Daily Report Issue 18
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Canada Sanctions Zimbabwe
Canadian Sanctions and Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe: Be Very Careful! By Mark Blumberg (January 7, 2009) Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe need to be extremely careful. It is not the place for a new and inexperienced charity to begin foreign operations. In fact, only Canadian charities with substantial experience in difficult international operations should even consider operating in Zimbabwe. It is one of the most difficult countries to carry out charitable operations by virtue of the very difficult political, security, human rights and economic situation and the resultant Canadian and international sanctions. This article will set out some information on the Zimbabwe Sanctions including the full text of the Act and Regulations governing the sanctions. It is not a bad idea when dealing with difficult legal issues to consult knowledgeable legal advisors. Summary On September 4, 2008, the Special Economic Measures (Zimbabwe) Regulations (SOR/2008-248) (the “Regulations”) came into force pursuant to subsections 4(1) to (3) of the Special Economic Measures Act. The Canadian sanctions against Zimbabwe are targeted sanctions dealing with weapons, technical support for weapons, assets of designated persons, and Zimbabwean aircraft landing in Canada. There is no humanitarian exception to these targeted sanctions. There are tremendous practical difficulties working in Zimbabwe and if a Canadian charity decides to continue operating in Zimbabwe it is important that the Canadian charity and its intermediaries (eg. Agents, contractor, partners) avoid providing any benefits, “directly or indirectly”, to a “designated person”. Canadian charities need to undertake rigorous due diligence and risk management to ensure that a “designated person” does not financially benefit from the program. -
We Marched, Now What?
By Monica Cheru-Mpambawashe 18 November 2017. A day that polarised Zimbabweans. The majority of Harareans heeded the call to march for Robert Gabriel Mugabe to resign after 37 years in power. People who had never attended a single political gathering came out from the suburbs, the ghettos, everywhere. “I had to play my part in putting paid to the ever increasing horrific prospect of his loose cannon mouthed wife, Grace becoming our next president,” said Tatenda Shava (27) of Highlands, one of the affluent areas of Harare. This was the “Walk” crew. Zimbabwe had been simmering for some time. The economic downturn was worsening by the day. But the ruling party leadership was focused on its own factional fights instead of looking at the plight of the people. In a perfect world no one would have wanted the army to step in. But they did and there was no turning back. Rumours of the regional block Southern African Development Community (SADC) intervention to prop Mugabe’s continued rule galvanised the people. Anything, even the army, had to be better than that. But even then, there was a small number who were warning that unwary citizens were celebrating a military coup and would soon live to yearn for the return of Mugabe. Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa, the deposed Vice President, and his miltary handlers would turn on the citizens and cause us untold suffering. Someone quickly labelled these naysayers the “Woke Brigade”. ‘Why join ZANU in their rejuvenation?’one of them, a Zimbabwean writer, asked. Despite this, Mugabe was toppled and Mnangagwa is now the interim President. -
The Mortal Remains: Succession and the Zanu Pf Body Politic
THE MORTAL REMAINS: SUCCESSION AND THE ZANU PF BODY POLITIC Report produced for the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum by the Research and Advocacy Unit [RAU] 14th July, 2014 1 CONTENTS Page No. Foreword 3 Succession and the Constitution 5 The New Constitution 5 The genealogy of the provisions 6 The presently effective law 7 Problems with the provisions 8 The ZANU PF Party Constitution 10 The Structure of ZANU PF 10 Elected Bodies 10 Administrative and Coordinating Bodies 13 Consultative For a 16 ZANU PF Succession Process in Practice 23 The Fault Lines 23 The Military Factor 24 Early Manoeuvring 25 The Tsholotsho Saga 26 The Dissolution of the DCCs 29 The Power of the Politburo 29 The Powers of the President 30 The Congress of 2009 32 The Provincial Executive Committee Elections of 2013 34 Conclusions 45 Annexures Annexure A: Provincial Co-ordinating Committee 47 Annexure B : History of the ZANU PF Presidium 51 2 Foreword* The somewhat provocative title of this report conceals an extremely serious issue with Zimbabwean politics. The theme of succession, both of the State Presidency and the leadership of ZANU PF, increasingly bedevils all matters relating to the political stability of Zimbabwe and any form of transition to democracy. The constitutional issues related to the death (or infirmity) of the President have been dealt with in several reports by the Research and Advocacy Unit (RAU). If ZANU PF is to select the nominee to replace Robert Mugabe, as the state constitution presently requires, several problems need to be considered. The ZANU PF nominee ought to be selected in terms of the ZANU PF constitution. -
