CONTENTS

AOTEAROA NEW ZEALAND VOLUME 29 • NUMBER 2 • 2017 SOCIAL WORK ISSN: 2463-4131 (Online)

1 Editorial Qualitative research 83 “What’s his is his and what’s mine is his”: Financial 1 Is there a renaissance of radical social work? power and the economic abuse of women in Aotearoa Heather Fraser, Liz Beddoe, Neil Ballantyne Ang Jury, Natalie Thorburn, Ruth Weatherall

6 Original Articles 97 A qualitative exploration of the unique challenges facing older men with haemophilia and the implications for Theoretical research social work practice 6 Rising wealth and income inequality: A radical social Sarah E. Elliott, Kelsey L. Deane, Barbara Staniforth work critique and response 110 Hospitals, nationality, and culture: Social workers, Christine Morley, Philip Ablett experiences and refl ections

Qualitative research Doris Testa 19 Radical practice in a risk-averse environment: Learning Theoretical research from ATD Fourth World UK 122 Educating on anti-oppressive practice with gender and Hannah Blumhardt, ATD Fourth World UK, Anna Gupta sexual minority elders: Nursing and social work perspectives Theoretical research Margaret Pack, Peter Brown 34 Reshaping political ideology in social work: A critical perspective Qualitative research Filipe Duarte 133 Primary health care social work in Aotearoa New Zealand: An exploratory investigation 45 The renaissance will not be televised Stefanie Döbl, Liz Beddoe, Peter Huggard Angelika Papadopoulos

56 Critical Language Awareness: A beckoning frontier in 145 Book Reviews social work education? 145 Australia’s welfare wars: The players, the politics and the ideologies Clement Chihota —Philip Mendes (3rd ed)

Commentary 149 Expanding the conversation: International Indigenous social workers’ insights into the use of Indigenist knowledge and theory in practice 69 The new social work radicalism —Christine Fejo-King and Peter Mataira (Eds) Iain Ferguson 151 Blinded by science: The social implications of epigenetics and 71 Revitalising radical social work neuroscience—David Wastell and Susan White Linda Briskman 154 The Alternative—Lisa Nandy MP, Caroline Lucas MP and Chris Bowers (Eds.) Extended viewpoint 75 Competent solidarity: the alternative for professional 156 Practising critical refl ection to develop emancipatory change —Christine Morley social work Alastair Russell

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Is there a renaissance of radical social work?

Radical and critical social work are the widened (Mendes, 2017; Rashbrooke, 2013), focus of this special issue of Aotearoa and human rights abuses are plentiful, New Zealand Social Work. For this issue we so much so that it is tempting for social commissioned shorter commentary pieces by workers, new and old, to adopt fatalistic Iain Ferguson and Linda Briskman and an positions about injustice and oppression. extended review by Mike O’Brien. We called It is tempting to think that how life is now for articles which addressed the agenda is how it has always been, and always will for renewed interest in radical and critical be, that nothing can be done, that, to quote approaches. Simply defined, radical social the slogan of Margaret Thatcher, “There is work usually includes those approaches no alternative”. identified as Marxist, socialist, structural, feminist, anti-racist, anti-disablist and anti- Rather than surrendering to a politics of oppressive (see for instance, Baines, 2006; despair (Mullaly, 2001), we take the view that Collins, 1986; Dominelli & Campling, 2002; social workers need to re/politicize their Ife, 2012; Lavalette, 2011; Mendes, 2017; purpose. In a recent article entitled “Taking Mullaly, 2007). Class-based domination a political stance in social work” David and oppression are crucial to radical social McKendrick and Stephen Webb (2014, p.359) workers (Lavalette, 2011; Mendes, 2017; wrote: Mullaly, 2007). Critical social work overlaps with but also differs from radical social We are persuaded, often by ourselves, work in its appreciation of post-modern and that radical politics is futile. So we tend post-structural ideas in understanding how towards compromise, resignation and power, domination, control and resistance indifference. Mainstream liberal social can operate (see Allan et al., 2003; Beddoe & work discourse has a tendency to limit Maidment, 2009; Briskman, 2007; Ife, 2012; and even dislodge our experience of Morley, MacFarlane, & Ablett 2014). Across what is important and urgent. It tries to the radical and critical social work spectrum, persuade us that social work is politically there is a shared interest in power relations neutral. Thus, it can take over our voice and the power of language to reproduce and regulate our feelings into ones of social inequality; the differential impact apathy or disinterest. of social inequality on particular groups; the goals of social transformation; and the In this special issue many contributors possible forms of resistance, given contexts urge social workers not to shut down and resources. through political apathy and disinterest. They urge us not to fall into the trap of Critical and radical social workers are well hyper-individualising social problems. aware that neoliberal global capitalism has For instance, in his commentary “The intensified the problems of inequality in new social work radicalism” Iain Ferguson aggressive ways. Universities and public points out the growing obsession with welfare organisations alike have been psychological explanations for poverty. corporatised and managerialised creating Neoliberalism has made it hard to even work cultures that increasingly expect imagine what an egalitarian society conformity and compliance (Fraser & Taylor, might look like. The drive for pragmatism AOTEAROA 2016). Under neoliberal global capitalism, can also make the search for ‘radical’ NEW ZEALAND SOCIAL the gulf between the rich and poor has (or transformative) alternatives feel so WORK 29(2), 1–5.

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out-of-step with others. Yet, this is precisely book “Australia’s welfare wars: The players, what we must do. We must be part of a the politics and the ideologies” Mike O’Brien movement that re-imagines our contexts rightly speaks of the willful disregard of and presses for changes to more closely structural causes of rising poverty for so resemble the values of democracy, fairness many across the world, in and beyond and equality. Linda Briskman implores us affluent Western countries; also of the to do exactly this in her commentary article convergence of so many major political “Revitalising radical social work”. parties to neoliberal welfare austerity. In this climate, social workers are challenged to Critical, radical and structural social workers do more than put band-aids on the injuries appreciate that unemployment, poverty caused by cuts to incomes, social housing and homelessness are debilitating social and other basic services. problems in many people’s lives (Lavalette, 2011; Mullaly, 2007; Morley et al., 2014). Yet, From the Auckland Action Against Poverty these issues are often reduced to individual (AAAP), Alastair Russell challenges deficits, either by ignoring them altogether or social work’s pursuit of professionalism, diminishing their impact. To quote Ferguson particularly during a time of ‘no politics’ in this issue, “…psycho-compulsion usually funding embargoes on NGOS with means the use of positive psychology government contracts. In his commentary, approaches to encourage an ‘improved’ “Competent solidarity: the alternative for attitude to finding work”. He notes the professional social work”, Russell argues growing but still relatively small movement that: of ‘radical’ social workers. We say ‘radical’, in inverted commas, because many of the Professional social work is taught as if it ideas and activities purported to be radical exists within a political vacuum, largely are designed to pursue social equality, which devoid of class analysis and is incapable should not be radical to social workers. For of addressing issues of poverty and those wondering if neoliberal social work oppression…Within social work there has a place alongside other forms we say is a clear emphasis on working with that it cannot. Managerialism, consumerism individuals who have a problem, who and the privatisation of social work—the are deemed to be dysfunctional. In this three pillars of neoliberalism—cannot deliver context, it is easy to ignore the need for social work’s commitment to social justice to social change. ‘end users’ or workers. Neoliberalism is not designed to be fair, just, empathic or even As an experienced supervisor of social compassionate. To quote Ferguson again: work students on field placements, Russell calls for a paradigm shift where social …neoliberal social work challenges the workers place political purpose at the very essence of social work as a value- centre of their thinking. It is through this based, relationship-based profession. In politicised engagement that social workers its place it offers a technical occupation can then stand alongside the impoverished whose primary concerns are with and oppressed, rather than above or apart rationing scarce services [and] controlling from them. Providing examples from the ‘troublesome families’… AAAP, he shows how benefits advocacy—or advocacy undertaken to ensure communities Furthermore, while we work often at the receive their full welfare entitlements—is an local and national levels, Briskman argues important way to demonstrate competent that global alliances of resistance are solidarity. Campaigns to stop income necessary to oppose the pathologisation of support sanctions leveled against the poor those who experience social problems. In are another good example of competent his extended review of Philip Mendes’ (2017) solidarity in action.

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In the first of the major articles in the special demonstrating how neoliberal capitalism issue, Christine Morley and Philip Ablett privileges ruling elites and hurts the examine major trends in wealth and income oppressed and marginalized. As he argues, inequality (both globally, and specifically social work education needs to ensure in Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand) students continue to be politicized about and the social work responses to them. class-based domination, and the materialist They argue that understanding the impact structures that reproduce it. of economic inequality must be at the core of social work education and practice, Using the principles of radical analysis with a call to foster practitioners’ capacity Angelika Papadopoulos explores the current for critical reflection, policy practice and discourses of radical social work. She political activism. concludes that the radical strategy “can no longer take the form of ‘speaking truth to In the next article, Hannah Blumhardt power’, for power no longer feels obliged discusses the work by the organization, All to listen”. She analyses the positioning of Together in Dignity to Overcome Poverty radical social work in the post 9/11 era and (ATD), undertaken with families in poverty. challenges the reliance of metanarratives that She reports on findings from interviews imagine one end-point for radical action in focused on ATD Fourth World’s practice which everything is made better. She argues approach in England. Three distinctive for a much more rigorous analysis of the aspects emerged from the study: (1) meaning of social work core concepts, such acknowledging and addressing the impact as social justice and empowerment. of poverty; (2) maximising collaborative practice; and (3) adopting relational In the next article, Chihota argues for the approaches to service provision. Blumhardt inclusion of Critical Language Awareness then contrasts these aspects with state child (CLA) in social work education, to enable protection policies in Aotearoa New Zealand students to appreciate the nexus between and England. power/language/social structure and learn how language can be used to reproduce From Carleton University in Canada, Filipe social inequality. Power radiates through our Duarte advocates reshaping ideology in choice of terms and turns of phrase, and as social work from a critical perspective; one Chihota implies, we should not hide or deny informed by analyses of materialism, and our use of power, with reference to an overtly politicized notion of social justice, For instance, the text types (or genres) chosen by communicators shape how By questioning the relationship between communicative events are construed ideology and the power of the dominant and experienced (Fairclough, 2009). To class, social work has the opportunity to illustrate, inviting a client for “a chat” achieve a new momentum for social and raises very different expectations from political action in accordance with its asking them to attend “an interview” or own values and commitments. “an assessment”.

For Duarte, any social work described Chihota offers all readers the chance to as radical must recognize class-based reflect, more closely, on the use of language oppression and its pernicious effects. to construct social subjectivities and Questions about who has effective control negotiate power relations in very unequal over resources cannot be sidestepped. As social contexts. Some useful suggestions he contends, economic systems are not, and are also provided for social work educators should not be treated by social workers looking for ways to include CLA in their as neutral. There is plenty of evidence teaching.

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Introduction to the general section Finally, in this issue, Stefanie Döbl, Liz Beddoe and Peter Huggard report on a study In this general section of this issue, we are of social work in primary healthcare settings pleased to present five articles which report in Aotearoa New Zealand. While social work social work research from Aotearoa has been well established in public hospitals New Zealand and Australia. In the first and community health services for many article Ang Jury, Natalie Thorburn and decades, less is known about the experiences Ruth Weatherall report findings from a of social workers integrated in primary health survey aimed to understand the experiences care practices. This article reports on a small, and effects of economic abuse for women qualitative research project that explored the in Aotearoa New Zealand, particularly in perceptions of key stakeholders about social relation to methods of coercive control. The work integration into primary health care. researchers found that gender stereotypes were used to justify the appropriation of women’s resources and removal of women’s Together, the collection of works in this financial autonomy. The authors have special edition is a timely reminder of the translated these findings into risk matrices need for social workers, to engage with to assist with the identification of economic critical questions about power, rights and abuse. justice and contemplate ‘radical’ alternatives for the many communities we serve. In the second article, the authors’ focus Whether working at the micro, mezzo or is on the experiences of older men with macro levels social workers has always haemophilia in Aotearoa New Zealand. promoted the prospect of positive change. Support services, particularly the roles that Now, more than ever, our practice must be social workers could play in facilitating infused with radical hope and sustain the wellbeing, are explored by Sarah Elliott, belief that there are alternatives, that other Kelsey Deane and Barbara Staniforth, who worlds are possible. note the complexities associated with this aging population. References Allan, J., Pease, B., & Briskman, L. (2003). Critical social In another article with a health focus, work: An introduction to theories and practices. cultural sensitivity in hospital-based social Crows’s Nest, NSW: Allen and Unwin. work services is the topic of Doris Testa’s Baines, D. (Ed.) (2006). Doing anti-oppressive practice: Building transformative, politicized social work. report of a small qualitative study in Winnipeg, Canada: Fernwood. Australia. Testa calls for the social workers Beddoe, E., & Maidment, J. E. (2009). Mapping knowledge to continually explore their own and their for social work practice: Critical intersections. clients’ multiple cultural identities, seeking South Melbourne, VIC: Cengage Learning. unique narratives and establishing processes Briskman, L. (2007). Social work with Indigenous that recognize the client as the expert. communities. Sydney, NSW: The Federation Press. Collins, B. G. (1986). Defining feminist social work. Social Work, 31(3), 214-219. A current issue for critical educators is how Dominelli, L., & Campling, J. (2002). Anti-oppressive social different demographics within the lesbian, work theory and practice. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, queer Macmillan. (LGBTIQ) community experience health Fraser, H., & Taylor, N. (2016). Neoliberalization, Universities and the public intellectual: Species, gender and class policies and services. Margaret Pack and and the production of knowledge. Basingstoke, Peter Brown present a literature view and UK: Palgrave Macmillan. teaching reflections as evidence for an Giroux, Henry A. (2005). When hope is subversive. Tikkun, 19(6), explicitly anti-oppressive approach to be 38-39. Retrieved from: https://www.henryagiroux.com/ online_articles/Tikkun%20piece.pdf applied to the education of professionals Ife, J. (2012). Human rights and social work: Towards who work with elders identifying as gender rights-based practice. Port Melbourne VIC: Cambridge and/or sexually diverse. University Press.

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Lavalette, M. (Ed.). (2011). Radical social work today: Social Mullaly, B. (2001). Confronting the politics of despair: Toward work at the crossroads. Bristol, UK: Policy Press. the reconstruction of progressive social work in a global McKendrick, D., & Webb, S. A. (2014). Taking a political economy and postmodern age. Social Work Education, stance in social work. Critical and Radical Social Work, 20(3), 303-320. 2(3), 357-369. doi:10.1332/204986014x14096553584619 Mullaly, B. (2007). The new structural social work: Ideology, Mendes, P. (2017) Australia’s welfare wars: The players, theory, practice. Toronto, Canada: Oxford University the politics and the ideologies (3rd ed.) Sydney, NSW: Press. UNSW Press Rashbrooke, M. (Ed.). (2013). Inequality: A New Zealand Morley, C., MacFarlane, S., & Ablett, P. (2014). Engaging Crisis. Wellington, NZ: Bridget Williams Books. with social work: A critical introduction. Port Melbourne, VIC: Cambridge University Press.

Heather Fraser, Liz Beddoe and Neil Ballantyne

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Rising wealth and income inequality: A radical social work critique and response

Christine Morley1 and Philip Ablett2

1 Queensland University of Technology, Australia ABSTRACT 2 University of the Sunshine Coast, Australia INTRODUCTION: Wealth and income inequality is increasing in most societies, including Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand, with detrimental social impacts. However, despite professional marginality, the renewal of radical social work critiques with their emphasis on structural issues highlight, the need for alternative practice responses.

METHOD: We employed a critical and synthetic review of the literature to examine major trends in wealth and income inequality (both globally, and in Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand) and the social work responses to increasing economic inequality.

CONCLUSIONS: Resurgent wealth and income inequality has reached new crisis points in both countries but individualising analyses and programmes render most social work responses complicit with neoliberal governance. These responses do little to reduce inequality. Alternatives promoting economic equality can be found in radical social work approaches.

IMPLICATIONS: At a minimum, effective radical responses to economic inequality must advocate critical social analyses in social work education and practice, including fostering practitioners' capacity for critical reflection, policy practice and political activism.

KEYWORDS: inequality; radical social work

Rising wealth and income inequality is renaissance of radical social work is vital an increasing global concern and, given to informing broader social and community its broad social impacts, a core priority sector responses to wealth and income for social work. Radical social work, with inequality, particularly through offering: its commitment to redressing structural 1) a critical analysis of society that links disadvantage, can lead social work in this privately experienced problems with social endeavour through its capacity to analyse structures; 2) a radical social work curriculum; the social, economic and political contexts 3) a form of critical self-reflection that is that produce wealth and income inequality, cognisant of the impact of social structures and and formulate socially just responses. also of practitioner agency to respond to social problems; 4) a capacity to influence social policy The article begins by outlining the key tenets for socially just outcomes; and 5) collective and of radical social work, briefly noting some activist practices for social change. AOTEAROA NEW ZEALAND SOCIAL comparisons between Australian and Aotearoa WORK 29(2), 6–18. New Zealand contexts that have created the Radical social work in contemporary conditions for a resurgence of radical social contexts work. The international context of wealth and income inequality is then discussed and Radical social work aims to combat CORRESPONDENCE TO: Christine Morley compared with the current situations in both oppression and proactively work with [email protected] countries. This article discusses why the socially marginalised individuals, groups

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and communities to promote a more practices have shifted the ideological equitable, democratic and ecologically underpinnings of mainstream social work sustainable world. Writing in the early 1990s, to become more conservative (Fenton, 2014; Fook (1993, p. 7) asserts radical social work Garrett, 2010; Wallace & Pease, 2011). involves: explicitly making the links between Thus, official statements that claim social people’s personally lived experiences and work is committed to promoting “social oppressive structures that shape those change . . . and the empowerment and experiences; a commitment to challenge liberation of people” (AASW, 2010, p. 7) the social control functions of social work and “challenging systems and policies practice; a critique of social, economic and that maintain inequity and inequality” political arrangements that cause inequality; (ANZASW, 2014, p. 5), are often reduced to the goals of emancipation for the people rhetoric, when much of social work practice with whom we work; and social progressive reflects an individualised, and increasingly change (as opposed to personal adaptation to psychologised understanding of social an unjust status quo). More recent writings problems that reproduce inequality (Mullaly, suggest a revitalised, contemporary form 2007). This disparity between espoused goals of radical social work includes a rejection and practice has led a number of social work of managerial and marketised practices; a scholars to question whether social work reaffirmation of social justice values in social is “in crisis,” at a “crossroads” (Lavalette, work; a renewed commitment to social 2011), in a “state of flux” (Dominelli, 1996, action and collective practices for progressive p. 153), or has abandoned its mission (see social change; and an understanding of for example, McNicholl, 2013; Powell, 2001; the imperative for radical practice to be Specht & Courtney, 1994). directly informed by critical social theories (Ferguson, 2016). Social work in both Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand is similar in this regard. Whilst While some proponents of radical social there are parallels and variances between work suggest that it almost “disappeared” these countries in relation to cultural, in the 1980s (Ferguson, 2016), a number economic and social experiences, both of commentators are discussing the share a violent history of colonialisation of contemporary revival of radical and critical indigenous populations, and similar models perspectives in social work, acknowledging of social security that developed in the late the importance and relevance of them now, 19th century, including a “wage earner’s more than ever before (see for example, welfare state” (Castles, 1985). Since the 1980s, Ferguson, 2016; Gray & Webb, 2013; Morley, both countries have similarly experienced 2016a; Morley & Ablett, 2016; Morley et al., aggressive neoliberal reforms that have 2014). Mainstream social work which, in largely dismantled their welfare states. some quarters, has arguably been co-opted Neoliberal restructuring has eschewed social by neoliberal, managerial and medicalised (structural) analyses in favour of discourses therapeutic discourses (see for example, valorising individual responsibility. Hence Ferguson & Lavalette, 2006; Gardner, 2014; the problem of unemployment and poverty Madhu, 2011; Rogowski, 2010; Wallace & has been reconstructed as “a problem of Pease, 2011; Wehbi & Turcotte, 2007), has the unemployed” (Marston et al., 2014, paid little attention to the escalating social as cited in Mays, Marston, & Tomlinson, problems of wealth and income inequality. 2016a, p. 3). The impacts of economic O’Brien (2013) has warned that, by privatisation and social deregulation on prioritising professionalisation, registration people, systems and the environment have and managerial practice, social work caused widespread inequality and related risks compromising its central historical social problems in Australia, New Zealand concerns with poverty and social justice. and other liberal-capitalist societies. These Neoliberalism and related managerialist problems, in addition to the marketisation

