both in iment with alterity. bears limitations, exposing the complexity his family and publicly with his fellow stu- Even more fundamentally, designating of intergenerational navigation: dents as well as through his engagement themselves as young, the research partici- in the Lebanese LGBT movement Helem pants were able to take their distance from If it was just for me, I would not follow (Interview with Tareq). this war heritage and claim a renovated the rules of the Lebanese society […] understanding of space and social rela- especially for girls because you can- Conclusions: Youth as Shifting Social tionships. Discovering and uncovering not make your own decisions […]. [For Relationships Beirut becomes for these young people example] I would not get married. […] In this article, my intention is not to claim part of a more general calling for emanci- But at the same time […] I really want that social and political boundaries are pating the country from sectarianism, cor- my parents to approve me. […] So it disaggregating in contemporary rupted practices of power and patriarchal

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Bruno Lefort authorities, in particular regarding gender equality and sexuality. Invoking youth is a is a Postdoctoral Fellow at the political act, asserting a shift from previous Department of Political Science, norms and practices and specifically the Université de Montréal (Canada) and heritage of the wars. In that sense, youth’s an Associate Researcher at the Institut lived spaces reveal a generational change Français du Proche-Orient (IFPO) in toward a transformed comprehension of Beirut (Lebanon). His current research political and social pluralism as well as interests include the dynamics of new forms of engaging with it. As such, the politicization, memory and space among stories of the students I met are stories of Lebanese youth. agency, part of the daily efforts coming email: [email protected] from the margins celebrated by Asef Bayat, which “instigate change, rather than waiting for a savior or resorting to vio- lence” (26). This willingness to get rid of the legacy of conflict, fears and confine- ment to explore new possibilities is encap- sulated in the words of Lisa, who con- cluded our conversation as follows:

I would like to be there when time of change eventually comes in Beirut […] and participate in this transformation toward a secularized life […]. Beirut is an opportunity! (Interview with Lisa).

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Notes Works Cited Faysal. Personal interview. 20 Hecking, Britta Elena. Mannheim, Karl. “The April 2016. “Navigating the City Center: problem of generation.” 1 Materials used for the Bayat, Asef. Life as Politics. Young Street Hawkers in Essays on the Sociology purpose of this article have How Ordinary People Change Fine, Gary and Corey Fields. Aligiers”. Middle East – of Knowledge: Collected been collected during a the Middle East. Stanford: “Culture and Microsociology: Topics & Arguments, vol. Works, volume 5. Edited by fieldwork trip funded by Stanford UP, 2010. The Anthill and the Velt.” The 5, 2015, pp. 56-64. Doi: Paul Kecskemeti. New York: Campus France as part Annals, American Academy http://dx.doi.org/10.17192/ Routledge, 1952, pp. 276-322. of a wider CEDRE project Clara. Personal interview.14 of Political and Social meta.2015.5.3523 entitled: “Les Universités, April 2016. Science, vol. 619, no. 1, 2008, McFarlane, Colin and acteurs de la production pp. 130-148. Kamal. Personal interview. 12 Jonathan Anjaria, editors. urbaine à Beyrouth” (2015- Davie, Michael. “L’université April 2016. Urban Navigations: Politics, 2016). au Liban et les articulations Gloria. Personal interview. 11 Space and the City in South à son environnement.” April 2016. Kasparian, Choghig. Asia. London: Routledge. 2 In this article, I use the Al-Jâmiʻat wa al-Madînat, L’émigration des jeunes most common Lebanese Université Notre-Dame de Haidar. Personal interview. 11 libanais et leurs projets Mona. Personal interview.18 spelling for the names of Louaizeh, 1997, pp. 1-11. April 2016. d’avenir, volumes 1 and 2. April 2016. organizations or places, Beirut: Presses de l’Université which might differ from Davies, Bronwyn and Rom Halbwachs, Maurice. “Space Saint-Joseph, 2009. Nada. Personal interview. 20 the conventional English Harré. “Positioning: The and the Collective Memory.” April 2016. transliteration from Standard Discursive Production of The Collective Memory. Lassiter, Luke E. The Chicago Arabic. Selves.” Journal for the New York: Harper & Row Guide to Collaborative Nina. Personal interview. 20 Theory of Social Behaviour, Colophon Books, 1980, Ethnography. Chicago: April 2016. vol. 20, no.1, 1990, pp. 44-63. http://web.mit.edu/allanmc/ University of Chicago Press, www/hawlbachsspace.pdf. 2005. Nisrine. Personal interview. 21 De Certeau, Michel. The Accessed 5 April 2017. April 2016. Practice of Everyday Life. Lefebvre, Henri. The Berkeley: University of Harb, Mona. Le Hezbollah à Production of Space. Oxford: Nora. Personal interview. 21 California Press, 1984. Beyrouth (1985-2005). De la Basil Blackwell, 1991. April 2016. banlieue à la ville. Beyrouth- Deeb, Lara. An Enchanted Paris: IFPO-Karthala, 2010. Lisa. Personal interview. 21 Picard, Elizabeth. “De la Modern. Gender and Public April 2016. domination du groupe à Piety in Shi’i Lebanon. Haugbolle, Sune. War and l’invention de son identité. Princeton: Princeton UP, Memory in Lebanon. New Makarem, Amal. Mémoires Les milices libanaises et 2006. York: Cambridge UP, 2010. pour l’avenir. Beirut: Dar an- les para-militaires nord- Nahār, 2002. irlandais.” Cartes d’Identités, Durham, Deborah. comment dit-on ‘nous’ en “Disappearing Youth: Maya. Personal interview.12 politique, edited by Denis- Youth as a Social Shifter April 2016. Constant Martin. Paris: Presse in Botswana.” American de la FNSP, 1994, pp. 149-162. Ethnologist, vol. 31, no. 4, 2005, pp. 589-605. ––›

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––› Rappaport, Joanne. “Beyond Participant Observation: Collaborative Ethnography as Theoretical Innovation.” Collaborative Anthropologies, vol. 1, 2008, pp. 1-31.

Tareq. Personal interview. 22 April 2016.

ISSN: 2196-629X http://dx.doi.org/10.17192/ meta.2017.9.6836

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