How South Africa Can Nudge Zimbabwe Toward Stability
How South Africa Can Nudge Zimbabwe toward Stability Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°164 Johannesburg/Nairobi/Brussels, 17 December 2020 What’s new? As Zimbabwe’s political and economic crises worsen, South Africa is moving beyond its policy of “quiet diplomacy” with its northern neighbour and apply- ing more pressure on Harare to open up political space and reform its economy. Why does it matter? With Zimbabwe’s people slipping further into destitution, crackdowns fostering a growing sense of grievance within the opposition, and politi- cal divisions pitting ruling-party members against one another, the country could tip into even greater crisis through mass unrest or another coup. What should be done? Pretoria should press Harare to halt repression and start dialogue with the political opposition to address Zimbabwe’s economic woes. It should work with Washington on a roadmap for reforms that the U.S. and others can use to guide decisions on reversing sanctions and supporting debt relief for Zimbabwe. I. Overview Three years after a coup ended Robert Mugabe’s rule, the situation in Zimbabwe has gone from bad to worse, as political tensions mount, the economy falls apart and the population faces hunger and COVID-19. Having signalled a desire to stabilise the economy and ease repression, President Emmerson Mnangagwa has disappointed. The state is arresting opponents who protest government corruption and incompe- tence. Meanwhile, government-allied businessmen are tightening their grip on what is left of the economy, while citizens cope with austerity measures and soaring infla- tion. Violence and lawlessness are on the rise. -
B COUNCIL REGULATION (EC) No 314/2004 of 19 February 2004 Concerning Certain Restrictive Measures in Respect of Zimbabwe
2004R0314 — EN — 03.03.2010 — 010.001 — 1 This document is meant purely as a documentation tool and the institutions do not assume any liability for its contents ►B COUNCIL REGULATION (EC) No 314/2004 of 19 February 2004 concerning certain restrictive measures in respect of Zimbabwe (OJ L 55, 24.2.2004, p. 1) Amended by: Official Journal No page date ►M1 Commission Regulation (EC) No 1488/2004 of 20 August 2004 L 273 12 21.8.2004 ►M2 Commission Regulation (EC) No 898/2005 of 15 June 2005 L 153 9 16.6.2005 ►M3 Commission Regulation (EC) No 1272/2005 of 1 August 2005 L 201 40 2.8.2005 ►M4 Commission Regulation (EC) No 1367/2005 of 19 August 2005 L 216 6 20.8.2005 ►M5 Council Regulation (EC) No 1791/2006 of 20 November 2006 L 363 1 20.12.2006 ►M6 Commission Regulation (EC) No 236/2007 of 2 March 2007 L 66 14 6.3.2007 ►M7 Commission Regulation (EC) No 412/2007 of 16 April 2007 L 101 6 18.4.2007 ►M8 Commission Regulation (EC) No 777/2007 of 2 July 2007 L 173 3 3.7.2007 ►M9 Commission Regulation (EC) No 702/2008 of 23 July 2008 L 195 19 24.7.2008 ►M10 Commission Regulation (EC) No 1226/2008 of 8 December 2008 L 331 11 10.12.2008 ►M11 Commission Regulation (EC) No 77/2009 of 26 January 2009 L 23 5 27.1.2009 ►M12 Commission Regulation (EU) No 173/2010 of 25 February 2010 L 51 13 2.3.2010 Corrected by: ►C1 Corrigendum, OJ L 46, 17.2.2009, p. -
China ‘Threatens Zimbabwe President for Looking West’
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 11/20/2019 1:14:11 PM hePrm Resign or face action — China ‘threatens Zimbabwe President for looking West’ Beijing has reportedly asked Zimbabwe President Emmerson Mnangagwa to hand over power to China-leaning Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga. SRIJAN SHUKLA 14 November, 2019 7:12 pm 1ST New Delhi: The Chinese government has told Zimbabwe President Emmerson Mnangagwa to either “resign or retire” from office or face “political action” from Beijing, according to a report in Spotlight Zimbabwe, an online media publication. The report said Beijing has also asked Mnangagwa to hand over power to China-leaning Vice-President General Constantino Chiwenga (Retd), who has been in China since July for medical treatment. Reports suggest that China was responsible for promoting Mnangagwa as Vice-President in 2015 during the presidency of the late Robert Mugabe, who was deposed in 2017 after nearly four decades in power. Now, Beijing is said to be displeased with Mnangagwa for slowly walking away from Zimbabwe’s “Look East Policy” and refusing to grant several development projects to Chinese firms. DISSEMINATED BY MERCURY PUBLIC AFFAIRS, LLC, A REGISTERED FOREIGN AGENT, ON BEHALF OF THE MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND INTERNATIONAL TRADE OF ZIMBABWE. MORE INFORMATION IS ON FILE WITH THE DEPT. OF JUSTICE, WASHINGTON, DC Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 11/20/2019 1:14:11 PM Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 11/20/2019 1:14:11 PM For a long time, smaller nations have been anxious about China’s “debt-trap diplomacy”, especially through its ambitious Belt and Road Initiative, but such overt interference by the Asian giant in another country’s domestic politics is unheard of. -
OTHER ISSUES ANNEX E: MDC CANDIDATES & Mps, JUNE 2000