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of the human services sector and associated obtaining 22% of these rises (Ostry, Berg, & managerial practices are among the primary Tsangarides, 2014). In addition, the richest reasons identified for reinvigorating key 1% have increased their income by 60% social movements and collective resistance, over the past 20 years, with the global including contemporary radicalism in social financial crisis (GFC) further enabling their work (Ferguson, 2016; Ife, 2014). monopolisation of wealth (Oxfam, 2013, p. 2). Whilst international comparisons Radical social work aims to be responsive suggest wealth inequalities in Australia and to people’s expressed needs, but also to New Zealand are not quite as extreme as challenge and change the social conditions some other contemporary capitalist societies, that create social disadvantage and exclusion the rates of socioeconomic inequality are (Baines, 2011). Given its commitment to rising more quickly in these countries than reversing structural disadvantage, radical analogous Organisation for Economic social work has a leadership role to play, not Co-operation and Development (OECD) only in analysing the social and economic countries (Douglas, Friel, Denniss, Denniss, & conditions that create wealth and income Morzwetz, 2014). inequality, but also in formulating strategies that address poverty and other forms Indisputable evidence of growing wealth of social disadvantage, using a range of and income inequality in both countries practices that link structural analyses of requires urgent action from social workers citizens’ personally lived experiences with on both sides of the Tasman Sea. Recent data the goals of social transformation. show that, in Australia, the richest 1% own the same wealth as the poorest 60% (Oxfam An overview of wealth and income Australia, 2014, p. 2). National research inequality demonstrates that “the income share of the top 1% has doubled, and the wealth At this point in our history, global capitalism share of the top 0.0001% (the richest one- has generated more wealth and prosperity millionth) has quintupled” in recent decades than ever before, with our world economy (Douglas et al., 2014, p. 8). The richest seven now being worth more than US$250 trillion individuals in Australia now control more (Credit Suisse, 2015). However, the benefits economic resources than the poorest 20% associated with rising global wealth are of the population (1.73 million households) not distributed equitably. In fact, the (Richardson & Denniss, 2014). Many people divisions between rich and poor worldwide in this bottom 20% rely on the “Newstart” are “reaching new extremes” (Oxfam, allowance to live, which provides a level 2016, p. 2). Those officially defined as the of income support that is 20% below the poorest citizens in the world try to survive poverty line (Denniss & Baker, 2012). on US$1.90 per day or less, and the total Consequently, approximately one in every population living on this amount (roughly six children in Australia now lives in poverty 800 million people) is about the same as (Douglas et al., 2014). 200 years ago (Roser, 2015). Meanwhile, the richest eight individuals in the world own In Aotearoa New Zealand, the wealthiest and control more capital than the poorest 10% of the population now own and 3.6 billion people (Oxfam, 2017), while the control about 60% of household wealth, bottom 80% of the population access just while the poorest 40% hold just 3% of 6% of the world’s economy (Oxfam, 2016). the nation’s total wealth (Statistics New These profound socioeconomic inequalities Zealand, 2016). Similar to the situation have skyrocketed in the last decade, with in Australia, research also demonstrates the wealthiest 10% of the global population that economic inequality in Aotearoa acquiring more than half of all income New Zealand has grown rapidly since growth, and the richest 1% of the population the early 1980s (OECD, 2011), with the

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evidence suggesting that new, additional Whilst mainstream social work has been wealth is accruing to the already wealthy slow to respond to these issues (Morley & (Johnson, 2015). Social researcher, Max Ablett, 2016; Noble, 2016), ironically, Rashbrooke (2013) highlights that income multi-lateral financial institutions (that have inequality also increased in this period to a been bastions of neoliberal policy) such as greater extent than in any other developed the International Monetary Fund (IMF), economy. Rashbrooke (2013, p. 37) further World Bank, and World Economic Forum explains how “the top 10 per cent of New (WEF), are leading the appeals to address Zealand[ers] … have seen their incomes rising wealth and income inequality. The increase by over 75 per cent between 1986 gap between rich and poor has become and 2013”. Race relations and ethnicity, so lopsided that it can now slow economic demonstrably amplify this inequality: growth and radically decrease political and economic stability (Douglas et al., 2014; In 2003/04, European/Pakeha made Piketty, 2014; Stiglitz, 2014;). According up 33% of the over 15s population yet to OECD statistics (2012), Aotearoa New held 93% of the reported wealth. By Zealand has a similar Gini score for income comparison Maori made up 10% of the inequality (after tax transfers) as Australia, same population yet owned 4% of the sitting around 0.33 (OECD, 2012), above the wealth. Even worse off are Pacific people, OECD average. The IMF demonstrates that who made up nearly 5% of the over 15s a 5% increase in inequality (measured by population but owned just 1.3% of the the Gini Coefficient) causes a corresponding reported wealth. (Johnson, 2015, p. 2) 0.5% reduction in growth annually (Ostry et al., 2014). Recent OECD data similarly Social research clearly demonstrates the indicate that increased economic inequality correlations between wealth inequality over the past 25 years has reduced economic and a broad range of social problems (see growth by 0.35% per annum, a cumulative for example, Habibis & Walter, 2015). The loss of 8.5% in economic growth (Cingano, impacts of growing wealth and income 2014). Hence, extreme wealth inequality also inequality include: intergenerational poses serious consequences for the wealthy. poverty; rising crime rates; increasing suicide rates; higher rates of morbidity The social context and mortality; increased incidence and prevalence of violence; and increased In 20th century western societies, inequalities mental health problems (Abramovitz, in wealth and income were managed by 2012; Wilkinson & Pickett, 2010). In the economic and social policies of diverse addition, there are also direct links between welfare-state regimes (Habibis & Walter, human-induced climate change, and the 2015). These policies were designed disproportionate exploitation of non- to reduce poverty and institute some renewable natural resources that global redistributive measures to avoid contributing capitalism drives (Noble, 2016). Climate to social conflict. The period from the 1920s change also reinforces the gap between to the late 1970s has been referred to as the rich and the impoverished, as the most the “Great Compression” (Douglas et. al., socioeconomically disadvantaged people 2014, p. 38) whereby wealth and income in the world are the most affected by the inequalities were reduced in most western consequences of climate change (Noble, nations. During this time both Australia 2016). In highlighting the sense of social and Aotearoa New Zealand were more division caused by economic inequality, egalitarian than most countries (Perry, 2013). Rashbrooke (Inequality.org.nz, 2013, n.p.) Since the early 1980s, however, in the wake tellingly suggests it causes people to “lose of various crises and globalisation, there has their sense of what life is like for people in been a retreat from social provision on the the other half”. part of nation-states in favour of neoliberal

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market solutions. Today, economic policies human service organisations that aim to in the OECD vary widely in their regulation deliver equity-enhancing programmes and or liberalisation of market forces and social projects are, by extension, responsible for policy approaches are likewise varied in implementing social policies through case their targeting of disadvantage (Carson & management and other practices. Many do Kerr, 2014). not determine the policies but neither are they without agency in the policy process. In Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand, the reduction of economic inequality was Social work responses achieved, historically, through a combination of labour market regulation and direct Despite a long-standing espoused social provision. The former was based on commitment from social workers to social a unique system of compulsory industrial justice, poverty and economic inequality arbitration and wage determination (from have received relatively little attention in 1894 in New Zealand; 1904 in Australia) recent times, compared with other fields with unions securing a living wage for of practice. This is evident in curriculum most male workers by the 1920s (Vranken, standards for social work education in 2005, p. 28). The latter involved government which, for example, poverty and wealth welfare measures (funded by progressive inequality are not mentioned in the taxation transfers), in which Aotearoa New Australian Education and Accreditation Zealand arguably had a more comprehensive Standards (AASW, 2012). The Aotearoa system than Australia. Equity-promoting New Zealand Association of Social Workers measures included state education, public fares slightly better with three explicit health outlay, pensions, anti-racial and references to poverty within the practice anti-gender discrimination legislation, standards (ANZASW, 2014). Similarly, national disability insurance, family services there is a relatively small amount of and allowances, and paid parental leave contemporary social work research that (Carson & Kerr, 2014). However, the past directly addresses wealth inequality or its 30 years of economic restructuring has impacts (see for example, Beddoe & Keddell, seen a considerable diminution in both 2016; Goldberg, 2012; Krumer-Nevo, 2015; industrial regulation and public provision Hosken, 2016; Marston & McDonald, 2008; in Australasia, whereas executive salaries Mays et al., 2016b; Morley & Ablett, 2016; and corporate profits continue to rise. This O’Brien, 2011; Parrott, 2014; Rashbrooke, slide into inequality has been justified by 2013). The dominance of neoliberal policies liberal (now neoliberal) economic doctrine, and discourses that prioritise economic particularly among political conservatives, over social imperatives and emphasise imposing market-driven, private provision individual responsibility, has also resulted for social problems. Insofar as it considers in practice interventions that reinforce rather inequality at all, this approach deploys than address existing social and economic “Kuznet’s curve” (Kuznet, 1955) arguing exclusion. This largely operates through that long-term economic growth alone will administrative and case management decrease inequality without recourse to practices that focus on individualised redistributive policies. understandings of poverty, instead of the structural factors implicated in producing In liberal-capitalist societies, governments, inequality (Krumer-Nevo, 2015; Marston & along with public–private partnerships and McDonald, 2008; Mullaly, 2010). Therefore, non-government organisations (NGOs), mainstream social work practice responses are largely responsible for framing social significantly depart from a radical analysis. policies. Many social workers practising These responses range from providing within this (government and non- budgeting advice, or developing people’s government) workforce, within a range of resilience to cope with, and adapt to,

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injustices (such as being excluded from the understanding that social workers practising paid workforce), to blaming people for their in this sector are working with individuals exclusion (Agllias. Howard, Schubert, & and communities who are excluded and Gray, 2016; Parrott, 2014). marginalised by global capitalism—their positioning being the result of systems that This individualisation is consistent with enable an elite few to exploit unearned mainstream social work approaches privileges and monopolise resources. historically, which have functioned to Instead, practitioners engaged in responding ignore structural determinants of wealth to wealth and income inequality largely inequality and instead draw on depoliticised practise in the fields of income support, understandings of poverty (Becker, 1997, as unemployment, emergency housing and cited in Parrott, 2014); in effect, operating to homelessness, job network and activation “discipline and punish” (Foucault, 1977) the schemes, emergency food provision, mental impoverished. In practice, this has meant health, substance abuse, and domestic and that social workers have often demonstrated family violence. These services often focus “attitudes that could be considered on the consequences, rather than the causes ambivalent, confused, and at the extreme, of inequality, and the organisation of them in hostile to service users living in poverty” this way enables the separation of personally (Wainwright, 2005, as cited in Parrott, 2014, lived experiences from the political realm p. 5; see also Agllias et al., 2016, p. 7). Others (Mullaly, 2010). too, have argued that the helping professions have failed “to develop practice based on Within neoliberal contexts, social work awareness of poverty” (Krumer-Nevo et al., services become more conservative, and are 2015, p. 225). Whilst there is some evidence often privatised, resulting in many areas of to suggest that social workers, such as those practice emerging as industries to be mined employed in Australian Centrelink services, for profit. Unemployment, for example, has may not be as judgmental and punitive seen a proliferation of private providers towards the unemployed as case managers seeking profit for offering job-seeker generally, there is evidence of widespread, activation schemes (Mitchell, 2015). Within forceful and stigmatising practices that are these services, social work practice may incongruent with promoting the autonomy lose its radical potential, to instead become and self-efficacy of job seekers (Marston & a form of neoliberalised practice, in which McDonald, 2008). the goals are to police welfare recipients, protect the scarce resources of organisations, These factors, combined with the gap and recast human suffering as a case to be identified between research evidence, and assessed and managed (Krumer-Nevo, 2015; policy and practice (Bacchi, 2009) mean that Marston & McDonald, 2008). This is part of some social work practitioners may have a broader pattern that positions social work internalised the neoliberal policy framework as a profession that aims to fit and adapt around unemployment, or may not be fully to neoliberal contexts (Wallace & Pease, cognisant with growing evidence about 2011). This conservatism also promotes a wealth and income inequality; in particular, form of professionalism that conforms to, the social, political and economic factors rather than challenges, existing inequalities that cause this inequality (Parrott, 2014). in the system (Morley et al., 2014) and is O’Brien (2011), for example, found that only counterproductive to espoused policy aims a sixth of the Aotearoa New Zealand social of improving the motivation and self-efficacy workers he surveyed saw income inequality of the unemployed (Marston & McDonald, as a central issue for social justice. The way 2008). Despite this, social work may still have the welfare sector is organised exacerbates an important role to play both in responding this conceptual gap. The provision of to the consequences of wealth and income social services is not set up to reflect an inequality critically, and in leading initiatives

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that focus on a more equitable redistribution are least able to make the adjustments of social resources. Radical approaches can imposed on them whilst redistributing more provide leadership for mainstream social wealth to the rich (Sayer, 2016). Consistent work and a much needed alternative. with the neoliberal agenda, industrial relations reforms concentrate power in the The need for radical social work hands of employers, creating a workforce stripped of rights and fair conditions, Radical social work, which locates including declining incomes and increased individuals within broader societal contexts, casualised labour, while undermining trade offers a much more politically and ethically unions (Luewchik, Vrankulj, & Lafleche informed understanding of poverty and 2014, p. 107). Standing (2011, p. 1) refers to wealth inequality that fundamentally re- this emerging group of unemployed and frames dominant neoliberal understandings insecure workers as a “global ‘precariat’, of this issue. If social work is to promote consisting of many millions around the change for social justice and human rights world without an anchor of stability”. in the current neoliberal context, then social Standing (2011, p. 11) suggests that, in workers need to embrace five core measures addition to low income, and/or precarious as a minimum baseline for practice: 1) a work, the precariat experience a “lack of critical analysis of society that links private community support in times of need, lack problems with unequal social structures; 2) of assured enterprise or state benefits, and a radical/critical social work curriculum; lack of private benefits to supplement money 3) a capacity for critical self reflection by earnings”. practitioners upon their socially constructed and constructing positionality that highlights A radical analysis has direct implications potential agency; 4) a capacity to engage for social work practice with the precariat and influence social policy; and 5) activist (Hosken, 2016; Mullaly, 2010). Raising practices for social change (see for example, consciousness about the socio-economic Ferguson, 2016). and political determinants of wealth and inequality is a key element of this practice A radical analysis (Mullaly, 2010). As Parrott (2014, p. 33) suggests, “being able to explain a service A critical analysis of society is at the heart user’s position as not being a consequence of of a radical approaches to practice. Inspired deficient cultural attitudes or as a result of by the legacy of Karl Marx, a radical individual failure requires an understanding analysis elucidates the ways that global of the structural reasons for poverty”. capitalism creates and perpetuates wealth Such awareness-raising conversations may and income inequality through enabling operate to counteract the self-blame that powerful individuals and groups (classes) people excluded from the labour market to control social and economic systems often feel, as neoliberal discourses and public for their advantage, to the detriment of narratives demonise them for failing to others (the working class and unemployed) acquire jobs that do not exist. (Parrott, 2014, p. 33). Hence, the privileges of the wealthy elite are emphasised, along Radical social work practitioners who with their capacity to monopolise resources work with the unemployed in individual through measures such as austerity policies. casework, case management or counselling As Clarke and Newman (cited in Baines & roles, for example, would reject victim- McBride, 2014, p.3) explain, “Neoliberal blaming discourses to instead find ways politicians have sold ‘austerity’ to the to highlight structural factors as part of public as a virtuous necessity in the face their dialogue with the people they work of government deficits”. These austerity with (see Krumer-Nevo, 2015). This may measures burden the poorest citizens who involve conversations that expose how

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high population growth, combined with the forgoing social work practices that technology replacing human labour with are discussed in this article, on the basis machines (Ford, 2016), results in a shrinking of radical analysis. Whilst this article is labour market and unemployment, which specifically addressing the neglected areas is now 340% higher now than it was in the of poverty and socio-economic disadvantage early 1970s (Mitchell, 2015). This stands in associated with wealth and income stark contrast to conversations that focus inequality, a radical analysis is needed in only on individualised factors, including both social work education and practice for example, a person’s motivation for job across all contemporary social issues, seeking, employability within the market, including for example, gender inequality, interview skills and resume presentation. environmental issues and the oppression of A radical analysis demonstrates how people who are marginalised on the basis unemployment is a politically and of cultural or religious identity, mentally economically orchestrated social unwell people, and those who live with a phenomenon (Baines & McBride, 2014), not disability. an inherent deficiency in those impacted by it, thus necessitating compassion, individual Critical refl ection and public advocacy, social policy reform, collective practices, social action, and Tseris (2008, p. 45) warns “[s]ocial workers critical reflection. All of this begins with the are not immune to the influences of society, education of social workers. so they need to be constantly assessing and questioning their own views and practices, to ensure that they are not in fact, replicating A radical social work curriculum the very things they so vehemently As our rapidly changing, market-driven oppose”. Critical reflection is an important society becomes more inequitable and part of radical/structural social work to divided, radical and transformative assist social workers to reject conservative approaches to social work education thinking and practices; safeguard against have increased relevance. However, such critical practices that are well intentioned, approaches are often maginalised in social yet potentially oppressive; and “enhance work education in favour of competency- the possibilities for critical [and radical] based and technique-driven approaches practice in organisational contexts that are that are presented as neutral (i.e., free restrictive by empowering practitioners to from politics and theory). All approaches connect with a sense of agency to create to education, however, entail theoretical change” (Morley, 2016b, p. 25). Fook’s (2016) assumptions and have political implications. model of critical reflection offers a useful Whether students develop a critical analysis framework for connecting social work of oppression and seek to challenge this, or practice with a radical analysis of inequality. whether they see themselves as functionaries It involves critical evaluation of one’s own of social systems that manage others, social positioning (the impact of geographic, has much to do with their education. As historical, ethnic, gendered, and socio- Holscher and Sewpaul (2006, p. 268) explain: economic status) and the ways in which “all too often the dominant ideologies . . . personal biography shapes one’s worldview, are so entrenched that it is difficult to think critical analysis of socio-political contexts outside of certain prescriptive ideological and reflection on professional practice to frameworks”. Education is therefore a key ultimately reconstruct possibilities for action site for facilitating alternative paradigms (Fook, 2016). that enable students to develop counter- hegemonic practices of resistance and Morley et al. (2014) provide an empirical agency, and strategies to practise for social example from practice that demonstrates change. A radical curriculum emphasises how critical reflection is an important part

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of radical/structural social work to assist that poverty is the result of social, political social workers to unmask conservative and economic systems that have failed, thinking and re-frame practices. This also rather than the fault of the people who are safeguards against critical practices that are impoverished (Hosken, 2016). Instead of well intentioned, yet potentially oppressive; reinforcing the current system of inequalities and “enhance the possibilities for critical and power divisions, a radical perspective [and radical] practice in organisational suggests governments should promote social contexts that are restrictive by empowering change for human betterment and social practitioners to connect with a sense of agency justice. A socially just society is one in which to create change” (Morley, 2016b, p. 25). In all members share the same basic rights, this example, the practitioner was working in protections, benefits and obligations, not an agency that provides material assistance to one in which we blame the impoverished for people experiencing poverty, and expressed their exclusion from the paid labour market moralistic and blaming attitudes towards a (Morley et al., 2014). man who had come to the service to request a food parcel. Part of the practitioner’s Historically, social policy has proven to frustration was that she felt she could not be a powerful vehicle for arresting social help him because the agency in which she inequality (Leigh, 2013). Whilst powerful worked had strict policies about limiting elites and dominant interest groups influence people’s access to needed resources. Rather social policy, a radical approach promotes than recognising this situation as a human alternative social policy initiatives that can be rights’ violation, activating an advocacy effective in enacting and reviewing equity- response, she took on a policing role, shaming promoting practice measures (Douglas et al., him for attempting to gain “more than his 2014, Krumer-Nevo, 2015). A more ethical fair share”. Critical reflection on her practice and equitable division of resources will assisted this practitioner to deconstruct the not happen without redistribution through neoliberal origins of her assumptions, and significant social policy and taxation reform acknowledge a gap between her practice and (Scott, 2014). her espoused commitments to social justice. Awareness of this incongruence between Radical social work has a vital role to theory and practice, and of how hegemonic play in contesting social policy with a discourses had distorted her worldview comprehensive analysis of the complex created an additudinal shift in the worker political and economic causes, and social that challenged her initial beliefs that the consequences, of wealth and income man was undeserving of support. She also inequality. A radical view also highlights recognised her capacity to bend agency policy that Australia’s gross domestic product about restricting access was within her own (GDP) in 2014, for example, was A$1.56 discretionary decision-making power as a trillion (World Bank, 2014), and that a mere professional. Elsewhere, this model of critical A$8 billion (or less than 0.5% of the GDP) reflection has been shown to reliably produce was spent on the Newstart allowance. In fact, demonstrable changes in the thinking and Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand are actions of practitioners in ways that elucidate amongst the lowest in their expenditure on the broader social and political implications of unemployment benefits in the OECD, some our work (see for example, Morley, 2014). of whose members spend above 3% of GDP on unemployment relief (Australian Council Social policy of Social Service (ACOSS), 2014; Denniss & Baker, 2012). A radical analysis highlights that access to affordable housing, food, education and Clearly, a radical social work serious healthcare are all basic human rights. Radical about combatting inequality must pursue and critical social work theories demonstrate alternative policies beyond the neoliberal

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malaise. One promising initiative is a basic to many of these activist practices as covert, income guarantee: that is, “an unconditional we argue that engaging in debating policy, grant that is paid by the government to all union activism, advocacy for service users, permanent residents at regular intervals” lobbying and joining social movements (Mays et al., 2016a, p. 3). Social work and after hours, should be among the regular human service researchers promote this social work practices that challenge social alternative through the Basic Income injustice (Greenslade et al., 2015). This can Guarantee Australia (BIGA) research site at involve creatively interpreting the rules, the Queensland University of Technology non-compliance, broadening professional (School of Public Health and Social Work, boundaries and possibly civil disobedience 2013). A parallel movement in Aotearoa (when attempting to meet a higher ethical New Zealand is the Universal Basic code). Consistent with a radical perspective Income New Zealand (UBINZ) website that focuses foremost on social justice, and network established in 1992 whose Greenslade et al. (2015) suggest that the ideas have influenced currents debates profession needs to accept such practices about tax credits (School of Public Health as inevitable if social work is to maintain and Social Work, 2013). Consistent with integrity within neoliberal contexts. Gray and the goals of radical social work, this would Webb (2013, p. 213) similarly suggest that mean replacing many existing complex, “counter-acts of resistance and oppositional conditional, arbitrary, and often punitive tactics against the totality of neoliberal transfer schemes that rely on government domination” are indicative of a rising “New paternalism, with a system of universal Left” in social work. payments that promote a material safety net and freedom for all citizens from precarious Concluding thoughts: Radical survival (Mays et al., 2016a; Standing, 2011). practice as essential for social work This is an affordable option in wealthy countries (Mays et al., 2016a). Wealth and income inequality are profoundly out of balance in liberal- Collective and activist practices capitalist countries, with the disparities becoming more pronounced in recent Whilst social workers generally concur that decades. The social and political redress activism for social justice is a core part of of this global issue is an urgent priority social work (Greenslade, McAuliffe, & for any social work that claims to be Chenowith, 2015; O’Brien, 2011), confronting emancipatory on both sides of the Tasman wealth and income inequality through and beyond (AASW, 2010; ANZASW, social action has not been a prominent 2014; IFSW, 2014). This is attested to by the practice in recent times (Reisch & Andrews, recent declaration of the President of the 2001; O’Brien, 2010). However, contesting International Federation of Social Workers, neoliberal policy through a range of Gary Bailey, at a world conference in practices including individual and public Melbourne in 2014, urging social workers advocacy, collective organising, community to “become more political” in tackling development and social activism around anti- inequality (Horton, 2014). Social work poverty campaigns, and the development of is stategically positioned to address the alternative economic structures such as LETS socio-economic disadvantages associated (Local Energy Transfer System) schemes (Ife, with wealth and income inequality, yet 2016) for example, should be core practice the hegemony of global neoliberalism for all social workers. Greenslade et al. (2015) often renders social work impotent in also discuss activist practices in welfare achieving its espoused commitments to organisations that resist and contest dominant social justice and human rights. While much power relations, despite the conservatism social work practice with the precarious of many such institutions. Whilst they refer population affected by wealth and income

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By country – inequality. Retrieved from https://www.stats. Scott, A. (2014). Northern lights: The positive policy example oecd.org/Index.aspx?QueryID=66597 of Sweden, Finland, Denmark and Norway. Clayton, Ostry J., Berg, A., & Tsangarides C. (2014, February 14). VIC: Monash University Publishing. Redistribution, inequality, and growth. IMF [International Stiglitz, J. E. (2012). The price of inequality. New York, Monetary Fund] Staff Discussion Note. Retrieved from NY: Norton. http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/sdn/2014/sdn1402.pdf Specht, H., & Courtney, M. (1994). Unfaithful angels: How Oxfam. (2013). The cost of inequality: How wealth and social work has abandoned its mission. New York, income extremes hurt us all. [Oxfam media briefing]. NY: Free Press. Retrieved from https://www.oxfam.org/sites/www.oxfam. Standing, G. (2011). The precariat: The new dangerous org/files/cost-of-inequality-oxfam-mb180113.pdf class. London, NY: Bloomsbury. Oxfam. (2016). An economy for the 1%: How privilege and Statistics New Zealand (Tatauranga Aotearoa). (2016, power in the economy drive extreme inequality and how June 28). Household net worth statistics: Year this can be stopped. [Oxfam briefing paper]. Retrieved ended June 2015. [Media release]. Retrieved from https://www.oxfam.org/sites/www.oxfam.org/ from http://www.stats.govt.nz/browse_for_stats/ files/file_attachments/bp210-economy-one-percent-tax- people_and_communities/Households/ havens-180116-en_0.pdf HouseholdNetWorthStatistics_MRYeJun15.aspx Oxfam. (2017). An economy for the 99%: It’s time to build Tseris, E. (2008). Examining these words we use: a human economy that benefits everyone, not just the “Participation”, “empowerment”, and the child protection privileged few. [Oxfam briefing paper]. Retrieved from role. In R. Pockett & R. Giles (Eds.), Critical reflection: https://www.oxfam.org/sites/www.oxfam.org/files/file_ Generating theory from practice (pp. 30–44). Sydney, attachments/bp-economy-for-99-percent-160117-en.pdf NSW: Darlington Press. Oxfam Australia. (2014). Still the lucky country? The growing United Nations. (2000, September 18). United Nations gap between rich and poor is a gaping hole in the G20 millennium declaration. [Resolution adopted by the agenda. Retrieved from https://www.oxfam.org.au/wp- General Assembly, Fifty-fifth session]. Retrieved from content/uploads/2014/06/2014-66-g20-report_fa_web-2.pdf http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/ Parrott, L. (2014). Social work and poverty: A critical RES/55/2 approach. Bristol, UK: Policy Press. Vranken, M. (2005). Labour law reform in Australia and Piketty, T. (2014). Capital in the twenty-first century. New Zealand: Once united, henceforth divided? Revue Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Juridique Polynésienne/New Zealand Association of Comparative Law Yearbook, 11, 25–41. Perry, B. (2013). What do we know about income inequality in NZ? Extracts from the 2013 Household Incomes Wallace, J., & Pease, B. (2011). Neoliberalism & Australian Report, 16 July. Retrieved from http://igps.victoria.ac.nz/ social work: Accommodation or resistance? Journal of events/Inequity%20Forum/InequalitySummary_Bryan_ Social Work, 11, 132–142. Perry_2013HIR.pdf Wehbi, S., & Turcotte, P. (2007). Social work education: Powell, F. W. (2001). The politics of social work. London, Ne oliberalism’s willing victim? Critical Social Work, UK: Sage. 8(1), 1–9. Rashbrooke, M. (2013). Inequality: A New Zealand crisis. Wilkinson, R., & Pickett, K. (2010). The spirit level: Why Wellington, NZ: Bridget Williams Books. equality is better for everyone. London, UK: Penguin. Reisch, M., & Andrews, J. (2001). The road not taken: World Bank. (2014). Gross domestic product 2014—World A history of radical social work in the United States. DataBank. Retrieved from http://databank.worldbank. New York, NY: Brunner Routledge. org/data/download/GDP.pdf Richardson, D., & Denniss R. (2014). Income and wealth inequality in Australia. Policy Brief No 64, Australia Institute, Canberra. Retrieved from http://www.tai.org.au/ system/files_force/PB+64+Income+and+wealth+inequa lity+FINAL.pdf Richardson, D., Denniss, D., & Grudnoff, M. (2014). Auditing the auditors: The people’s commission of audit. The Australia Institute Policy Brief 61. Retrieved from http://www.tai.org.au/sites/defualt/files/ PB%2061%20Auditing%20the%20auditors.pdf Rogowski, S. (2010). Social work: The rise and fall of a profession? Bristol, UK: The Policy Press. Roser, M. (2015). World poverty. Retrieved from https://ourworldindata.org/world-poverty/ Sayer, A. (2016). Why we can’t afford the rich. Bristol, UK: Policy Press. School of Public Health and Social Work. (2013). Basic Income Guarantee Australia. Faculty of Health, Queensland University of Technology. Retrieved from http://www.basicincome.qut.edu.au

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Radical practice in a risk-averse environment: Learning from ATD Fourth World UK

Hannah Blumhardt1, ATD Fourth World UK2 and Anna Gupta3

1 Independent researcher ABSTRACT 2 Anti-poverty non-governmental INTRODUCTION: The escalation of coercive, risk-averse policy directives in Aotearoa organisation New Zealand’s child and family social work sphere is undermining the profession’s potential to https://www.atd-uk.org/ meet its social justice, human rights based aspirations. Social workers may need to look further 3 Royal Holloway, University afield for best practice models that facilitate emancipatory practice in neoliberal social policy of London, United Kingdom environments. This article posits the radical practice of anti-poverty organisation ATD Fourth World in England (where child protection is characteristically risk-averse, individualised and coercive), as an alternative for work with families experiencing poverty and social exclusion.

METHODS: We drew on the voices of ATD Fourth World activists cited in previous publications, alongside Activists(a-d) interviewed specifically for this article, and Activist(e) who contributed at a roundtable discussion on a previous project. Interviews focused on ATD Fourth World’s approach to working with families in poverty; three distinctive aspects emerged: the organisation’s philosophy on poverty, and its collaborative and relational family support model. We contrasted these three aspects with state child protection policies in Aotearoa New Zealand and England.

FINDINGS: The often inflexible, top-down nature of state child protection policies, coupled with an atmosphere of policing, control and disregard for the impact of poverty, constrain social workers and families alike, eroding the crucial social worker/family relationship underpinning best practice. ATD Fourth World’s approach suggests that genuine strengths-based practice relies on nuanced understandings of poverty, a commitment to advance families’ wishes, and trusting relationships grounded in human dignity and commonality.

CONCLUSION: The Aotearoa New Zealand reforms may amplify coercive, risk-averse tendencies in the state’s child protection system. Child and family social workers could consider adapting aspects of ATD Fourth World’s approach to resist or mitigate these coercive aspects and steer the reforms’ implementation in more emancipatory directions.

KEYWORDS: poverty; collaboration; relational practice; risk; reform; families

A cursory inspection of recent social hallmark, whánau-led approach towards AOTEAROA work literature in Aotearoa New Zealand a risk-averse, individualised blueprint NEW ZEALAND SOCIAL demonstrates rising alarm about the likely to subject disadvantaged families WORK 29(2), 19–33. ideology underpinning child protection to coercive surveillance and regulation system reforms. Under the auspices of (Hyslop, 2009; Keddell, 2014; Martin, three successive National-led governments, 2016; O’Brien, 2016). Examples include the CORRESPONDENCE TO: Aotearoa New Zealand’s long-term vision recommendations of the 2011 Green Paper Hannah Blumhardt for child welfare has shifted from its and the 2012 White Paper for Vulnerable [email protected]

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Children; the insertion of the paramountcy Zealand requires scrutiny of possible principle in the Child, Young Persons strategies for maintaining social work’s and their Families Act 1989 (CYPFA); the humane ethic in increasingly oppressive introduction of the Vulnerable Children climates. This article posits anti-poverty Act 2014 (VCA); and the overhaul and organisation, All Together in Dignity Fourth replacement of Child, Youth and Family World’s (hereafter, ATD) radical social- (CYF) with Oranga Tamariki (the Ministry justice-based practice—which amplifies for Vulnerable Children), following the transformational goals even in neoliberal final report and recommendations of the contexts—as inspiration, via three themes: Modernising Child Youth and Family Expert acknowledging and addressing the impact of Panel (Expert Panel, 2015).i poverty; maximising collaborative practice; and adopting relational approaches to The path that New Zealand’s reforms service provision. are carving is all-too-familiar in England, where the drift towards risk-aversion has ATD is a human rights based, anti-poverty, undermined the quality of social services non-governmental organisation (NGO) provision (Featherstone, Morris, & White, operating in over 40 countries. Team 2014; Gupta, Blumhardt, & ATD, 2016; members (“core workers”) work and live Warner, 2015). Forebodingly, the President alongside people in poverty (“activists”), of the Family Court Division of the High providing practical support and a platform Court recently warned of a “looming to amplify activists’ voices on matters they crisis” as the English care system buckles value. In the UK, ATD’s Family Support under soaring numbers of children in Programme, which covers community care (Munby, 2016, n.p.). Illustrating the outreach, residential breaks and skill-sharing atmosphere of disillusionment, Featherstone, workshops, gives vulnerable, excluded Morris, and White (2013) observe social families time, space and resources to access workers’ increasing “disquiet about services and build support networks. contemporary policy and practice, and The complementary Policy, Participation anxiety that the social justice aspect of social and Training projects support activists to work is being lost in a child protection advocate on policy and political issues. project … characterized by a muscular Through one such project, the Social authoritarianism towards multiply deprived Worker Training Programme, activists with families” (p. 19). experience of child-protection interventions deliver poverty-awareness modules to This anxiety demonstrates the fragility social work students and practitioners at of the social work profession’s aspiration partner universities, and debate and develop to promote human flourishing and recommendations for child protection reform emancipatory social justice (Hyslop, 2009; alongside social workers and academics. Keddell, 2011), highlighting the internal tension within the profession’s twin This article includes the voices of activists directive to provide both care and control. cited in previous publications emerging As Hyslop (2009) notes, the “essence of from a workshop series linked to the Social social work is described as a contradictory Worker Training Programme. Ethical mix of surveillance and empowerment,” approval for those workshops was obtained which “constantly seeks to balance an through the Royal Holloway University of uneasy dialectical essence in its positioning London process. In addition, Activists(a-d) at the intersection of social care and social were interviewed specifically for this article, control” (pp. 62–63). In England, risk-averse, and Activist(e) contributed at a roundtable neoliberal agendas have tipped child welfare discussion on The Roles We Play: Recognising policies overly towards control. Preserving the Contribution of People in Poverty (ATD & the balance in post-reform Aotearoa New Sajovic, 2014). Ethical approval was not

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separately sought for these interviews linking material deprivation, social work that were conducted voluntarily and interventions, and causative factors of abuse collaboratively, by ATD, with long-term, and neglect (Featherstone, 2016; Gupta, active participants of their Social Worker 2015; Pelton, 2015; Tobis, 2013), social work Training Programme, explicitly for this article. policy frequently downplays structural factors like poverty, inequality and social Although ATD is an NGO operating outside exclusion (ATD, 2005; Gupta, 2015). The the strictures of social work systems, its Aotearoa New Zealand reforms are no philosophy and approach are adaptable, exception (Oak, 2016; O’Brien, 2016). Since particularly for individual social workers’ neoliberalisation in the 1980s, both income best practice. We apply learning from an inequality and numbers of households English context, relevant given that Aotearoa in poverty have greatly increased, New Zealand’s reforms will construct a child causing significant social disruption protection model much closer to England’s, (Rashbrooke, 2013), and prompting research and given parallels between the rate of into the links between childhood poverty children in poverty in care in England, and lifelong vulnerabilities (Boston & and the prevalance of Máori children in Chapple 2014). Yet, the Expert Panel’s Aotearoa New Zealand’s care system. It final report mentions poverty once, while exceeds this article’s scope (and the authors’ references to poverty and other structural competencies) to suggest how better to factors disappeared from policy documents weave tikanga and mátauranga Máori defining the reforms’ focus on “vulnerable into social work’s legislative and policy children” (O’Brien, 2016). In an exchange in framework, or radical practice examples the House of Representatives, the Minister already operating within Te Ao Máori. for Social Development (2016) confirmed We recognise this conversation’s urgency, that Oranga Tamariki would prioritise given 61% of children in care are Máori, reducing child abuse and neglect, not child and support the work many individuals poverty. and groups already do in this area (Walsh- Tapiata, 2004), including those, like the Ignoring how poverty and structural factors Máori Women’s Welfare League, who are create or compound families’ difficulties highlighting how the reforms might impact inevitably emphasises individual responsibility Máori. We hope the kaupapa guiding ATD and parental blame (Gupta, 2015; Tobis, 2013, can be seen as both compatible with and p. xxv); if surrounding circumstances are complementary to the critically reflective, not influential in creating these difficulties, anti-oppressive competencies necessary to something intrinsic to the family must be. support such radical resistances in Aotearoa Recently, Aotearoa New Zealand’s former New Zealand. Minister of Police, Judith Collins MP reflected this logic, commenting that: Acknowledging and addressing …it’s people who don’t look after their poverty’s impact children, that’s the problem… I can tell Advocating for families in poverty “does you it is not just a lack of money, it is not say that children should not be properly primarily a lack of responsibility… I see protected. What it does say is that many a poverty of ideas, a poverty of parental parents would cope if problems associated responsibility, a poverty of love, a with their poverty were taken seriously.” poverty of caring. (Frykberg, 2016, n.p.) (ATD, 2005, p. 5) The Children Commissioner’s Expert The “elephant in the room” has become Advisory Group on Solutions to Child the cliché moniker for poverty in child Poverty (CCEAG, 2012) encountered similar and family social work. Despite evidence views regarding parental responsibility

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during nationwide consultation with Activist(b) notes that the practitioner– New Zealanders about child poverty. family relationship requires both parties to recognise their mutual obligations, such that, How issues are framed shapes the solutions “if social work hasn’t done its job” to identify presented and can distract from evidence- and remedy a family’s contextual difficulties, based policy (Featherstone, 2016). An “you can’t condemn the family.” ideology that blames individuals for social problems disincentivises context-dependent Appreciating the contours of material support programmes, encouraging control, deprivation is key. When social workers surveillance, and targeted policing and can offer material support, successful “conceals the nature of poverty as a application requires first identifying phenomenon that is, to a large extent, beyond whether and where support is most needed. individual control.” (Krumer-Nevo, 2009, Otherwise, families may divert the resource p. 318). Yet, Mason and Bywaters (2016) elsewhere—for example, selling new have observed that poverty and allegations school shoes to buy food—thus appearing of neglect are so interlinked that prioritising either irrational or ungrateful (Krumer- context-blind, policing-type investigations over Nevo, 2009). Furthermore, social workers supportive measures will likely prove both who underappreciate the practicalities of ineffective and financially inefficient. Aotearoa material deprivation may expect families New Zealand child protection history contains to achieve economically unrealistic feats, instances of counterproductive policy stemming overlook parents’ genuine attempts to do from a context-blind approach. Blaiklock et their utmost within financial constraints, al. (2002) observe that “a lack of resources” or unjustly infer signs of “bad” parenting, made “inoperable” many of “the preventative neglect or a lack of love (ATD, 2005; Gupta, and empowering aspects” of the otherwise 2015; Gupta & ATD, 2015). We should revolutionary CYPFA, in the sense that the remember that: state “transferred responsibility to families, but not the resources required to allow families to …most parents genuinely want the exercise these responsibilities” (p. 50). best for their children… The best of themselves when you are struggling Messages from ATD might not be that much; some parents can’t read or write so they can’t help … within a lot of organisations people are children with homework, they can’t paid to do a job and then they go home. control where they live, like a horrible They simply do not live the realities and block of flats, but what they can give, live with poverty the way we do. they try to give. (Activist(b)) (ATD & Sajovic, 2014, p. 116) While recognising poverty’s material impacts Consistently maintaining that poverty is elementary, an activist explains how a poses enormous difficulties for families, truly radical service would recognise non- ATD highlights as unjust systems that material aspects too: blame families for not coping while failing to provide enabling resources (ATD, 2005). …people don’t know enough about the While individual social workers do not mental, psychological and emotional create this injustice, competently identifying toll of years of poverty and the impact signs and influence of material deprivation is that can have on you. It’s almost as if integral to understanding solutions, tailoring people are expected to move on from that expectations and exhibiting empathy. within a couple of weeks; in reality, the Practitioners should be aware that families emotional effect lingers on and on and find demands that they change, amidst they need space to recover emotionally as an absence of material support, unjust. well. (ATD & Sajovic, 2014, p. 116)