Zimbabwe, Country Information Page 1 of 95 ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT OCTOBER 2003 COUNTRY INFORMATION & POLICY UNIT I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT II GEOGRAPHY III ECONOMY IV HISTORY V STATE STRUCTURES VIA HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES VIB HUMAN RIGHTS - SPECIFIC GROUPS VIC HUMAN RIGHTS - OTHER ISSUES ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B: POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST & PRESENT ANNEX D: FULL ELECTION RESULTS JUNE 2000 (hard copy only) ANNEX E: MDC CANDIDATES & MPs, JUNE 2000 & MDC LEADERSHIP & SHADOW CABINET ANNEX F: MDC POLICIES, PARTY SYMBOLS AND SLOGANS ANNEX G: CABINET LIST, AUGUST 2002 ANNEX H: REFERENCES TO SOURCE MATERIAL 1. SCOPE OF THE DOCUMENT 1.1 This country report has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a wide variety of recognised sources. The document does not contain any Home Office opinion or policy. 1.2 The country report has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum / human rights determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum / human rights claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The country report is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4 It is intended to revise the country report on a six-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum-seeker producing countries in the United Kingdom. -
Media Coverage 10 Days After Nomination Court June 14 - 24 2018
MEDIA COVERAGE 10 DAYS AFTER NOMINATION COURT JUNE 14 - 24 2018 i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This report is produced by Media Monitors under the programme “Support to media on governance and electoral matters in Zimbabwe”. The programme conducted by International Media Support and the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe is funded by the European Union and the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. International Media Support (IMS) is a nonprofit organisation working with the media in countries affected by armed conflict, human insecurity and political transition. The content of this publication is the sole responsibility of Media Monitors and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union or the Norwegian Ministry of foreign Affairs ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS........................................................................................... ii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ........................................................................................... iv CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND ......................................... 1 1.1 Introduction...................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Context ............................................................................................................ 1 CHAPTER TWO: FAIRNESS AND BALANCE ......................................................... 2 2.1 Space and time allocated to political parties and candidates ........................... 2 2.2 Analysis of different media’s performance in representing -
MISA-Zimbabwe
MISA-Zimbabwe The Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act: Two Years On ARTICLE 19/MISA-ZIMBABWE ARTICLE 19, London and MISA-Zimbabwe, Harare ISBN [TO BE ADDED] September 2004 ARTICLE 19, 33 Islington High St., London N1 9LH • Tel. +44 20 7278 9292 • [email protected] • www.article19.org MISA-Zimbabwe, 84 McChlery Avenue Eastlea, P O Box HR 8113 Harare • Tel: (263 4) 776 165/746 838, mobile: (263) 11 602 685, • [email protected] ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This Report was prepared jointly by Toby Mendel, Law Programme Director, ARTICLE 19, and Rashweat Mukundu, MISA-Zimbabwe. It was copy edited by Pauline Donaldson, Campaign and Development Team, ARTICLE 19. ARTICLE 19 and MISA-Zimbabwe would like to thank the Open Society Institute Justice Initiative for its financial support for the development and publication of this Report. The positions taken in this document do not necessarily reflect the views of the Open Society Institute Justice Initiative. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ........................................................................... 1 II. AIPPA: OVERVIEW AND CRITIQUE ........................................ 3 II.1 FREEDOM OF INFORMATION ........................................................................... 4 II.2 THE MEDIA AND INFORMATION COMMISSION.............................................. 6 II.3 REGISTRATION OF THE MASS MEDIA ............................................................. 7 II.4 ACCREDITATION OF JOURNALISTS.................................................................. 9 II.5 CONTENT -
Are They Accountable? Examining Alleged Violators and Their Violations Pre and Post the Presidential Election March 2002