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Poverty’s profound relational and oppression interact, Gupta (2015) suggests psychological aspects are increasingly that “poverty has remained the great recognised, particularly in research linking ‘unsaid’ of social work” (p. 10). poverty and shame (Gupta & ATD, 2015). ATD has long underlined poverty’s unseen While “risk factors” coinciding with aspects, striving to provide holistic support material disadvantage partially explain that facilitates families’ aspirations, interests social services’ disproportionate targeting and desires through self-esteem-building, of poor households, activists also pinpoint promoting validation, and combating social “povertyism”: toxic societal discourses exclusion (Skelton, 2015, p. 81). For example, about people in poverty, including the NGO supports activists to recognise and negative stereotyping and class-inflected share their (generally unpaid and unsung) presumptions about parenting standards contributions to society (ATD & Sajovic, in deprived circumstances (ATD, 2005, 2014), and to undertake public-speaking and pp. 21-22). These discourses are not unique campaigning opportunities: “ATD does offer to England: Beddoe (2014) recently drew me things I can’t get anywhere else. I get the parallels between the UK and Aotearoa chance to meet new people, go to different New Zealand in her analysis of negative places, do stuff for them and represent them. media framing of people in poverty, Nobody has ever asked me to do that before” including its permeation of welfare policy (Activist(a)). This stance distinguishes reform and approaches to child welfare. “basic” and “higher” needs, observing that Social workers, as members of society, can “people whose basic needs are not met still be influenced by these discourses and may experience other needs, ‘higher’ needs, and unconsciously deliver services in prejudiced they experience these needs in various ways or discriminatory ways (ATD, 2005): “with and not in a uniform manner.” (Krumer- contemporary politics and attitudes being Nevo, 2005, p. 102). as damning as they are, we have to live with a lot of very bad attitudes that seriously Overlooking poverty’s impact on families not affect how people are perceived and treated only sidesteps addressing underlying structural by those in positions of authority” (ATD & issues of inequality but also obfuscates any Sajovic, 2014, p. 114). revelation about how the system might unfairly target people in material deprivation. ATD contends that silencing and excluding From an Aotearoa New Zealand perspective, people in poverty perpetuates these Hyslop (2009) notes: attitudes, erasing society’s opportunity to hear new, subjective norms about poverty …notwithstanding the undisputed and parenting, based on alternative social assertion that child abuse and family experiences. The NGO works to reverse violence occur within all sectors of this exclusion, recognising activists’ society, the clients of the contemporary expertise on how institutions, policy child protection system are most often and law could better support them, and drawn from the ranks of the poor reiterating that activists’ insights benefit and marginalised. Practice in child social policy and society (Skelton, 2015, pp. protection social work is as much a class- 59-77). Unfortunately, endless institutional based, gendered and culturally biased barriers obstruct this endeavour, including phenomenon as it ever was. (p. 66) presumptions about the capacities and intelligence of people in poverty, or Traditionally, social work training and perceptions that their life experience is research on discrimination has emphasised somehow biased (Skelton, 2016, p. 69). issues of race, gender and disability, over Accordingly, one core worker notes, “[w] poverty (ATD, 2005). Given the relative e discovered that the main thing was not invisibility of how social work, poverty and to give the poor the chance to make their

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voice heard, but to open our ears. It is not proposals for more inclusive social work about empowering the poor, but about policy and practice, and aims to help child humanizing citizens and institutions” and family social workers operate more (as cited in Krumer-Nevo, 2005, p. 99). reflexively to avoid povertyist approaches (ATD, 2005; Gupta & ATD, 2015). Humanising social services institutions is Recognising that social work education an ongoing imperative. Too often in social often addresses poverty cursorily or work contexts, clients are considered merely superficially (ATD, 2005; Krumer-Nevo, recipients that expert professionals instruct 2009), activists deliver poverty-awareness (Krumer-Nevo, 2008). Families often recount modules in universities to train social feeling excluded from decisions about their workers and for continuing professional own lives, while parents with experience of education. These modules help students the system are rarely invited to share their to incorporate structural analysis and insights on social work policy reform (Gupta & critically reflective practice, while balancing ATD, 2015; Tobis, 2013). In Aotearoa NZ, managerialist elements in social work commentators have noted similar concerns education. The activist–practitioner about family inclusion in CYF processes— interaction enables mutual learning outside even family group conferences (FGC)— the charged contexts of an intervention, (Connolly, 2006; Moyle, 2015), yet the reforms while activists find the experience further deprioritise parental participation meaningful: vis-à-vis the state and professionals (Martin, 2016; Te Wharepora Hou, 2016). I take part in [social worker training] because what I went through, I don’t In constructing the reform agenda, parental want other families going through the voices were largely disregarded. The same. I want to make a difference where Expert Panel featured no panellists with social workers will actually sit up and experience of CYF support, demonstrating take notice of what families are saying the narrow view of expertise adopted. to them and work with them instead of The final report made the welcome judging them. What I get out of that is recommendation to boost young people’s knowing I have the confidence to actually voices through Youth Advisory Panels, speak to a social worker, whoever they but proposed no similar initiative for are, and give them suggestions on the greater parental advocacy. Perhaps, best way to go about a certain situation this discrepancy reflects the view that before they go in to see a family so there’s mechanisms such as FGCs give parents too a better working relationship between the much voice vis-à-vis children. However, two… (Activist(a)) this logic presumes that current settings effectively ensure parental participation. Similarly, activists advocate for peer support Yet, the few parents the Panel interviewed in social work systems, whereby parents expressed the same sense of exclusion with experience of social work interventions including feeling “powerless and helpless help others navigate the system. Compared in the face of CYF” (6), confused, angry, to what professionals alone can offer, peer defeated, desperate (51) and unable to support is intrinsically empathetic. A recent participate (6). Ultimately, parents “felt parent-led project to overhaul the New York many of the decisions made were pre- care system offers inspirational evidence of determined, the process was slow and the value peer support networks and parental bureaucratic, and they lacked a voice” (51). expertise bring to policy and practice (Tobis, 2013). As one parent in that project stated, ATD’s approach emphasises participatory “I’m here to level out the playing field. I’m inclusion. The NGO supports activists to here to give parents a voice. They have rights share their critical analysis and reform too” (Tobis, 2013, p. xi).

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Maximising collaborative practice p. 64), eroding possibilities for creativity, collaboration, and relationship-building …a tendency to talk about us, but not between social workers and families (Oak, to us. It’s part of a culture of having 2016). Mantras of efficiency, targets and everything done to us; we’re not part of outcomes, and predetermined governmental anything. (ATD & Sajovic, 2014, p. 116) priorities and timescales, further restrict remaining opportunities to action families’ Control-heavy systems frequently impose priorities (Cottam, 2011; O’Brien, 2016). processes and interventions on families rather than handing families power to ATD does not provide state social shape the support they receive. In England, services. Consequently, core workers povertyism, individualised blame, and the have considerable freedom to foreground devaluation of family inclusion in social empathy, human interaction and work practice have legitimised a model collaboration over processes and pre-set that thrusts pre-defined change plans agendas. This flexibility permits radical upon families (Featherstone et al., 2014). practice, particularly creative, lateral and However, imposing solutions frustrates highly varied work, crafted alongside social work’s aspiration to promote each family, responding to their lives’ transformation through collaboration and contingencies: relationships (Hyslop, 2009). The experience of constantly being “done to” disengages You gave us holidays at Frimhurst and families, producing profoundly negative you personally have been to court with psychological effects: us, you’ve come to meetings with us with social services, you visited us when we My relationship with social services made were in “prison” [the family assessment me feel angry, degraded and suicidal at unit]. [Core worker] has supported one point because I was being told what [activist’s wife] with her confidence, to do, when to do it and being treated getting her out of the house when she like a child instead of like an adult. Being was having her panic attacks, taken her told to do x, y and z by somebody that over the Millennium Bridge while it was was younger than me, had no kids and rocking, taken her to McDonalds. You’ve the only experience they had got was by supported our son through the loss of his reading out of a textbook. (Activist(a)) brothers, you still support him and take him out places so that when he feels he Given their bureaucratising bent, the can’t talk to us he talks to you and you Aotearoa New Zealand reforms may well help him try to find a way to come out promote imposition, regulation and coercion with it to us. (Activist(c)) (Hyslop, 2009; Keddell, 2014; Oak, 2016). The proliferation of Predictive Risk Modelling Collaborating with families requires the tools and Assessment Frameworks (Keddell, willingness and capability to take seriously 2014; Oak, 2016), follows overseas patterns of their wishes and implement them. Activists “system-driven” managerialism, which co- attest to ATD’s ability to listen and respond: opts standardised, computerised processes “Everything we want, you are there for… for itemising, predicting and managing risk If I ask you to come some place with me, in monitored families (Cottam, 2011, p.138; you come. And that’s what I appreciate.” Oak, 2016). Contemporaneously, support (Activist(c)). One mother recounted an early narrows to uniform interventions addressing experience with the NGO; a core worker pre-defined risk-indicators, rather than asked her how he could help: families’ real issues (Keddell, 2014). Such systems promote “a dispassionate and I told them I just wanted a whole day disengaged form of practice” (Hyslop, 2009, on my own. I had not had a whole day

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without my children or without people disadvantaged and the ones that struggle knocking on my door or giving me grief have somehow become a danger to for so long. And they did. They took the society… I don’t think social workers and kids out for a day. I was gobsmacked. teachers and doctors and nurses should (Activist(b)) have that in mind when they approach someone who is vulnerable. Essentially, this approach gives families decision-making control, rather than Evidently, how social workers and prising it away, recognising that freedom policymakers treat and internally construct to compose initiatives for one’s own life is people receiving services affects the “the key to transformation” (Cottam, 2011, service delivered (Featherstone et al., 2014; p. 139). To some degree, such flexibility Keddell, 2014). Regardless of the ideological can be integrated into social workers’ best environment, practitioners can control their practice. However, committing to advancing perception of those with whom they work. a family’s requests can elude practitioners ATD demonstrates, practically, how to avoid because working beyond institutional pathologising people in poverty. Guided biases—particularly reluctance to relinquish by the conviction that all people are equal, control in risk-averse situations—requires core workers foreground acceptance, non- extra effort, or may be practically limited judgement and strengths-based principles, by solutions at social workers’ disposal freeing activists to take ownership on their (Krumer-Nevo, 2008). own terms (Skelton, 2016, p. 117). Core workers realise this through not seeking to Furthermore, certain ideologies underlying change or fix who activists are (Krumer- reforms in Aotearoa New Zealand may Nevo, 2009): vitiate willingness to hand families greater autonomy, particularly the “social I was being accepted rather than investment” and “early intervention” changed. I wasn’t being changed to fit approaches, which promote early investment what someone else thought I should in “high risk” families to foster optimal be; I was changing because I was being long-term social outcomes (Expert Panel, helped to realise that I needed to. It 2015, p. 10). Commentators have observed was my choice to change; not theirs. an unspoken imperative underlying such (Activist(b)) ideologies, namely the neutralisation of social problems posed by “troubled” This acceptance entails a willingness to meet families, so identified by “risk factors” that activists where they are: happen to correspond with characteristics of multiple deprivation (O’Brien, 2016; …with ATD you can go back and you Featherstone et al., 2014). This rhetorical don’t feel like a failure, you don’t feel process implicitly marks vulnerable families like you’ve let people down; you know as “dangerous,” and permits potential that you’ll be accepted… I’ve never had justification of coercive practice by reference ATD say to me, “Oh, you were doing to the greater social good. Activist(b) notes so well...” I’ve had social workers say it, how such logic can pervert the role of social I’ve had teachers say it, I’ve had a tutor services: at university say it, but I’ve never had ATD say it. They say, “I’m glad you told …society is expecting these structures me; let’s see where we’re at.” That’s very to be police forces and not support different. It’s acceptance; not acceptance networks. Society has expected social that you’re a failure but acceptance that workers to protect children but now people do take backward steps and may they’re expecting them to protect need support again to move forward society from us. It’s like the poor, the again. (Activist(b))

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Lack of judgement is integral to activists’ ATD’s conviction that everyone has relationship with core workers and their something to offer underpins its programmes, willingness to engage with ATD: including its Skill-Sharing Workshops and Access to Volunteering, where activists You know our situation, you know how volunteer in the community garden, the much we mucked up when we first got maintenance and refurbishment of the involved with social services with our buildings, or the office (ATD, 2016). Activists kids and everything else but you’ve get the chance to develop and share skills been on that journey with us. There they have already. By tapping into people’s are people out there that, as soon as strengths, the projects build confidence: they find out you’ve got social services involved, they don’t want to know and …it wasn’t just about skill sharing. It they will judge you. You guys don’t was [core worker] showing me how to judge. (Activist(c)) do things or taking some of my skills on board and letting me do things Similarly, in an Aotearoa New Zealand and, through that, it helped me get the study, social service recipients recounting confidence to get off my big, fat backside positive experiences with practitioners and get a job … when you’ve been out highlighted non-judgemental approaches of work a long time, it does help you get (Keddell, 2011). Such research demonstrates job-ready because you’re doing things that practitioners can and do integrate non- … you’re doing physical things and judgemental service provision into their best bringing all those skills you’ve learned in practice, and when they do, service-users the past back to life. (Activist(c)) notice and appreciate it, suggesting this should be encouraged and fostered. Gupta (2015) and others have advocated a capability-style approach for social work Finally, ATD’s practice is inherently (Cottam, 2011; Featherstone et al., 2014). strengths-based, recognising and Indeed, strengths-based practice resonates emphasising the capacities and potential with social work’s emancipatory aspirations. residing in families, espousing a faith in However, Cottam (2011) argues that what people can be, but also in what they recognising families’ strengths remains a contribute already (ATD & Sajovic, 2014; “radical departure” (p. 140) for most social Skelton, 2015, p. 71). Krumer-Nevo (2009) service systems that operate with deficit- describes how ATD’s core workers: based approaches and “the dead weight of expectation that [families] can’t change” …behave in a respectful, humane way (p. 138). These expectations are corrosive: in circumstances that for other members “being judged as someone who’s done of society, including professional social something wrong and ‘you can never change workers would require special efforts. so we don’t want to know you’ is... a terrible In their encounters with marginalized situation” (Activist(e)). Accordingly, ATD’s members of society, considered in most approach stands out: cases and by most people to be “failures”, members of the Fourth World recognize The big difference is that within [ATD], their powers and their capabilities that people believe in you and trust you. With are worthy of respect and appreciation, social work, there’s already a feeling that and they focus precisely on those. This is you’ve already messed things up and not always simple… But Fourth World the only potential you have is to mess volunteers wait patiently until something things up even more. So the emphasis remarkable emerges, and then they is not on you giving the best of yourself concentrate on relating to this trait [thus but on preventing you giving the worst. enhancing] its presence. (pp. 311–312) (Activist(b))

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Relational approaches is important. Policing-style approaches reinforce power imbalances, impeding “I made friends and friends that have trust between families and social workers lasted years. When you have been (Gupta et al., 2016). In England, the urgency very isolated for a long while and you underlying risk-averse, early-intervention make genuine friends, that’s precious.” rescue models has truncated the time needed (Activist(b)) for trusting relationships, featuring instead “an unforgiving approach to time and to Constructing and bolstering relationships parents—improve quickly or within the underpins ATD’s model (ATD, 2009), set time limits.” (Featherstone et al., 2014, reflecting a “relational welfare” approach p. 1739). that eschews the isolating, “transactional” approach of neoliberal social services Recognising that such controlling approaches (Cottam, 2011, p. 136) to promote are ineffective, ATD follows non-linear, meaningful relationships within families and long-term paths to progress, operating on communities, and between social workers families’ timescales: and families (Cottam, 2011; Featherstone et al., 2014). When you are accessing support from social services you are expected to fit ATD fosters trusting relationships between certain criteria, make certain changes and core workers and activists that many then go away as if everything is fine and commentators would identify as integral hunky dory. ATD understands that it to effective social work (Cottam, 2011; has taken many years for people to get to Featherstone et al, 2014; Keddell, 2014; where they’re at. You can make changes Oak, 2016): short-term but your long-term habits will creep back and back and back. ATD With ATD, I find that I can trust you lot. knows that it will take time... (Activist(b)) Other places where I have gone in the past, there hasn’t been that trust there. Admittedly, ATD’s freedom, as an NGO, to Trust means I wouldn’t be left there on work this way is not applicable wholesale my own to cope with difficult questions; to social workers. Nevertheless, analysing if I was getting stuck with anything there some of its relationship-building work does would be somebody there that I know or highlight weak points in time-pressured, could trust to help me or give me advice... risk-averse models, awareness of which (Activist(a)) might enable social workers consciously to avoid or minimise them. Core workers can form trusting relationships because ATD’s radical approach to For example, core workers often find working in solidarity with activists eschews themselves filling gaps social workers leave hierarchies and power imbalances (Krumer- behind, including unaddressed issues that Nevo, 2009). Social workers represent the families consider important, which arguably state, thus overcoming such obstacles is fall within social workers’ purview, such as challenging (Healy, 2001). However, genuine budget management, rent arrears, eviction, faith in families, willingness to implement child benefit claims and other benefit their wishes, and strengths-based practice assessments (ATD, 2016). Core workers also can level playing fields. Furthermore, the fact frequently help families do things that social that social workers carry the force of the state workers have requested but not supported can be a strong suit; on the side of families, them to achieve. Activist(c) recounts how they can achieve more than representatives social services required he take weeks off work from NGOs like ATD could hope to offer. to complete parenting assessments, without However, how such power is marshalled helping to arrange financial assistance: “You

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helped me get my benefits sorted out; social (and therefore, relationship) breakdowns, services did nothing when it came to that. All including avoiding jargon, employing parent [they] gave me was a letter but you helped advocates, and encouraging families to me get it sorted out.” These experiences beg express themselves and their desires to ensure the question of what happens to families mutual understanding and empathy (Gupta & without additional assistance beyond social ATD, 2015). services, reinforcing the need for practitioners to contextualise targeted interventions within ATD also strives to bolster family the totality of a family’s life, to avoid gaps or relationships. Activists maintain that the unintended consequences. disproportionate removal of children from low-income families due to neglect violates The long-term ramifications of time-poor the right to family life, destroying identities, models create self-reinforcing spirals that histories and connections between parent accelerate relationship breakdown. With and child, siblings and wider kinship insufficient time to build relationships and networks (Gupta et al., 2016; Featherstone understanding, social workers and families et al., 2013; Skelton, 2015, p. 60). Like often inhabit separate universes. Mis- commentators such as Tobis (2013), Te communication is common due to unclear Wharepou Hou (2016) and others, the NGO articulation of expectations, professional questions the socially constructed legitimacy jargon rendering explanations of processes and of responding to allegations of neglect by procedures unintelligible, or misinterpretation removing children from their whánau. of parents’ emotions, such as defensiveness or On this front, the Aotearoa New Zealand anger (Gupta & ATD, 2015; Gupta et al., 2016). reforms are potentially regressive, including Through their relationships with families, core the VCA’s “subsequent children” provisions, workers frequently work to “bridge the gap” and vagueness surrounding whether early between social workers and families (ATD, intervention translates into early provision 2012), “translating” what professionals say and of support, or a fast-tracking of draconian diffusing tensions: measures. Furthermore, the introduction of the paramountcy principle and the focus on Having someone with a brain come to “vulnerable children”, suggest movement a meeting with us and explaining what towards child-centred models (Martin, 2016), social services mean if we are uptight which can artificially sever children and about it helps. It means I don’t lose my their well-being from their relational context temper and just walk out of meetings. within families, pitting parents against It’s just having a neutral person there children and disincentivising family support who sees it from [both] point[s] of view approaches vis-à-vis child-rescue initiatives … someone who understands how social (Featherstone et al., 2014; Gupta, 2015). services work, someone that realises if you say it that way, you ain’t getting ATD refuses to view children in isolation nowhere but if you’re more diplomatic from their familial relationships, instead you might get somewhere else. striving to strengthen those relationships (Activist(d)) by giving families opportunities to enjoy each other’s company outside the stresses Ideally, communication between social of their home environment (ATD, 2016). workers and families would not require For example, the “Getting Away From It” translating. Practitioners could consider programme organises residential breaks tools and techniques that organisations like for families at Frimhurst Family House, ATD apply when acting as intermediaries. a country home in Surrey. One parent For example, where more time cannot be described how the week away “gives us a dedicated to families, changes to the delivery recharge … As parents and as a couple, it of information can still vitiate communication gives me and my husband more time to talk

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to each other and more time to spend with things as you have … When you’ve our son.” (ATD, 2016, n.p.) A 12-year-old girl gone through things together you echoes these sentiments: “This stay had a become very, very close, when you’ve good impact on my family because we never lost your children and other people spend any time together. We had fun doing have lost their children too … In ATD activities together” (ATD, 2016, n.p.). I found the people around me had actually uplifted me because they were Alongside core worker/activist relationships able to say, “I’ve been through that and familial bonds, ATD fosters community too.” (Activist(e)) by “[c]reating the conditions for families to form new friendships, build[ing] new Impacts for practitioners in connections and see[ing] themselves within a broader network of support” Aotearoa New Zealand (ATD, 2016, n.p.). Through its programmes Social workers cannot absorb uncritically and campaigns, activists enter a cross- all practice approaches adopted by radical generational network built upon shared social movements operating external to experiences and group projects: state-provided social work systems. Indeed, pretending one can deliver services like an When you get ATD support, you’re in a NGO might create false promises or lead relationship with a whole bunch of other families to misconstrue their relationship people. It can be aggravating and it can with their social worker. Such relationships drive you mad. But it’s always there and inevitably include elements of control it lasts… We’re like an extended family, largely absent between activists and core we have our arguments and quarrels … workers (Healy, 2001). Additionally, We’re a community. I’ve lived on my inflexible, top-down systems constrain estate for nearly twenty-two years, I don’t social workers. As Activist(b) notes: have a solid community around me. I travel all the way across London … to There is a lot that social services could the headquarters of ATD Fourth World take from the way ATD works with and am surrounded by a community... families … But, as much as I have great (Activist(b)) faith in the Social Worker Training Programme and altering how social Relationships between activists are as workers think about their practice is important as those with core workers. great, unless you can alter the culture Sharing in the giving and receiving of within which they have to work then support means that no one is solely a I’m not sure that social work will “recipient” of services: benefit. Social workers will benefit and families will benefit and families I got the opportunity to do something training social workers will make a not just for myself: help with the difference but the best social workers mailout, answer the phones, meet-and- in the world when they are working in greet, make tea, go with core workers an environment that is destructive and to visit families and encourage them to doesn’t allow them to be a good social come to Frimhurst, to be part of things. worker... (Activist(b)) Nevertheless, when tensions arise between Furthermore, the understanding born of social workers’ aspirations and systemic shared experience is key: ideologies, individual practitioners often activate personal mechanisms to navigate You could talk to anyone because many and negotiate the system, and resolve of them were going through the same tensions to uphold social work aspirations.

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Indeed, activists are not universally of poverty and inequality through negative about social workers and do relate advocacy for social transformation. positive experiences. These reflections Accordingly, we urge social workers not often involve examples of social workers to shy from speaking out against reforms displaying respect and trust for the family, that could make core social justice tenets by listening and finding ways to implement of their profession nigh impossible. their wishes (Gupta & ATD, 2015, pp. Furthermore, we note that ATD is indebted 136–137). This suggests that considerable to the intelligence, sensitivity, and resilience difference is possible through practitioners of activists, who contribute so much supplementing their own best practice time and energy to the shared project of approaches with elements that reflect ATD’s eradicating poverty. As Skelton (2016) philosophical fundamentals, namely respect explains, “[f]ar from being ‘beneficiaries,’ for people in poverty and a willingness to people in poverty drive ATD Fourth follow families’ guidance. World forward” (p. 111). The social work profession could be radically transformed Furthermore, though local reforms seem by mainstreaming a similar recognition to shift child protection policies towards that the people with whom they work are control, Healy (2001, n.p.) notes, that social workers’ greatest allies to achieving “crises for critical social work also present the profession’s aspiration of a flourishing opportunities.” The outcome of these society. reforms is no forgone conclusion. The policies contain significant elements that Conclusion could have divergent effects depending on their frontline implementation, particularly Rapid, profound legislative and social policy directives such as “social investment” change in Aotearoa New Zealand indicates and “early intervention.” While the a shift towards policies promoting social contemporaneous logic of control, time control and deprioritising collaborative restrictions, and “early intervention” practice. Nevertheless, ATD’s work in can create a “perfect storm” of rapid and England demonstrates that families can be draconian interventions (Featherstone supported to navigate neoliberal, risk-averse et al., 2014, p. 1736), early intervention social work systems, and that mitigating investment approaches could equally negative aspects of such systems is possible. suggest greater time with families (because In this endeavour, ATD’s practice and interventions precede crises) and a focus on philosophy offers techniques for adapting relationship-building and material support to harsh environments, overcoming to prevent social ills stemming from social attitudes that unnecessarily hamper caring exclusion and deprivation. Furthermore, practice, and the inspiration to speak out whether interventions and investments with those who suffer. We contend that are strengths-based or deficit-based, much of these techniques can be integrated or foreground material deprivation or (adapted, as necessary) into individual social character defects, may be key determiners workers’ best practice and that a bottom-up for whether the reforms operate institutional culture shift offers a tangible progressively or oppressively. Practitioners means of preserving and enhancing the might consider using this moment of profession’s radical aspirations within the transition to nudge implementation current (and future) social work system. of malleable aspects of the reforms in Ultimately, much rests on a concerted effort emancipatory rather than oppressive to acknowledge the complex structural directions. factors that shape people’s lives, the ability to accept all people as equal in dignity and Finally, embedded in ATD’s model is the humanity, and the willingness to listen to validation of activists’ lived experiences what they have to say.

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References Social Work, 3(1), 131–139. doi:10.1332/20498601 5X14212365837689 ATD Fourth World. (2005). Getting the right trainers, London, UK: Author. Gupta, A., Blumhardt H., & ATD Fourth World. (2016). Giving poverty a voice: families’ experiences of social ATD Fourth World. (2009). Annual review. Available on work practice in a risk-averse child protection system. request from [email protected] Families, Relationships and Societies, 5(1), 163-172. ATD Fourth World. (2012). Annual review. Retrieved from doi:10.1332/204674316X14540714620166 http://www.atd-fourthworld.org/wp-content/uploads/ Healy, K. (2001). Reinventing critical social work: Challenges sites/5/2015/07/2012-annual-review.pdf from practice, context and postmodernism. Critical Social ATD Fourth World. (2016). Annual review. Available on Work, 2(1). request from [email protected] Hyslop, I. (2009). Child protection policy and practice: ATD Fourth World, & Sajovic, E. (2014). The roles we play: A relationship lost in translation. Social Policy Journal of Recognising the contribution of people in poverty. New Zealand, 34, 61–72. London, UK: Author. Keddell, E. (2011). Reasoning processes in child protection Beddoe, L. (2014). Feral families, troubled families: The decision making: Negotiating moral minefields and spectre of the underclass in New Zealand. New Zealand risky relationships. British Journal of Social Work, 41, Sociology, 29(3), 51–68. 1251–1270. doi:10.1093/bjsw/bcr012 Blaiklock, A., Kiro, C., Belgrave, M, Low, W., Davenport, Keddell, E. (2014). The ethics of predictive risk modelling E., & Hassall, I. (2002). When the invisible hand rocks in the Aotearoa/New Zealand child welfare context: the cradle: New Zealand children in a time of change. Child abuse prevention or neo-liberal tool? Critical (UNICEF, Innocenti Working Paper No. 93). Social Policy, 35(1), 69-88. doi:10.1177/ Boston, J., & Chapple, S. (2014). Child poverty in 0261018314543224 New Zealand. Wellington, NZ: Bridget Williams Books. Krumer-Nevo, M. (2005). Listening to “life knowledge”: Children’s Commissioner’s Expert Advisory Group on A new research direction in poverty studies. International Solutions to Child Poverty (2012). Solutions to child Journal of Social Welfare, 14, 99–106. poverty in New Zealand: Evidence for action. Retrieved Krumer-Nevo, M. (2008). From noise to voice: How social from http://www.occ.org.nz/assets/Uploads/EAG/Final- work can benefit from the knowledge of people living report/Final-report-Solutions-to-child-poverty-evidence- in poverty. International Social Work, 51(4), 556–565. for-action.pdf doi:10.1177/0020872808090248 Connolly, M. (2006). Fifteen years of family group Krumer-Nevo, M. (2009). Four scenes and an epilogue: conferencing: Coordinators talk about their experiences Autoethnography of a critical social work agenda in Aotearoa New Zealand. British Journal of Social Work, regarding poverty. Qualitative Social Work, 8(3), 36(4), 523–540. 305–320. doi:10.1177/1473325009337839 Cottam, H. (2011). Relational welfare. Soundings, 48, 134–144. Martin, S. (2016). Shifting power relations in New Zealand Expert Panel on Modernising Child Youth and Family. (2015). child welfare policy: The process and implications of the Final report: Investing in New Zealand’s children 2014 amendment to s13 of the CYP&tF Act. Aotearoa and their families. Retrieved from https://www.msd.govt.nz/ New Zealand Social Work, 28(2), 40–50. documents/about-msd-and-our-work/work-programmes/ Mason, W., & Bywaters, P. (2016). Poverty, child abuse investing-in-children/investing-in-children-report.pdf and neglect: patterns of cost and spending. Families, Featherstone, B. (2016). Telling different stories about Relationships and Societies, 5(1), 155–161. doi:10.1332/ poverty, inequality, child abuse and neglect. Families, 204674316X14540714620201 Relationships and Societies, 5(1), 147–153. doi:10.1332/ Minister for Social Development (2016, September 21). 204674316X14540714620085 717 NZPD (Hansard). Retrieved from https://www. Featherstone, B., Morris, K., & White, S. (2013). Moving parliament.nz/en/pb/hansard-debates/rhr/combined/ from the individual to the relational: Child protection HansD_20160921_20160921 re-imagined. In Participle (Ed.), The relational welfare Moyle, P. (2015). Máori-lived-experiences of the Family blog: Collection of posts (pp. 18–20). Retrieved from Group Conference: A selection of findings. Unpublished http://www.participle.net/our-vision manuscript. Retrieved from https://www.academia. Featherstone, B., Morris, K., & White, S. (2014). A marriage edu/10578356/M%C4%81ori-Lived-Experiences_of_the_ made in hell: Early intervention meets child protection. Family_Group_Conference_A_selection_of_findings. British Journal of Social Work, 44, 1735–1749. Munby, J. (2016). Care cases—The looming crisis (14th View doi:10.1093/bjsw/bct052 from the President of the Family Division). Retrieved from Frykberg, E. (2016, October 12). “I see… a poverty of https://www.judiciary.gov.uk/wp-content/uploads/2014/08/ parental responsibility”. Radio New Zealand. Retrieved pfd-view-15-care-cases-looming-crisis.pdf. from http://www.radionz.co.nz/news/political/315489/ Oak, E. (2016). A minority report for social work? The ’i-see-a-poverty-of-parental-responsibility’ predictive risk model (PRM) and the Tuituia assessment Gupta, A. (2015). Learning from others: An autoethnographic framework in addressing the needs of New Zealand’s exploration of children and families social work, vulnerable children. British Journal of Social Work, 46, poverty and the capability approach. Qualitative 1208–1223. doi:10.1093/bjsw/bcv028 Social Work. [Advance online publication]. O’Brien, M. (2016). The triplets: Investment in outcomes for doi:10.1177/1473325015620946 the vulnerable—Reshaping social services for (some) Gupta, A., & ATD Fourth World. (2015). Poverty and New Zealand children. Aotearoa New Zealand Social shame—Messages for social work. Critical and Radical Work, 28(2), 9–21.

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Pelton, L. (2015). The continuing role of material factors in child maltreatment and placement. Child Abuse and Neglect, 41, 30–39. Rashbrooke, M. (2013). Why inequality matters. In M. Rashbrooke (Ed.), Inequality: A New Zealand crisis (pp. 1–19). Wellington, NZ: Bridget Williams Books. Skelton, D. F. (2015). Artisans of peace: Overcoming poverty, Vol. 1: A people-centered movement. Pierrelaye, France: ATD Fourth World. Skelton, D. F. (2016). Artisans of peace: Overcoming poverty, Vol. 2: Defending human rights. Pierrelaye, France: ATD Fourth World. Te Wharepora Hou: Máori Women’s Network. (2016, October 9). #Hands Off Our Tamariki: An Open Letter [Web log post]. Retrieved from https://tewhareporahou.wordpress. com/2016/10/09/hands-off-our-tamariki-an-open-letter/ Tobis, D. (2013). From pariahs to partners: How parents and their allies changed New York City’s child welfare system. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Tolley, A. (2015, April 1). Independent expert panel to lead major CYF overhaul. [Press release]. Retrieved from https://www.beehive.govt.nz/release/independent-expert- panel-lead-major-cyf-overhaul Walsh-Tapiata, W. (2004). The past the present and the future: The New Zealand indigenous experience of social work. Social Work Review, 16(4), 30–37. Warner, J. (2015). The emotional politics of social work and child protection. Bristol, UK: Policy Press.

End Notes i The government established the Panel to review Aotearoa NZ’s care and protection system, following criticism of CYF’s performance protecting vulnerable children (Tolley, 2015).

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Reshaping political ideology in social work: A critical perspective

Filipe Duarte Carleton University, Canada

ABSTRACT

INTRODUCTION: The article contends that social work is politically constructed, that its values, principles and commitments are deeply shaped by ideology through the political dimension at all levels of social work intervention, and that social work needs not only to embrace, but also to reshape its political ideology, discourse and political movements.

APPROACH: It is argued that the articulation of social work values and principles are an expression of ideology, and that political ontology of social workers’ lives precedes their epistemological and methodological choices. From this premise, the article claims that socialism informs progressive social work values, and that a materialist analysis can influence our understanding of social problems and social relations within deregulated capitalist societies.

CONCLUSIONS: Firstly, this article synthesises the Marxist approach of ideology and its relations with ideology in social work. Secondly, it draws out the key insights about the so-called “radical” or “structural” perspective in social work, and the commitments and challenges of its advocates. Finally, it explores and proposes insights on the political ideology of social work for the 21st century.

KEYWORDS: social work; ideology; political ontology; radical social work; socialism

In order to appreciate that social work is struggles between human beings as to the politically constructed, one must understand means by which rights and wellbeing were two main propositions. First, social work progressively acknowledged or achieved. values and principles are an historical Throughout the history of the profession, and social cultural expression of ideology. social work has been committed to promote Social work values emerge from inside a human rights, social justice and address political ontology. As McKendrick and the root causes of poverty, oppression and Webb (2014, p. 357) argue, “social work inequalities (Gray & Webb, 2013a). involves articulating an ontology of the political subject.” By political ontology, The political ontology of social workers is I point to the social organisation, which logically antecedent to epistemological and contextualises and specifies an ontology methodological choices. Social work finds of being. The recognition of a political itself inside politically generated social AOTEAROA NEW ZEALAND SOCIAL ontology for practice was expressed earlier systems or agencies, organisations, and the WORK 29(2), 34–44. in the development of the profession in the apparatus of the state. This claim is deeply work of Jessica Taft and Virginia Robinson, rooted in the ontological assumptions the founders of the “functional school” at about the nature of the political reality in CORRESPONDENCE TO: the Pennsylvania School of Social Work all societies (Hay, 2006). The recognition Filipe Duarte [email protected] in the 1930s (Lundy, 2011). Second, social of a political ontology in turn undergirds work commitments have their origins in McKendrick and Webb’s (2014) ideas

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about forms of life which make possible do to make social work? How do they the lineaments of what may count as a just reflect on, talk about, and create abstractions society. By examining the political ontology and generalisations from their practice to of social work, social workers can examine constitute the social work profession as their political ideas and values. Hay (2006, such? How is social work made and what p. 80) explains that, “ontology relates is it made of? What are its constituent parts to being, to what is, to what exists, to and how do social workers make them fit the constituent units of reality; political together? What kinds of values, principles, ontology, by extension, relates to political commitments, theories and approaches being, to what is politically, to what exists govern its functioning and its changes? politically, and to the units that comprise What imaginary or ideology drives social political reality.” workers and their projects? These questions immediately establish a simple analytical Political ontology thereby provides a agenda for social work to assume a political conceptual ground to begin to examine the stance (Duarte, 2016; Gray & Webb, 2013a; ways that ideology shapes social work. An McKendrick & Webb, 2014). However, Hay understanding of the social work values, (2006, p. 81) reminds us that “no political principles, commitments, theories and analysis can proceed in the absence of approaches is an exercise shaped by ideology. assumptions about political ontology”. Such reflection shows the constitutive Among others, Hay (2006, p. 81) suggests features of how social work is politically that one of the ontological issues by which constructed at all levels of its intervention. political analysts formulate assumptions In this sense, Hay (2006, pp. 80–81) explains is related to “the relationship between that “the analyst’s ontological position is, structure and agency, context, and conduct”. then, her answer to the question: What is Thus, social workers make ontological the nature of the social and political reality assumptions in either direct intervention to be investigated? Alternatively, what or the field of education and research, and exists that we might acquire knowledge these assumptions shape their approach of?”. Clearly, it can be argued that the to political analysis and cannot simply political ontology of social work precedes the be justified by an appeal to an evidential epistemological and methodological choices. base (Hay, 2006). McKendrick and Webb Manifestations of ideology are found in the (2014) acknowledge that the aspects of social forms of life, especially the work of social structure and agency justify the need social workers. Arguably, the profession for reshaping political ideology in social was born with a political stance. As Lundy work. Likewise, Gray and Webb (2013a) (2011, p. 52) explains, “social workers emphasise the need for “redefining the such as Jane Addams, Bertha Reynolds, project of the Left in social work in terms Sophonisba Breckinridge, and Mary van of a ‘radicalisation’ of theory and practice” Kleck were leaders in the early human rights (McKendrick & Webb, 2014, p. 358). movements,” and in political and social work activism. However, nowadays that political The epistemology of social work refers to stance remains a notoriously difficult the “philosophy” of its knowledge. It refers construct to capture. to the assumptions that social work makes about the knowledge of reality, its social The detailed elaboration of these arguments norms and problems. What legitimates entails some complexity, but the central its knowledge, theory and practice? The tenet is quite simple. Social workers need answer is epistemology. The point is that to engage in a reflexive examination of the the claims of social workers are shaped ontological roots of their political ideology. by manifestations of a working and How to manoeuvre inside the ontology of applied ideology, and they embody a place, location, and work? What do people preference for certain political explanations

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(Gray & Webb, 2013a; Hay, 2006; informed by competing or complementary McKendrick & Webb, 2014). As Hay conceptualisations of identity politics. As (2006, p. 83) observed, “epistemological Ferguson (2009a) observed, Gray and Webb’s assumptions are invariably ontologically (2009) article (“The return of the political”) loaded.” This implies that social work must was a welcome contribution to this debate. reflect about the nature of its ontology to As Ferguson does emphasise however, in establish or reshape the significance of its order to assume a political stance, social ideology. work needs “to draw on whatever theoretical resources of wider critique are currently To advance this reflection this article available; social work’s theory base is not, examines the political ideology of social and cannot be, a closed system” (Ferguson, work. Elements of this argument were 2009a, p. 212). explained and illustrated in greater detail in “The return of the political in social work” The discussion proposed here focuses on (Gray & Webb, 2009), “The new politics the political stance of social work and its of social work” (Gray & Webb, 2013b), ideological identity. I regard ideology as McKendrick and Webb’s (2014) article inherent to social work values, principles “Taking a political stance in social work,” and commitments but also to its theories and and extended in Duarte’s (2016) article, approaches. The idea of taking a political “(Building) a political agenda for social stance requires reshaping social work work”. ideology, a formal, ideologically derived conceptual framework which constitutes and Thus, the debate offered by this article lies reflects social work values, principles and not only in whether social work is a product commitments, its theories and approaches of what can be termed as left-wing ideology (Lundy, 2011). The potential of reshaping but where on that spectrum the readership and assuming a clear political ideology for of the article perceives social work as being social work constitutes the commitment formed. to an active participation of social work in the political and public arenas. Such The role of ideology in social work commitments are necessary in order to represent and speak on behalf of the most The point about ideology is that vulnerable, who fall outside the “neoliberal “mainstream” social work in western normativity,” i.e., the poor and the homeless, countries has failed to clarify its own the unemployed, racialised people, women, ideology and to reflect critically on the children and youth, the LGBTQ community, origins of their own values, principles and ethnic minorities, older adults, people with commitments (Carey & Foster, 2011/2013; disabilities, and the refugees and migrants Gray & Webb, 2009; Gray & Webb, 2013a; moving across international borders, McKendrick & Webb, 2014; Peters, 2008). fleeing conflicts and persecution or other Peters (2008, p. 179) argues that “social work life-threatening situations (Gray & Webb, has identified itself as both an academic 2013b; McKendrick & Webb, 2014). discipline and a profession and in doing so has created a space where science, theory, This leads us to think about ideology. ideology and ethics exist together.” As Taylor-Gooby (1985) explains, the idea of ideology involves the claim that The expression of a political direction people’s ideas, beliefs, attitudes and values following from the political ontology cannot be taken for granted, but they may of social work needs to be negotiated. contend a coherent explanation. Thus, in Such negotiation and participation order to interpret those explanations, one occur at the macro, mezzo and micro requires an understanding of ideology. The levels of the political realm, but are also presumption that social work needs to be