[report also available from: http://www.hrforumzim.com ] ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM Are they accountable? Examining alleged violators and their violations pre and post the Presidential Election March 2002 A report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum December 2002 Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum Are They Accountable? The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (also known as the “Human Rights Forum”) has been in existence since January 1998. Nine non-governmental organisations working in the field of human rights joined together to provide legal and psychosocial assistance to the victims of the Food Riots of January 1998. The Human Rights Forum has now expanded its objectives to assist victims of organised violence, using the following definition: “Organised violence” means the inter-human infliction of significant avoidable pain and suffering by an organised group according to a declared or implied strategy and/or system of ideas and attitudes. It comprises any violent action, which is unacceptable by general human standards, and relates to the victims’ mental and physical well-being.” The Human Rights Forum operates a Legal Unit and a Research and Documentation Unit. Core member organisations of the Human Rights Forum are: · Amani Trust · Amnesty International (Zimbabwe) (AI (Z)) · Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) · Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ) · Legal Resources Foundation (LRF) · Transparency International (Zimbabwe) (TI (Z)) · University of Zimbabwe Legal Aid and Advice Scheme · Zimbabwe Association for Crime Prevention and the Rehabilitation of the Offender (ZACRO) · Zimbabwe Civic Education Trust (ZIMCET) · Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (ZimRights) · Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) · Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association (ZWLA) Associate Member: · Nonviolent Action and Strategies for Social Change (NOVASC) The Human Rights Forum can be contacted through any member organisation or through: 1. -
Zimbabwe Page 1 of 35
Zimbabwe Page 1 of 35 Zimbabwe Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2001 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 4, 2002 Zimbabwe is a republic in which President Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) have dominated the executive and legislative branches of the Government since independence in 1980. Although the Constitution allows for multiple parties, opposition parties and their supporters were subjected to significant intimidation and violence by the ruling party and government security forces, and financial restrictions continued to be imposed on the opposition. The 2000 parliamentary elections were preceded by a government-sanctioned campaign of violence directed towards supporters and potential supporters of the opposition. Although most election observers agreed that the voting process itself generally was peaceful, there were irregularities. In 1999 the country's first viable opposition party emerged, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), which won 57 out of 120 seats in the June 2000 parliamentary elections. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary, and in practice the judiciary remained largely independent despite government attempts to dilute its independence; however, the Government repeatedly refused to abide by judicial decisions. The Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) is responsible for maintaining law and order. Although the ZRP officially is under the authority of the Ministry of Home Affairs, in practice it is controlled by the President's office. The Zimbabwe National Army and Air Force under the Defense Ministry are responsible for external security; however, they frequently were called upon for domestic operations during the year. The Central Intelligence Organization (CIO), under the Minister of State for National Security in the President's Office, is responsible for internal and external security, but it does not have powers of arrest. -
Elections Statics from 31 May - 9 June 2018
Elections statics from 31 May - 9 June 2018 Summary of stats ● Political Parties covered in the media : 31 ● Political players covered 1. Print media : 220 2. Electronic media 95 ● 5% of the political Players covered were women compared to 95% men ● 4 instances of Hate speech where recorded. Time and space dedicated to political parties in the media PARTY PRIVATE PUBLIC PRESS ZBC COMMERCIAL PRESS RADIO ZANUPF 16166 30189 21559 3374 MDC-T (NC) 6964 5000 1262 108 MDC-T 4501 4562 2648 4541 ALLIANCE NPF 2286 574 377 266 DOP 786 INDEPENDENT 565 278 179 MDC-T (TK) 511 193 737 1 ZAPU 396 129 MRP 270 NCA 158 98 578 MDC-N 65 10 NPP 53 131 22 APA 24 5 ZPF 12 DAWN 9 ZPP 3 PDP 2 202 FLOANP 0 209 557 ZDP 0 480 TZ 0 83 ID 0 91 MOPCD 0 20 TRUE 0 20 DEMOCRACY ZANU 0 20 NDONGA PRC 0 17 1 VOP 0 10 BCP 0 0 1239 MRCD 0 0 258 UANC 0 0 372 ZIPP 0 0 69 POVO 0 0 0 138 WOYE 292 Top 10 political actors in the press Actor Political Party Total Space in cm2 Emmerson Mnangagwa ZANU PF 19476 Nelson Chamisa MDC-T Alliance 7367 Kembo Mohadi ZANUPF 1903 Constantino Chiwenga ZANUPF 1733 Robert Mugabe ZANUPF 1612 George Charamba ZANUPF 949 Auxilia Mnangagwa ZANUPF 859 Simon Khaya Moyo ZANUPF 838 Douglas Mwonzora MDC-T Alliance 779 Tendai Biti MDC-T Alliance 737 Top 10 political actors in the national broadcast media Actor Political Party Total time in seconds Emmerson Mnangagwa ZANUPF 10657 Tendai Biti MDC-T Alliance 3256 Douglas Mwonzora MDC-T Alliance 2436 Danny Musukuma ZANUPF 1953 Joram Gumbo ZANUPF 1625 Lovemore Madhuku NCA 1315 Willard Mugadza ZANUPF 1194 Tendai