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able to participate in the political and public according to the logic, intentionality, and arenas “without shame” has become central in vivo orientations of actors, but according to contemporary debates about the nature of to the analytic projects of the researcher. the politics of social work (Ferguson, 2009a; As reconfigured, the various types of data Gray & Webb, 2009, 2013a; McKendrick & are joined through “mystical” connections. Webb, 2014; Peters, 2008). Finally, a generalised and abstract theoretical formulation is generated which, post facto, is The common view of ideologies is that applied to explain that which was observed. they are systems of belief that guide our choices and behaviours, and indeed Of course, if ideology is pervasive and justify our thoughts, actions and theories unavoidable, and hence if ideology is used (Bailey & Gayle, 2008; Goodwin, 2007; in the sense developed by Mannheim (1936), Lundy, 2011). As Bailey and Gayle (2008) then it is impossible to not be ideological, explain, structures, systems of power and or to have one’s work be ideological. Yet, if advantage play a central role in maintaining ideology is approached via Marx and Engels the development of points of view. Carey (1846, 1976) as problematic, or as arising and Foster (2011, 2013) also emphasised from idealism, or a turning away from a that ideology can be used to manipulate, reflexive, historical, dialectical materialism distort or generate illusionary thought or then it is postulated that there is a possibility feelings or actions. Thus, as Eagleton (1991) of working non-ideologically. elucidated, ideology has a whole range of useful meanings, and not all formulations It is in this second negative view of are compatible with one another. ideology that it is important to recognise the world through an ideological lens. Why? In contrast, Marx and Engels (1846, 1976) Because ideology relates to power and the saw ideology as a problematic or faulty distribution of power in society. As Eagleton method for generating accounts of the world. (1991, p. 5) observes, “ideology has to do For them, and for a generation of Marxists with legitimating the power of a dominant that followed, ideology was a pejorative, social group or class.” Further, he also rather than an inevitable or necessary explains that: element of social thought. Thus ideology was most often associated with idealism: [A] dominant power may legitimate that is, with the circulation of ideas, of itself by promoting beliefs and values thought, of concepts, rather than with the congenial to it; naturalizing and lives and activities of actual people. Ideology universalizing such beliefs so as to came to be characterised as a manifestation render them self-evident and apparently of a ruling class, as hegemonic, and as inevitable; denigrating ideas which might oppressive. challenge it; excluding rival forms of thought, perhaps by some unspoken Smith (1990), who worked from Marx and but systematic logic; and obscuring Engels, focused on ideological practices. social reality in ways convenient to itself. The first step in ideological practices follows (1991, pp. 5–6) from entering into any social space or social interaction to lift out certain details or data By questioning the relationship between from that space. Just why this or that is ideology and the power of the dominant selected as noteworthy or significant may class, social work has the opportunity to be explicit, hence driven by the theory, or achieve a new momentum for social and might be implicit or elided. Yet, once the political action in accordance with its own details from a social occasion are lifted values and commitments. Nevertheless, it up and out of the interactive context of is possible to identify common ideological their production they are reorganised, not ideals and beliefs within social work values,

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principles and commitments stated in the It is this social ground which, in turn, gives International Federation of Social Workers rise, variously to fascism, conservatism, Statement of Ethical Principles (IFSW, 2012a), liberalism, socialism, anarchism, in most of the National Codes of Ethics of communism, and so forth. As people come to Social Work adopted by IFSW Member be positioned inside complex and refractory organisations (IFSW, 2012b), and in the social relations, so too do they variously Global Agenda for Social Work and Social come to articulate their positions and their Development (IFSW, IASSW & ICSW, 2012). interests. No less is true for social workers. However, as a profession, a cognoscenti, The global definition of social work (IFSW, or intellectual leadership has attempted 2014) approved by the IFSW General Meeting to articulate and to develop an ideological and the International Association of Schools framework of professional attribution. Thus of Social Work (IASSW) General Assembly social work is x, y, z, and if practitioners in July 2014 which took place in Melbourne, are to legitimately claim their place inside Australia, defines social work as a: the profession, they must adhere to these elements. … practice-based profession and an academic discipline that promotes social Some social workers found expression by change and development, social cohesion, joining and allying with working-class and the empowerment and liberation movements struggling for equality and of people. Principles of social justice, social justice and became, in time, mediators human rights, collective responsibility between the state and the people (Ferguson, and respect for diversities are central to 2009b, 2013; Lundy, 2011). It could be argued social work. Underpinned by theories of that socialism (or democratic socialism) social work, social sciences, humanities informs social work values, principles and indigenous knowledge, social work and commitments. Both socialism and engages people and structures to address social work have a common understanding life challenges and enhance wellbeing. and shared interests about the collective (IFSW, 2014) needs in relationship to the individual. They also share a belief that social justice The analysis of this international definition is a goal for all in society, and that those requires us to accept social work, as a actions and policies to achieve social justice profession and academic discipline, as a site should emerge from a more equitable of dialogue and a site of struggle. Thus far, distribution of wealth and knowledge this international definition entails a process among classes. of negotiation of ideas, beliefs, attitudes and values that can be viewed as embedded in Drawing on Gray and Webb’s (2013b) and certain ideological beliefs that guide the McKendrick and Webb’s (2014) arguments, social work profession’s core mandates. I shall begin to highlight Marx’s conception of Thus, to interpret those core mandates and ideology (Marx & Engels, 1846, 1976). Smith principles requires an understanding of (1990) explains that Marx’s understanding ideology. If this is right, we must rethink and of ideology relates to the procedures that reshape social work’s approach to ideology. mask and suppress the grounding of social As argued above, social work is politically science. According to Smith (1990, p. 35), constructed. Therefore, the social conditions, Marx’s method proposes “ideological and social contradictions and conflicts of life definitive procedures or methods of thinking in globalised advanced capitalist societies and reasoning about social relations and informs social work values, principles and processes.” Therefore, ideology defines a commitments, and can deeply influence kind of practice in thinking about society. the understanding of social problems and To think ideologically is to think in a distinctive social relations within capitalist society. and desirable way.

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Another influential account of ideology, clearly identified. Social work should become based on Marx’s ideas, was offered by clear about the ideological nature of its own Mannheim (1936). He argued that at the values. The political ontology can be easily heart of any ideology exist certain utopian identified and expressed in the everyday ideas that inform how society should be life of the social worker as social workers organised. The significance of this is that identify and reflect on the organisation of these concepts/ideas speak powerfully their every-day work in situ, on the funding to social work values, principles and of their workplaces, on their participation in commitments. It helps to illuminate the wage or salaried labour, in the organisation nature and social identity of social work. of unions, in critical reflection on policies Therefore, those social work values, and procedures, and in participating in principles and commitments prescribe how political and social movements. society should be viewed and organised. Marx’s analysis of ideology captured A recognition of the ideological foundations precisely the conception of ideology based of social work informs the demand that on the nature of knowledge. For him, social workers should take political knowledge is relative to the time, place and positions, and that social work practice is thinker or to all three (Goodwin, 2007). inherently and incorrigibly political as Gray and Webb (2013a) claimed. The presumption Thus, those social work values, principles that social workers need to be politically and commitments stated in the IFSW engaged has become central to much Statement of Ethical Principles (IFSW, 2012a), contemporary social work theory (Gray & in most of the National Codes of Ethics of Webb, 2013a; McKendrick & Webb, 2014). Social Work adopted by IFSW Member Despite the call for political engagement, the organisations (IFSW, 2012b), and in the political gains achieved by social workers do Global Agenda for Social Work and Social not seem to be widely recognised. Development (IFSW, IASSW & ICSW, 2012) surely help the framing of ideology. My The radical perspectives in social point about social work taking a political work: commitments and challenges stance is that, in thinking about politics, it is impossible to think non-ideologically What is radical social work? This question or in a “value-free” way (Goodwin, 2007). has been posed many times over the past four As argued above, if ideology is as Smith decades (Bailey & Brake, 1980; Corrigan & (1990) argues, a method, or way of working, Leonard, 1978; Ferguson, 2009a, 2011, 2013, and if there is an alternative method might 2016; Ferguson & Lavalette, 2007, 2013; it be possible to work non-ideologically? Ferguson & Woodward, 2009; Gray & Webb, Therefore, it can be argued that social work 2013b; Ioakimidis, 2016; Lavalette, 2011; values, principles and commitments are Lavalette & Ioakimidis, 2011; Leonard, 1980; symptoms of ideology. Social workers who McKendrick & Webb, 2014; Mullaly, 2007; claim not to have an ideology, but strongly Pease, 2013; Pease & Nipperess, 2016). advocate for social and economic equality, social justice and human rights, are actually Radical and structural perspectives on voicing a part of socialist ideology even social work emphasise how the oppressive unwittingly. structural relations of capitalism are the root causes of social problems and inequalities. Arguably, social work values, principles To some extent, radical social work follows and commitments easily influence the use a socialist-collectivist perspective of society of political concepts and language and even that rejects capitalism and economic the form of logic used to prove political neoliberal approaches to economy, i.e., points (Goodwin, 2007). In other words, the market justice, because that is inconsistent functions of social work ideology can be with a reasonable level of welfare provision

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(Bailey & Brake, 1980; Carniol, 1992; 2014). But, I would argue that the underlying Corrigan & Leonard, 1978; Ferguson, 2009a, values, principles and commitments of both 2011, 2013, 2016; Ferguson & Lavalette, 2007, radical and mainstream social work are the 2013; Ferguson & Woodward, 2009; Gray same: they both share the same outlook & Webb, 2013a; Ioakimidis, 2016; Lavalette, (IFSW, 2012a, 2012b; IFSW, IASSW & ICSW, 2011; Lavalette & Ioakimidis, 2011; Leonard, 2012). Nevertheless, I argue that those values, 1980; Mullaly, 2007; Pease, 2013; Pease & principles and commitments define and Nipperess, 2016). inform the rationale of social work ideology. The issue therefore is not about what social Radical social work brings a critique of work practice should do but if, and to capitalist structures and the production of what extent, a political stance is adopted, a inequality and exploitation. It embodies a more encompassing analysis, ideologically Marxist view of ideology and progressive driven according the values, principles and social work values. As argued above, commitments of social work (IFSW, 2012a, Marxist-based approaches, like radical and 2012b; IFSW, IASSW & ICSW, 2012). structural social work, rely primarily on a structural analysis and place their emphasis With a focus on class-based oppression, on social, economic and political relations radical social work provides useful insight that influence social and material conditions into forms of resistance against neoliberal and create alienating social structures (Bailey capitalism. According to Erik Olin Wright & Brake, 1980; Carniol, 1992; Corrigan (2009, p. 102), Marx “conceives classes & Leonard, 1978; Ferguson, 2009a, 2011, as being structured by mechanisms of 2013, 2016; Ferguson & Lavalette, 2007, dominance and exploitation, in which 2013; Ferguson & Woodward, 2009; Gray economic positions accord some people & Webb, 2013a; Ioakimidis, 2016; Lavalette, power over the lives and activities of others”. 2011; Lavalette & Ioakimidis, 2011; Leonard, This means that the power exercised by the 1980; Mullaly, 2007; Pease, 2013; Pease & dominant class shapes the formulation of Nipperess, 2016). laws, the definition of social institutions, and the allocation of funding, which The ideas about radical social work have been leads to several structural inequalities viewed as “a dangerous modern heresy” by among classes, i.e., wealth, power, status. some “mainstream” social workers (Pease & For that reason, the mechanisms of class Nipperess, 2016). Drawing on Baines (2011), analysis—domination and exploitation— Pease and Nipperess (2016, p. 9) explain that are a consequence of the power relations mainstream social work applies a different of those who have effective control of framework of thinking about how to respond the economic resources. So, the power to social problems. It is a framework in which over these economic resources results in economic and social systems are treated different forms of exploitation. On the one as neutral. They argue that ecological and hand, the acquisition of economic benefits systems theories, solution-focused social for the labour market (i.e., imposition of work, strength-based perspectives and lower wages and weak job protection) and evidence-based practice deny the influence on the other hand, the restriction of access of social and political forces in people’s to certain kinds of resources or positions, problems. The language and ideas of radical such as social benefits, affordable housing, and structural social work should not be level of education, and health care (Wright, dismissed by mainstream social work as they 2015). Therefore, as Ferguson (2011, p. 129) provide an insightful frame for doing what recognised, this approach to class provides a mainstream social work does not do, and coherent explanation for social work on the that is interrogate the underlying political development of high levels of class-based dimension of social work (Baines, 2011; inequality. It provides also a framework Gray & Webb, 2013a; McKendrick & Webb, for understanding the ways in which the

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neoliberal agenda has reshaped social work past, the radical social work movements of and social welfare (Corrigan & Leonard, the late 1960s and early 1970s grew up from 1978), including the privatisation of public women’s or civil rights movements, and services and increased managerialism within trade union rallies (Ferguson & Lavalette, health and social care (Baines, 2011). 2007; Ioakimidis, 2016; Mullaly, 2007). These social work collective movements have By and large, there is nothing radical about fought for social change and social justice. social work positioning itself between the citizens and the competing neoliberal Notwithstanding all these are examples of interests. I argue that radical social work social work mobilisation, nowadays the provides the lens and tools to closely challenges for social work are everywhere, examine the influence of social and economic as observed by Baines (2016, p. xi). The structures as well as the political and continuing “growth of managerialism, ideological context of relations of injustice, decrease of government funding, and the power, oppression, exploitation, domination decline of social care and justice” are only and inequality promoted and reinforced a few examples of social work struggles. by capitalism. It further contributes by The patriarchal neoliberal ideology and its providing a critique of the dominant capitalist wave, the politics of austerity, the classes and institutions, and detailing social violation of human rights, gender-based problems and social relations through a violence against women and towards the materialist perspective (McKendrick & LGBTQ community, the recent rise of bigotry Webb, 2014). Recently, Ioakimidis (2016, p. 1) and racism fueled by political populism highlighted “the dichotomy between a social across different western nations, the backlash worker as a nine-to-five state agent and against refugees and migrants moving five-nine activist.” He explained that radical across international borders who are fleeing social work always incorporates elements from conflict and persecution or other life- of political action. Examples of social work threatening situations, and the violations of political action in the 21st century are: the Indigenous rights and natural sources pose a Social Work Action Network (SWAN) tremendous challenge for social work. created in 2004 in the United Kingdom (UK) (SWAN, 2004; Ferguson & Lavalette, Therefore, social work continues to be 2007); and the “Orange Tide,” a social- profoundly affected by these global action movement organised by the Spanish structural issues. In the 21st century, social General Council on Social Work (Consejo workers are both asked, and challenged, General del Trabajo Social). The Orange to stand against all these attacks on Tide was born on the 15th of September core social work values, principles, and 2012, and brought together social workers commitments. This requires that social and service users to protest against austerity work acknowledge the political dimensions measures (Ferguson, 2016; Ioakimidis, of all practice and the need to engage in 2016; Truell, 2014a, 2014b). Arguably, both multifaceted struggles to regain influence SWAN and the Orange Tide become the within the political and public arena. As 21st century model for social workers as an argued by Gray and Webb (2013a) and expression of radical and progressive social McKendrick and Webb (2014), to assume work, deeply rooted in social work values, a political stance, social workers need principles, and commitments. As Ferguson to reshape and assume a leftist political and Lavalette (2007, p. 55) emphasised, ideology rooted in progressive socialist “radical movements in social work have values to confront those proponents of a often developed in response to wider social neoliberal capitalism who constantly try to movements, and these new movements can redefine, limit and reject the core values, influence social work in the spheres of ethics, principles and commitments of social work. ideology, and collective approaches”. In the

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The political ideology of social work commitments, despite objectivist, evidence- for the 21st century based, therapeutically individualist, and positivist methods and approaches adopted The idea of proposing a political agenda for by many in the profession, there remains social workers and their professional corpus a foundation or root in socialist ideals and can be dangerous. Perhaps it cannot be beliefs. Mullaly (2007) argues that there is achieved universally on a global basis, but a need for a progressive social work vision, the negotiation of such a political agenda can a conceptualisation of society, a setting of be driven by a set of political assumptions goals to be achieved. Without a vision, social formally articulated by social work values, work cannot change society. For example, principles and commitments. Ferguson (2009a) using the Canadian Association of Social challenged Gray and Webb (2009) asking, Workers (CASW) Code of Ethics as a point of “Where’s the beef?” He suggested that, to departure, Mullaly (2007, p. 51) argued that assume a political stance, social workers’ a progressive social work view needs to be commitments needs content. Arguing for included in the social work code of ethics, a political agenda entails the identification through a clear philosophical statement and recognition of progressive (enlightening, rooted in humanitarian and egalitarian emancipatory and anti-oppressive) forms ideals. He claims that these two ideals for social work ideology. If this is right, then provide a vision of society characterised by social workers need to work for a social work humanitarianism and egalitarianism. Thus, ideology which is progressive, left-oriented to reshape its political ideology, social work and rooted in socialist principles. needs to define and adopt a consistent set of social, economic and political beliefs According to Pease and Nipperess (2016, p. 5), consistent with progressive (egalitarian, social work must take into consideration five emancipatory and anti-oppressive) social progressive principles as proposed by Allan work ideals to confront and transform the (2009, pp. 40–41): “(1) A commitment to work nature of capitalist exploitation that affects towards greater social justice and equality for the most vulnerable human beings and those who are oppressed and marginalised working-class citizens. within society; (2) A commitment to work alongside the oppressed and marginalised Conclusion populations; (3) A commitment to question taken-for-granted and dominant assumptions The underpinning argument of this article and beliefs; (4) An analysis of power relations is that social work values, principles and which serve to marginalise and oppress commitments represent an expression particular populations in society; (5) An of ideology, rooted in socialist ideals orientation towards emancipatory personal based on a materialist analysis of society. and social change”. These are binding These progressive social work ideals have principles that back up the social work values, found expression in radical and structural principles and commitments stated in the perspectives on social work. Although it IFSW Statement of Ethical Principles (IFSW, could be argued that social work values, 2012a), in the National Codes of Ethics of Social principles and commitments define and Work adopted by IFSW member organisations inform the rationale of a progressive social (IFSW, 2012b), and in the Global Agenda for work ideology, left-oriented and rooted in Social Work and Social Development (IFSW, socialist ideals, these principles need to be IASSW & ICSW, 2012). more explicitly articulated and adopted by the profession/discipline as a whole. This A political agenda for social work, surely would include ensuring that all social work entails the framing of social work ideology. programmes educate students on political As I argued before, much of what passes ideologies and indicate the relationship of for social work values, principles and social work to socialism.

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Retrieved from http://ifsw.org/publications/national- Carey, M., & Foster, V. (2011/2013). Social work, codes-of-ethics ideology, discourse and the limits of post- IFSW. (2014). Global Definition of the Social Work. Retrieved hegemony. Journal of Social Work, 13(3), 248–266. from http://ifsw.org/get-involved/global-definition-of- doi:10.1177/1468017311412032 social-work Carniol, B. (1992). Structural social work: Maurice Moreau’s IFSW, IASSW & ICSW. (2012). Global agenda for social challenge to social work practice. Journal of Progressive workers and social development, commitment to Human Services, 3(1), 1–20. action. Retrieved from http://cdn.ifsw.org/assets/ Corrigan, P., & Leonard, P. (1978). Social work practice globalagenda2012.pdf under capitalism: A Marxist approach. London, UK: Ioakimidis, V. (2016, May 24). A guide to radical social work. Macmillan. The Guardian. Retrieved from www.theguardian.com/ Duarte, F. (2016). (Building) a political agenda for social social-care-network/2016/may/24/radical-social-work- work, Social Dialogue, 14(2), 18–20. Retrieved from quick-guide-change-poverty-inequality www.socialdialogue.online/SDpdf/VOL.14.pdf Lavalette, M. (2011). Introduction. In M. Lavalette (Ed.), Eagleton, T. (1991). Ideology: An introduction. London, UK: Radical social work today: Social work at the crossroads Verso Books. (pp. 1–10). Portland, OR: Policy Press. Ferguson, I. (2009a). Where’s the beef? A response to Gray Lavalette, M., & Ioakimidis, V. (2011). International social and Webb’s “The return of the political in social work.” work or social work internationalism? Radical social International Journal of Social Welfare, 18(2), 213–217. work in global perspective. In M. Lavalette (Ed.), Radical doi:10.1111/j.1468-2397.2009.00648.x social work today: Social work at the crossroads Ferguson, I. (2009b). “Another social work is possible!” (pp. 135–151). Portland, OR: Policy Press. Reclaiming the radical tradition. In V. Leskošek (Ed.), Leonard, P. (1980), Towards a paradigm for radical practice. Theories and methods of social work, exploring different In M. Brake & R. Bailey (Eds.), Radical social work and perspectives (pp. 81–98). Ljubljana, Slovenia: University practice (pp. 46–61). London, UK: Edward Arnold. of Ljubljana. Lundy, C. (2011). Social work, social justice & human rights: Ferguson, I. (2011). Why class (still) matters. In M. Lavalette A structural approach to practice (2nd ed.). North York, (Ed.), Radical social work today: Social work at the ONT: University of Toronto Press. crossroads (pp. 115–134). Portland, OR: Policy Press. Mannheim, K. (1936). Ideology and utopia. London, UK: Ferguson, I. (2013). Social workers as agents of change. In Routledge. M. Gray & S. A. Webb (Eds.), The new politics of social Marx, K., & Engels, F. ([1846] 1976). The German ideology. work (pp. 195–208). New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. Moscow, USSR: Progress Publishers. Ferguson, I. (2016). Hope over fear: Social work education McKendrick, D., & Webb, S. A. (2014). Taking a political towards 2025. European Journal of Social Work, 1–11. stance in social work. Critical and Radical Social doi:10.1080/13691457.2016.1189402 Work, 2(3), 357–369. doi:10.1332/20498601 Ferguson, I., & Lavalette, M. (2007). “Dreaming a great 4X14096553584619 dream”: Prospects for a new, radical social work. Mullaly, B. (2007). The new structural social work. Toronto, Canadian Social Work Review/Revue Canadienne de ONT: Oxford University Press. Service Social, 24(1), 55–68. Pease, B. (2013). A history of critical and radical social Ferguson, I., & Lavalette, M. (2013). Critical and radical work. In M. Gray & S. A. Webb (Eds.), The new politics social work: An introduction. Critical and Radical Social of social work (pp. 21–43). New York, NY: Palgrave Work, 1(1), 3–14. doi:10.1332/204986013X665938 Macmillan.

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Pease, B., & Nipperess, S. (2016). Doing critical social work in the neoliberal context: Working on the contradictions. In B. Pease, S. Goldingay, N. Hosken, & S. Nipperess (Eds.), Doing critical social work: Transformative practices for social justice (pp. 3–24). Sydney, NSW: Allen & Unwin. Peters, H. I. (2008). Theory, science, ideology and ethics in social work. Ethics and Social Welfare, 2(2), 172–182. doi:10.1080/17496530802117649 SWAN. (2004). Manifesto 2004: The foundations of SWAN. Retrieved from www.socialworkfuture.org/ articles-resources/resources/439-manifesto-2004-the- foundations-of-swan Smith, D. E. (1990). The conceptual practices of power: A feminist sociology of knowledge. Toronto, ONT: University of Toronto Press. Taylor-Gooby, P. (1985). Public opinion, ideology, and state welfare. Boston, MA: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Truell, R. (2014a, May 23). Orange tide should spread immediately all over the world. Portal del Consejo General de Trabajo Social. Retrieved from www.cgtrabajosocial.es/noticias/rory-truell-orange- tideshould-spread-inmediatly-all-over-the-world/2155/view Truell, R. (2014b, July 12). Spanish social work leader wins award for “inspirational” anti-cuts movement. The Guardian. Retrieved from www.theguardian.com/social- care-network/2014/jul/12/spanish-social-work-leader- wins-award-for-inspirational-anti-cuts-movement Wright, E. O. (2009). Understanding class: Towards an integrated analytical approach. New Left Review, 60, 110–116. Wright, E. O. (2015). Understanding class. New York, NY: Verso Books.

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The renaissance will not be televised

Angelika Papadopoulos RMIT University, Australia

ABSTRACT

INTRODUCTION: Brave new social landscapes painted in the watercolours of liquid modernity challenge the possibility of a renaissance of radical social work. The consequences of modernity’s liquefaction for the project of taking a political stance challenge radical social work conceived as a retrieval of solidarities and mobilised collectives of the past.

APPROACH: Principles of radical analysis are used to explore theoretical and institutional factors affecting the contemporary articulation of a radical project, and to consider the implications of liquid modernity for such an articulation.

CONCLUSION: Radical strategy can no longer take the form of “speaking truth to power”, for power no longer feels obliged to listen. Future radical social work can succeed through the creation of new strategic responses to reconstituted fields of practice, state–global interfaces, and the injustices they create. This entails a critical reappraisal of the language of radical practice, a reorientation to the dynamics of new social landscapes and a reframing of the radical position.

KEYWORDS: radical social work; liquid modernity; social justice

How do you know that we are leaving Consistent with the theoretical orientation of modernity? How would one know this Bailey and Brake’s (1975) radical praxis, the anyway, assuming that things like them – thesis advanced here is that, in the absence of beginnings or ends of eras – are at an adequate understanding of the changing all knowable to insiders, people who socio-political context, social workers and live through it? (Bauman & Bordoni, educators risk disappointment great enough 2014, p. 73) to lead to the dead-end of disengaged apathy, or worse, to becoming sacrificial …the way up and the way down are one lambs on an outdated altar of “heroic and the same. (Heraclitus, fragment 60) agency” (Marston & McDonald, 2012). Ironically, such situations of professional If, by “renaissance”, we mean the simple alienation effectively align with managerial resumption of past strategies of critical and strategies for the containment of dissent. radical practice, then radical social work is unlikely to experience a renaissance in The sociological analysis offered by Bauman the current cultural context. In this article, (2000) through the interpretive lens of liquid AOTEAROA I explore several challenges to the efficacy modernity brings the contemporary socio- NEW ZEALAND SOCIAL of radical social work practice, starting political context of social work practice into WORK 29(2), 45–55. with institutional and cultural shifts of sharper focus. Modernity’s phase change the late 20th and early 21st centuries, and from solid to liquid is characterised by the culminating in the failure of those projects phenomenon of a gradual dissolution of its CORRESPONDENCE TO: Angelika Papadopoulos seeking socio-political reform as the basis for institutional structures, and a subsequent angelika.papadopoulos@ the achievement of social justice. reconfiguration of the bonds between rmit.edu.au

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power and politics. For the providers of the to social change in the interests of a better welfare state’s social benefits, this has been world, an understanding of the politico- experienced as the disappearance of a world institutional features of our new social that is immutable and durable and which landscape can explain how it is that efforts operates according to a law-like regularity. to develop and enact a vision of this better For the recipients of those benefits, the world often culminate in apathy and same phenomena are experienced as the disinterest (McKendrick & Webb, 2014). dismantling of the public sphere, with the Bauman and Bordoni (2014) identify the concomitant transfer and individualisation current crisis as one of agency experienced of responsibility. In tandem with the melting both at the level of the state and at the of the formerly solid institutions and safety level of the individual, to which there can nets of social welfare is the corporatisation be a range of responses. One response and commodification of human existence is the retreat into apathy that concerns configured ever more narrowly in the single McKendrick and Webb (2014); another is dimension of increasing consumption. the desire of social workers to achieve change through proposals to re-organise, Bauman (2000) conceptualised liquid re-collectivise and take back the power modernity to give metaphorical expression that has been yielded to corporations by to the expansion of global capitalism and its the state. impacts, and to capture “the novelty of the present-day social condition” (p. 17) what it is In contrast to McKendrick and Webb’s about this iteration of modernity that differs analysis, it is suggested here that this apathy so much that we need to revise our view of is not because of the tendency of mainstream the world. In this sense, liquid modernity liberal social work to present a politically is a rejection of, and an attempt to displace, neutral face (and, in so doing, destabilise the theoretical frame postmodernity. Bauman the solidarity of the profession) but, rather, considered the concept of postmodernity to it is because radical and critical perspectives offer a temporary utility, signalling a crisis are confronted with a structurally reformed in modernity, but remaining within and terrain whose impasses are generated therefore preventing “…taking a distance to by the contradictory impulses internal certain theorizing habits, cognitive frames, to their own theoretical stance. This re- tacit assumptions sedimented in the wake of a contextualises what is intended and alters century-long deployment of the ‘modernity what is ultimately achieved by “taking grid’” (2004, p. 17). a political stance”. Accordingly, radical strategies need rethinking in the light of The implications of understanding liquid the profound changes in the institutional modernity for radical praxis include the framework originally constituting the locus possibility that strategies identified as of intervention for radical projects. These radical in earlier contexts have become as changes are individualising in their intent and impotent as the state in the face of the new anti-collectivist in their effect, and it is in the social formations produced by globalised context of this dynamic that the challenges for social relationships. For many years, radical praxis are situated. These challenges Bauman described this state impotence as a are further compounded by the questioning consequence of “…the divorce of power from of the emancipatory project from theoretical politics, and the shifting of functions once perspectives that are (sometimes unfairly) undertaken by political authorities sideways dismissed as mere postmodern relativism. to the markets and downward to individual life-politics” (Bauman, 2010, p. 398). Socio-political context While it is not argued here that social Social work in Anglophone countries has work ought to abandon its commitment been unsettled by changes in the socio-

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political contexts of practice. In Australia, social work on a benevolent state prepared these changes have taken such forms as to listen to its claims. It has discouraged increasingly conditional social security the perception of social workers as agents provision through “workfare” (for those of of change who are able to influence policy working age), reductions in the “social wage” formations (Marston & McDonald, 2012; (for example through increasing the age of Mendes, 2003), bringing social work as eligibility for pensions for older people), a profession with a legitimate claim to persistent and egregious efforts to “reduce autonomy into question. While these the costs” of the disability support pension challenges are rarely put directly, continual (Porter, 2016), market-based provision “reforms” in the fields in which social of social services, persistent structural workers practice have resulted in revisions unemployment, and work intensification of the scope and mandate of social work’s and precariousness (Rawling, 2015) for the role and a gradual shrinking of the space employed. Pusey’s (2003, p. 1) summation in which social workers are recognised as of the Australian experiment with economic autonomous professionals (McDonald, 2006). reform “…deregulation, privatisation, In Australia, the national disability insurance labour market reform, micro-economic scheme (NDIS), and the market vernacular in reform, user pays, tax reform, cutting which this restructuring is framed, illustrates government spending, more competition, the consequences of individualisation of privatisation, tax reform (the GST), welfare service provision for social workers. This is reform, and—the latest instalment—the apparent in the un-bundling (i.e., functional creeping privatising of Medicare and of specialisation and re-distribution) of roles the universities” describes the first round formerly associated with social work service of what he called “economic rationalism”, provision, and in its deceptive appearance a label now subsumed under the rubric of increased autonomy and “choice” in how neoliberalism as one of its strategies. people living with different abilities can organise support (Fawcett & Plath, 2012; Subsequent developments have continued the Yeatman, 2009). deregulatory trajectory and complemented it with measures which, in effect, restrict Structural change attributable to the and manage dissent (Hamilton & Maddison, deployment of “new public management” 2007; Marston & McDonald, 2013). No state has captured the analytical energies of social welfare institution has escaped the reforming workers who, immersed in comprehending zeal of market fundamentalism (Stiglitz, the constrained possibilities of the present, are 2002)—in education, health-care and social themselves constrained in their imagination security-market solutions that imagine an of possible futures (Hick & Pozzuto, 2005). In informed sovereign consumer have normalised Bauman’s terms, social work is itself becoming individualisation, and with it, provided fresh liquid, and the uncertainty generated by justification for the victim-blaming approaches change in the institutions of practice also so carefully and thoroughly denounced by infuses social work’s own understanding of Ryan (1971). One explanation of the syndrome its scope and appropriate practices. Into this of radical fatigue, disillusionment and apathy context of uncertainty enters the contest of referred to above is that it is an essentially perspectives over what is to be done. rational response by those who expended so much energy in the 1970s forging new Radical social work possibilities, only to witness the apparent ease with which hard-won achievements have As illustrated in the examples below, simply been overturned. characteristics associated with radical practice for those engaged in its theorisation The emergent neoliberal approach has include a critique of the social control made apparent the previous dependence of functions of the state and of social welfare

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practice, alliance with service users, socio- pathologising and victim blaming, and the political (structural) analysis and advocacy, related idea that only macro-level work was macro-practice in policy analysis, critique associated with social and structural change. and development, community organisation and social activism under the banner of Ferguson and Lavalette (2014) associate the emancipation. Iokamidis (2016) describes the future possibilities for radical praxis with fundamental orienting impulse of radicalism alignment to social movements, distilling in social work as follows: the following characteristics of such social movements from different sources: …a radical concept historically refers to a political theory and practice that aims Social movements are organised to understand the root causes of social collectives; they represent a constituency problems. While appreciation of these who are normally excluded from the causes and alleviation of their detrimental political process, or whose demands are effects on people’s lives are important not considered adequately within the dimensions of radical social work, what political arena. They challenge aspects really differentiates it from mainstream of the present world (economic, social, approaches is its emphasis on action that environmental, political) and their aims at social change. (np) impact on individuals, communities and groups. In the process they confront Similarly, Baldwin (cited in Lavalette, the entrenched power of the powerful 2011, p. 197) suggested five strategies for a in myriad ways. Their normal form of contemporary radical practice: “making the activity is some form of contentious collective political nature of social work explicit … action, which they undertake to have their developing a critically reflective approach to voice heard, to challenge authority and to organisation and practice…making alliances win their demands [emphasis added]. with service users … developing a practice All manner of activities can be recorded based on social justice … [and] acting as social movement activities: strikes collectively”. and trade union actions, riots and occupations, demonstrations and public Fook (2002) summarised the “basic elements meetings. (Ferguson & Lavalette, 2014, of a critical approach” as: p. 138)

…structural analysis of social, and From the explications of radical practice personally-experienced problems, i.e. above it is apparent that, at the heart of an understanding of how personal radical praxis lie the ideas that influence problems might be traced to socio- and change can be achieved through economic structures, … a commitment collectivism and collective engagement, to emancipatory forms of analysis and and that what needs to be changed (and action, … a stance of social critique how) can be determined by structural (including an acknowledgement and analysis. Marston and McDonald (2012, critique of the social control functions p. 1035) note “…an important point of of the social work profession and the political action is to make hegemonic truths welfare system) … [and] a commitment appear as neither inevitable nor natural, to social change. (p. 5) so that other possibilities might emerge”. The “hegemonic truths” of radical practice In reflecting on her own radicalisation, include strategies of social action that had Fook further identified a gendered force and efficacy in the social protest dimension operating in the separation of movements of the 1970s, during which radical theory and social work practice, an (some of) the cohort referred to as “baby antipathy towards casework as inherently boomers” utilised their time and energy

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by engaging in public protest. “Boomer stability to social structures that are now activism”, echoing revolutionary praxis the subject of liquid modern transformation. and the general strike, aimed to mobilise The target of radical intervention has a critical mass of bodies that would stand become elusive. This new social landscape between the unjust exercise of power therefore calls into question the character and those vulnerable to its impact. But to of adversarial action as a means to achieve continue to promote approaches founded social change. on the premise of the efficacy of collectivism is to fail to appreciate that key changes Reorienting practice: critique as effected through globalisation and the solvent subsequent reshaping of nation-state priorities actually amounts to: Unfettered by social obligations implicit in the formulation of the welfare state as …the end of the era of mutual engagement: carrying some responsibility for the wellbeing between the supervisors and the of its citizens, the neoliberal state operates supervised, capital and labour, leaders in a field of restricted influence, with one and their followers, armies at war. eye on the maintenance of social control The prime technique of power is now and the other looking for opportunities to escape, slippage, elision and avoidance, promote economic growth in the hope it will the effective rejection of any territorial trickle down, or at least create temporary confinement with its cumbersome opportunities for employment that can corollaries of order-building, order- be represented as successful economic maintenance and the responsibility for management. As part of the maintenance the consequences of it all as well as of the of social control there has been a concerted necessity to bear their costs. (Bauman, effort to pre-empt the forms of social action 2000, p. 11) that constituted the critical canon of strategy bequeathed by the apparent successes of past Both the reconfigured power relationships activists. The main target of neoliberalism that characterise late modernity and the as a negative political project identified by dynamic of strategic disengagement as a Bourdieu (1998 , np) is “a programme of the contemporary technique of domination methodical destruction of collectives”. This create significant challenges for radical orientation destabilises the very collective praxis. The first challenge is the basis upon which the efficacy of the model disappearance of a clear adversary; in the of activism for social change bequeathed by radical social work of the 1970s it was clear the baby boomers rests and which is inherent that both the state and the market were in the conceptualisations of radical praxis root causes of social inequalities, with considered above. radical practice taking the form of the assertion of alternative forms of social The collectivist strategies that preceded and political organisation or else efforts to the rise of neoliberalism appeared to have subvert state-sanctioned, policy-generated success in relation to the goal of socio-political injustices. Through the processes of reform, but their foundation in a mistaken privatisation and partnership however, cultural absolutism has become increasingly the state and the markets now overlap, apparent through their inability to prevent blurring the field of possible social action. their subsequent erosion and retrenchment Even where a target for intervention is through deregulatory legislation. Collectivist identified, the practices described by strategies championed by advocates of neo- Bauman as “disengagement” nullify efforts radical practice in the 21st century (Ferguson, to critically engage with the injustices that 2009; Iokamidis, 2013; Webb & Gray, 2013) are created. Structural analyses of social as signalling hope for a renewed social work ills impute an outdated determinate politics (e.g., Occupy and related protest

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movements against global trade treaties) seem analysis contributes to the “defamiliarising to have been singularly unsuccessful beyond of the familiar” that Bauman identified as the achieving conscientization. To continue to core of critical social science (Jacobsen & suggest that action for social change can take Tester, 2013, np). Critical analysis in (and this form might be described as courageous of) practice remains the main mechanism in the mode of heroic agency; the cultural by which social workers understand the form of demonstration and protest short- impact of policy and reflect on their actions. circuits the need to historically re-situate our However, it is important to bear in mind understanding of the new social landscape, in that critique is not in the service of any one order to orient our own actions. given set of values. The reshaping of the role and functions of the state illustrates Bauman argued that the novelties that the ways in which critique can also be characterise liquid modernity in contrast mobilised to serve aims antithetical to to the “solid modernity” of the industrial the motivating aim of the critique. The revolution are the frailty of social bonds, critique of the welfare state by radical the impermanence of the institutional social workers and others as exclusionary, and interpersonal fields that are a paternalistic, racist and sexist (McMahon, consequence of this frailty and the benefits Thomson, & Williams, 2000) served an of impermanence for people in a position unintended function useful to the neoliberal to take advantage of the new flexibility agenda in providing rationalisations for of social forms. As with the melting of the retrenchment of state-provided social the polar ice—the material analogue of services. The concerns and strategies of liquid modernity—the becoming liquid radical social work sometimes dovetailed of institutions and other social relations neatly with the libertarian and deregulatory is neither a uniform event nor is it tendencies of economic fundamentalist apprehended universally. liberalism. For example, while ostensibly at odds, both oppose state control, and both are Two consequences: firstly that what is proponents of co-production or partnership considered just or unjust, radical or reactionary approaches to service users, albeit with varies according to where one is situated in very different intentions. The implication the social field, and secondly (and relatedly), of this convergence is that critique must be that interpretation and intervention complemented by the articulation of goals must therefore vary according to specific that go beyond merely tackling the social ills circumstances of each social field. Part of identified through critique. such a response requires the development of different cognitive frames with which The language of practice: locally to apprehend the opportunities and disbenefits of revised social arrangements. absolute, globally relative While conscientization is a precondition In relating the story of the five-year search of politicisation, radical perspectives often for a definition of social work that would assume and advocate a vision of social be acceptable to a global membership, reality relying upon an epistemological Iokamidis (2013, p. 188) condemns certainty which is now undermined by the “epistemologically vague, abstract or fluid conditions of liquid modernity, under a-political notions of social work” for which uncertainty has come to be a defining risking complicity with oppressive social characteristic not only of our understanding work practice. It is argued that, as long of future strategic possibilities, but also of as social work in the form of contracted present dynamics. service delivery remains entangled with state priorities, the risk of the re-assertion Wacquant (2004) describes the role of critique of oppression facilitated by theoretical as solvent of doxa (i.e., dogma); critical prevarication will prevail.

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This critique of epistemological vagueness perspectivist epistemology in contrast to also applies to radical praxis if conceived absolutist epistemology thus entails the on- as an adversarial contest which can going task of resisting the tacit re-assertion be won by the power of community of absolutism which remains an unconscious organisation or social protest, for the tendency despite our understanding of its “sides” in this contest remain ill-defined limitations. if our understanding of what counts as knowledge is vague enough to legitimate The same dissolution explained by the shifts of agenda according to convenience. thought of a liquid modernity can be seen Three decades of post-structural critique to preoccupy efforts to reconcile a range highlighting the vulnerability of utopian of theoretical perspectives through their thought to totalitarian appropriation, and grouping together as critical and radical interrogating the power dynamics concealed (Woodward, 2013). Just as neoliberalism behind assertions of universal truth, have can be seen as an absolutist metanarrative, culminated in a pervasive scepticism the quest for an articulation of radical towards metanarratives (Lyotard, 1984), and social work that comprehends all critical, this has been misconstrued and denounced emancipatory and socially dynamic as “postmodern relativism” by theorists perspectives can itself be understood as a seeking certainty (and hence power) quest for a metanarrative. construed according to the old absolutist paradigm (see Webb & Gray, 2013, p. 16). To construe the metanarrative of radical Webb and Gray see postmodernism as a social work, not as a pure expression of diversion distracting attention from and absolute insight divorced from any will thus as unwitting accessory to the expansion to power, but rather as a will to influence of global corporate capitalism. The power relations, is to understand radical perspectivism that permeates the thought of discourses as forces that resist the narrative liquid modernity is, however, importantly strength of the dominant discourse of market distinct from the mere relativism of the liberalism and its absolutist assumptions. postmodern. If such resistance is to be more than mere reaction, it must be oriented by a clear sense Under the new paradigm of a generalised of the difference between the big picture and relativity, the challenge we now face is the local context. Our big picture is today how, on the one hand, to comprehend one of global relativity, but our individual the complexities of multiple perspectives lives remain situated by our local absolutes, without reducing them to a simplistic and despite our knowledge that this absolute naive relativism, while on the other, to status does not apply on the global level. understand the opposite but equal naivety Ever since the slogan “think globally, act of the absolutist who uncritically takes their locally” became a cliché, there has been a own perspective as absolute. To be sceptical growing realisation that our situation is is not equivalent to treating all narratives in fact doubled, and that we must learn a as equally valid (naive relativism), but new dexterity in thinking to balance the rather to critically evaluate the perspective competing demands of ideas in tension. Local from which each narrative emerges, i.e., praxis is situated in face-to-face relationships to evaluate perspectives not on the flawed between individuals and groups. Global basis of unchanging universals, but rather forces by contrast are diffuse and impersonal by seeking a balanced awareness of the energies flowing in streams following beds differential forces in play in a given situation, carved by ideologies, religions and cultures as generated through the interactions of over centuries. To construe power relations the fields of social and cultural influence as the situated expression of the balance of which hold sway over our fluid reality in locally absolute but globally relative forces each and every situation. Comprehending at any given point in time is to see the

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complexity inherent in any attempt to adopt Poststructural critique targets naive and maintain a political stance. advocacy that is premised on the assumption that simply pointing out an injustice will The theory of social change underpinning lead to its redress, showing instead how revolutionary praxis is inherently such criticism is subsumed within the teleological - it envisions an end point to language game of whose voice is dominant the action, precipitating the desired change. (McLaughlin, 2014). The premature rejection Apathy and exhaustion are the inevitable of poststructural critique has deprived consequence of this theory being repeatedly radical social work of the linguistic turn falsified in practice. Perhaps the most it requires in order to become conscious difficult challenge for radical praxis is in of the ways in which its discursive the idea that there is no objective end to decisions direct and orchestrate its own conflict, no post-revolutionary promised possibilities. The discourse of practice left land of perpetual peace. A defining uncritically examined will continue to characteristic of totalising metanarratives produce examples of the appropriation of (including radical perspectives calling for concepts—empowerment, social justice, structural reform) is an implicit “happily even liberation—in policy that results ever after” beyond which there is no further in consequences that contradict the need for struggle, for the war is over values thought to inhere in the concept and has been won by the “good”, “just” (McLaughlin, 2014; Mearns, 2014). or “true” (the dominant psychological Zeitgeist of the post-WWII west). Scepticism Navigating liquid modernity towards metanarratives can thus also be understood as a growing disenchantment From Bauman’s sociological perspective, with the very idea of a happily ever after liquid modernity is presented as the as suspicion of totalising assumptions prevailing dynamic of contemporary centred upon addressing a single axis post-industrial societies. The rapidly of inequality—for example, that the melting terrain in which social workers redistribution of wealth in a more equitable practice requires a new approach to the form will result in the achievement of goals cartography of fluid social relations, as beyond which there will be no further does the critical research which attempts need for struggle. The temptation of to map the new flow of institutional revolutionary thought is that there will be dynamics in order to influence the just one crisis, one event, and after this there direction of social change. An account of will be something completely different. the policy mechanisms by which liquidity is engendered and responded to is a For a discipline and practice that employs core activity of social work in the mode language as its primary tool, social work of critique. Social policies which act as has been notably ambivalent regarding its an instrument of liquefaction through theorisation of the ways in which language formally reconfiguring relationships and not only reflects the reality it seeks to responsibilities between state, market and transform, but is also implicated in its citizens/subjects are the starting point for creation. This is shown in its ahistorical the remapping of the reconfigured social assertions of social justice as an inherently landscape, and a critical point at which meaningful universal concept. Even at its it remains possible to exercise influence fullest articulation, as the upholding of without assuming a static new state of rights, participation, equity and access, affairs, but rather understanding the discourses advocating social justice have dynamics of social influence and change. asserted the meanings of key concepts as absolute, rather than understanding their A map of a location on land is a static semantic vulnerability to contextual shifts. representation of spatial relations between

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physical objects. A map of a fluid location, values and ideas according to metaphors say an ocean or gaseous planet, indicates not that have been attractive to voters, proposing objects but rather regions of stability within that these principles would enable the change: relatively stable currents in the development of a progressive framing of ocean like the Gulf Stream, or stable bands ideas and values that have common ground of cyclonic activity like Jupiter’s Red Spot. with the concerns of radical social work. Describing fluid realities is less simple than describing static objects, and our descriptive Lamenting the tendency of “progressives” tools are differential and comparative rather to argue against ideas framed in their than indicative and generic. opponents’ values, Lakoff illustrates the primary lesson of framing when he instructs It has been argued here that critical his reader “don’t think of an elephant”, dimensions of a cartography for radical noting that an elephant inevitably comes to praxis include the development of social mind in order to be negated. The first lesson workers’ understanding of language, an of framing is that negating a frame invokes appreciation of the perspectival nature of our and reinforces the frame it seeks to negate. world views, and a long-term appreciation of social change and its dynamics. Radical social work developed and was framed in a socio-political context that It took thirty years for the ideological, supported—or at least tolerated—dissenting political and policy frameworks of voices. As detailed in the preceding neoliberalism to become organised and discussion, this context has shifted prevalent. Radical praxis confronts, and is dramatically: power and politics have been confronted by, a reformed capital which is separated through globalisation; institutions less reliant on labour to achieve its goals, that were once the target of radical reform are and which makes use of precarity and themselves in flux; and social work remains perpetual reform strategies to destabilise at risk of recuperation by the neoliberal opposition. The reinterpretation of reality agenda. Marked by increasing intolerance that is signalled by the elaboration of liquid of difference of all kinds, the contemporary modernity and its implications for social context is hostile to radical perspectives. actors accounts for the lack of traction of radical social work as metanarrative. In Australia, to describe one’s activities as radical is to risk misidentification Reframing radical social work and marginalisation. This is because the frame radical social work not only invokes Lakoff’s (2004) work on framing and associations which in the post 9/11 world metaphor is premised on recognising the have become suspect through their mere fluidity of concepts in political discourse. cognitive resonance with other forms of On his analysis, the recent history of the radicalism, but also because it positions organisation and development of the radical social workers as outside of political discourse of what he describes as something which they themselves identify as “conservatives”, illustrates a deficiency in part of the problem, specifically, a mainstream progressive political discourse. The resources liberal social work. invested in think-tanks and institutes dedicated to framing values in popular Radical social praxis does not necessarily messages invoking specific cognitive frames depend on the existence of a metanarrative, stand in contrast to the single-issue advocacy and in fact can proliferate regardless of its that he sees as characteristic of progressive theorisation in the educational context of politics. He identifies principles of framing debates regarding how social work ought to through his analysis of the success of conduct itself in response to the dominant political conservatives in framing their metanarrative of neoliberalism. This is to

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distinguish the discourse that identifies itself Bourdieu, P. (1998). The essence of neoliberalism. Le Monde Diplomatique. Retrieved from as radical social work from radical praxis, http://mondediplo.com/1998/12/08bourdieu which follows as the consequence of situated Carey, M., & Foster, V. (2011). Introducing “deviant” analyses of practice in relation to current social work: Contextualising the limits of radical policy formations. social work whilst understanding (fragmented) resistance within the social work labour process. British Journal of Social Work, 41, 576–593. Resistance to the neoliberal metanarrative doi:10.1093/bjsw/bcq148 [Advance Access publication continues in many different forms (see for February 2, 2011]. example, Carey & Foster, 2011; Greenslade, Fawcett, B., & Plath, D. (2012). A national disability insurance scheme: What social work has to offer. British Journal McAuliffe, & Chenoweth, 2015), however, of Social Work [first published online October 7, 2012]. there are reasons to doubt that achieving doi:10.1093/bjsw/bcs141 solidarity through conversion of the global Ferguson, I. (2009). Another social work is possible! profession of social work to the metanarrative Reclaiming the radical tradition. In V. Leskoše (Ed.), Theories and methods of social work: Exploring different of radical social work would even be sufficient perspectives (pp. 81–98). Ljubljana, Slovenia: University to effect significant change in current of Ljubljana Faculty of Social Work. dynamics. On this analysis it may, in fact, be Ferguson, I., & Lavalette, M. (2014). Editorial. Critical and the case that mainstream liberal social work Radical Social Work, 2(2), 137–140. has an important part to play in defending Fook, J. (2002). Social work: Critical theory and practice. London, UK: Sage. social work’s very existence without which Greenslade, L., McAuliffe, D., & Chenoweth, L. (2015). more radical debate is simply impossible. Social workers’ experiences of covert workplace activism. Australian Social Work, 68(4), 422–437. In his poetic critique of the distractions of doi:10.1080/0312407X.2014.940360 consumer culture , Gil Scott-Heron announced, Hamilton, C., & Maddison, S. (2007). Silencing dissent. Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin. “The revolution will not be televised. The Heraclitus http://www.heraclitusfragments.com/files/ge.html revolution will be live”.Radical practice Hick, S., & Pozzuto, R. (2005). Introduction: Towards resisting the hubris of “televising” itself “becoming” a critical social worker. In S. Hick, stands a better chance of avoiding being J. Fook, & R. Pozzuto (Eds.), Social work: A critical targeted from both within and without the turn (pp. ix–xviii). Toronto, ONT: Thompson Education Publishing. social work profession. The values enacted Ioakimidis, V. (2013). Beyond the dichotomies of cultural and by radical projects are too important to be political relativism: Arguing the case for a social justice made vulnerable to the vicissitudes of political based “global social work” definition. Critical and Radical fashion. The thought of liquid modernity calls Social Work, 1(2), 183–199. into question the idea of “taking a political Ioakimidis, V. (2016, May 24). A guide to radical social work. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian. stance” as the orienting strategy of future com/social-care-network/2016/may/24/radical-social- radical praxis because, in conditions of fluidity, work-quick-guide-change-poverty-inequality a dynamic balance can succeed in navigating Jacobsen, M. H., & Tester, K. (2013, April). De-familiarize the turbulence surrounding the interface of the familiar and familiarize the unfamiliar: Interview with Zygmunt Bauman. The Essayist. Retrieved from the global and the national, where unyielding http://www.the-essayist.org/2013/04/de-familiarize-the- resistance cannot. familiar-and-familiarize-the-unfamiliar/ Lakoff, G. (2004). Don’t think of an elephant! Know your References values and frame the debate: The essential guide for progressives. White River Junction, VT: Chelsea Green Bailey, R., & Brake, M. (1975). Radical social work. London, Publishing. UK: Edward Arnold. Lavalette, M. (Ed.). (2011). Radical social work today: Social Bauman, Z. (2000). Liquid modernity. Cambridge, UK: Polity work at the crossroads. Bristol, UK: Policy Press. Press. Lyotard, J. F. (1984). The postmodern condition: A report Bauman, Z. (2004). Liquid sociality. In N. Gane (Ed.), on knowledge. Manchester, UK: Manchester University The future of social theory (pp. 17–34). London, Press. UK: Continuum. Marston, G., & McDonald, C. (2012). Getting beyond “heroic Bauman, Z. (2010). Education in the world of diasporas. agency” in conceptualising social workers as policy Policy Futures in Education, 8(3–4), 398–407. actors in the twenty-first century. British Journal of Social Bauman, Z., & Bordoni, C. (2014). State of crisis. Cambridge, Work [first published online May 24, 2012]. doi:10.1093/ UK: Polity Press. bjsw/bcs062

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Marston, G., & McDonald, C. (2013). The Australian welfare state: Who benefits now? Melbourne, VIC: Palgrave Macmillan. McDonald, C. (2006). Challenging social work: The institutional context of practice. London, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. McKendrick, D., & Webb, S. A. (2014). Taking a political stance in social work. Critical and Radical Social Work, 2(3), 357–369. doi:10.1332/204986014×14096553584619 McLaughlin, K. (2014). Empowering the people: ‘empowerment’ and the British Journal of Social Work, 1971–99. Critical and Radical Social Work 2 (2), 203 - 216. McMahon, A., Thomson, J., & Williams, C. (Eds.). (2000). Understanding the Australian welfare state: Key documents and themes. Croydon, VIC: Tertiary Press. Mearns, G. (2014). The neoliberal agenda and social work values: using critical discourse analysis to explore the role of language in processes of cultural hegemony. Critical and Radical Social Work 2 (2), 217 - 233. Mendes, P. (2003). Social workers and social action: A case study of the Australian Association of Social Workers’ Victorian branch. Australian Social Work, 56, 16–27. doi:10.1046/j.0312-407X.2003.00053.x Porter, C. (2016). Investing in people—improving lives. Media release, Department of Social Services, 20 September 2016. Retrieved from http://christianporter. dss.gov.au/media-releases/investing-in-people- improving-lives Pusey, M. (2003). An Australian story: The troubling experience of economic reform. Presented as a lecture in the Department of the Senate Occasional Lecture Series at Parliament House on 20 June 2003. Retrieved from http://www.aph.gov.au/binaries/senate/pubs/pops/ pop40/pusey.pdf Rawling, M. (2015). Regulating precarious work in Australia: A preliminary assessment. Alternative Law Journal, 40(4), 252–256. Ryan, W. (1971). Blaming the victim. New York, NY: Pantheon Books. Scott-Heron, G. (1970). The revolution will not be televised. Retrieved from https://genius.com/Gil-scott-heron- introduction-the-revolution-will-not-be-televised- annotated Stiglitz, J. (2002). Globalisation and its discontents. New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company. Wacquant, L. (2004). Critique as solvent of doxa. Constellations, 11(1), 97–101. doi: 10.1111/j.1351- 0487.2004.0034.x Webb, S., & Gray, M. (2013). The new politics of social work. London, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. Yeatman, A. (2009). Individualization and the delivery of welfare services: Contestation and complexity. London, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. Woodward, R. (2013). Some reflections on critical and radical social work literature. Critical and Radical Social Work, 1(1), 135–140.

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Critical Language Awareness: A beckoning frontier in social work education?

Clement Chihota Bethlehem Tertiary Institute, New Zealand

ABSTRACT

INTRODUCTION: Effective social work practice is predicated on empowering, inclusive and culturally responsive communication, and yet, there appears to be very limited focus on language awareness, let alone critical language awareness, in contemporary social work education—both within and beyond the Australasian context. This gap is more worrying against a background where neoliberal and instrumental discourses (Habermas, 1969; O’Regan, 2001) have freely proliferated, and now threaten to colonise virtually all areas of private and public life (Chouliaraki & Fairclough, 1999). In response, this article advocates the inclusion of Critical Language Awareness (CLA) in contemporary social work education.

APPROACH: This article initially maps the broad scope and historical emergence of CLA, before surveying its key political and theoretical influences.

FINDINGS: The key outcome is that CLA—as delineated—clearly shares significant overlaps with social work values, particularly: justice, equality and a commitment to anti-discriminatory and anti- oppressive practice (Dominelli, 2002; Payne, 1997). More importantly, CLA provides conceptual and analytical resources that promise to significantly sharpen students’ abilities to recognise, question and ultimately challenge, oppressive discourses (Fairclough, 2011; Manjarres, 2011; Wodak, 2006).

CONCLUSION: It is recommended that CLA strands be woven into existing social work themes and topics. The final part of the article offers some practical suggestions on how this could be done.

KEYWORDS: critical language awareness; social work; social work education; discourse

Critical Language Awareness (CLA) refers sustenance and transmission of dominant to a political and epistemic stance (Luke, ideologies—and ultimately—the 2002) that pays heightened attention to perpetuation of unequal social structures the socioeconomic, cultural and political and relations. As Fairclough (2009, pp. effects of language (Fairclough, 2009; 163–164) explains, CLA is concerned with: Manjarres, 2011 Wodak, 2006). Driving AOTEAROA NEW ZEALAND SOCIAL CLA is the perception that language/ ...how semiosis figures in the WORK 29(2), 56–68. semiosisi reproduces ideologies in ways establishment, reproduction, and change that are often invisible to members of the of unequal power relations (domination, general public (Fairclough, 2009; Wodak, marginalisation, exclusion of some 2006). It is precisely this invisibility of the people by others) and in ideological CORRESPONDENCE TO: Clement Chihota ideological effects of language that makes processes, and how in general terms it [email protected] it such a potent vector in the constitution, bears upon human “wellbeing”. These

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relations require analysis because there relationship with social structures, are no societies whose logic and dynamic, institutions and relations (Fairclough, including how semiosis figures within 2009; Manjarres, 2011; Wodak, 2006). More them, are fully transparent to all: the forms precisely, language/semiosis shapes but in which they appear to people are often is, in turn shaped, by prevailing social partial and in part, misleading. structures, institutions and relations. Thus, CLA approaches spoken, written or visual CLA is particularly concerned with how texts “with an eye to their determination power is exercised (but also, contested) both by, and their effects on, social structures” in and over language/semiosis (Fairclough, (Fairclough, 1995, p. 36). 2009; Pennycook, 2001; Wodak, 2006). Power manifests in language through such patterns Given its main agendas, CLA is clearly as: who controls the interaction (e.g., asks a political stance (Blommaert & Bulcean, most of the questions; assigns speaking 2000; Luke, 2002) that seeks to illuminate: turns; interrupts contributions or changes (a) the discriminatory and anti- topicsii) and further, who is positioned discriminatory potential of language/ as the “knower” (i.e., whose knowledge, semiosis; (b) its power to shape (but worldviews, beliefs or assumptions tend also reflect) prevailing social structures, to be privileged during the interaction?) institutions and relations; and (c) its (Fairclough, 2009; Pennycook, 2001). always contested nature as it is itself a Pennycook (2001, pp. 80–81) sums up these stake in social struggles (Fairclough, two broad foci of CLA thus: 2009; Manjarres, 2011; Wodak, 2006). Kress (1996, p. 15) outlines CLA’s broad The first has to do with ways in which “political manifesto” thus: unequal power relations between participants in conversations are Critical studies of language … have reproduced….This sort of analysis of how from the beginning had a political power may determine who gets to speak, project: broadly speaking that of about what, and for how long has … been altering inequitable distributions of a major focus of work on [for example] economic, cultural and political goods language and gender. The second focus is in contemporary societies. The intention on the content rather than the structure of has been to bring a system of excessive texts, and has to do with ways in which inequalities of power into crisis by ideologies are (re)produced through uncovering its workings and its effects discourses. through the analysis of potent cultural objects—texts …. The issue has been As already noted, CLA also investigates one of transformation, unsettling the power contestations over language/semiosis existing social order, and transforming (Fairclough, 1989; Manjarres, 2011; Wodak, its elements into an arrangement less 2006). Following Bakhtin (1987), CLA harmful to some, and perhaps more perceives earnest social struggle over “the beneficial to all members of society. differentiation of dialects into ‘standard’ and ‘non-standard’; the conventions associated Part of CLA’s political strategy is to hold with particular discourse type[s]…and up a vision of how—in the ideal world— constraints on access to discourses…” “things might be” (Pennycook, 2001). Thus, (Fairclough, 1989, p. 43). In that regard, CLA CLA articulates its own utopian vision (or views language/semiosis as, itself, a stake in “preferred futures” (Pennycook, 2001)), social struggles. implying that it does “more than just criticise things, [and more than just project a] bleak One of CLA’s foundational tenets is that and pessimistic vision of social relations” language/semiosis contracts a dialectical (Pennycook, 2001, p. 8).

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The emergence of CLA structure is a map of the community’s knowledge and its organization. Historical surveys often trace the origins of modern (or formalised) CLA to the advent In other words, the knowledge, worldviews, of Critical Linguistics (CL): a “politically cultural practices and ideologies of a interested” mode of text analysis that emerged community are all embedded within its at the University of East Anglia in the late language (Fowler, 1996; Halliday, 1978). 1970s (Titscher, Meyer, Vetter, & Wodak, 2000; To illustrate, most Southern African Wodak, 2006). CL derived its noteworthy languages do not have an equivalent term qualifier—the adjective “critical”—from the for the English word “cousin”. This absence iii Frankfurt School , one of whose tenets held reflects (and also reinforces) cultural that, “…a critical science [needs] to be self- practices that view the basic family unit as reflective—that is to say, it must reflect the extended (meaning that there is no semantic interests on which it is based and take account differentiation between a consanguineous of the historical contexts of interactions” brother/sister and what Western (Titscher et al., 2000, p. 144). In the hands languages/cultures would categorise as of the CL practitioners at East Anglia, the “a cousin”). In short, language/semiosis critical stance meant, firstly, that they needed effectively reflects (but also helps to sustain) to openly declare their left-wing political cultural practices. orientation(s), and secondly, engage with social theory to illuminate the contexts in which texts Closely complementing the ideational were produced and consumed (Wodak, 2006). function of language/semiosis is its interpersonal function (Halliday, 1978), which Extending their analytical toolkit, the refers to its role as a means of acting upon CL practitioners at East Angliaiv also the world (Collerson, 1994; Martin & Rose, appropriated Halliday’s (1978) Systemic 2003). Communicators act upon the world Functional and Social Semiotic Linguistics in two main ways. Firstly, they appraise (often designated by the acronym, SFL). people, objects, events or processes; thereby As its point of departure, SFL perceives affirming a personal authority to proffer language as fulfilling several meta-functions, evaluations that shape how other people or of which, the ideational, the interpersonal things are perceived. Thus, the journalist and the textual are key. Briefly, the ideational who makes reference to “hordes of refugees” function of language relates to its role as a arriving in Europe affirms a personal power means of representing reality or experience to proffer such a description. The appraisal (e.g., categorising people, objects, events itself potentially shapes how the refugees are or processes). Alluding to this key meta- perceived. Secondly, communicators act upon function, Fowler (1996, p. 85) writes: the world by positioning their interlocutors or addressees in certain ways. To illustrate, a Language structure, in its ideational peremptory command such as, “Finish that function, is constitutive of a speaker’s piece of work!” (e.g., uttered by one colleague experience of reality. And of a to another) assigns relative authority to the community’s experience. This is what speaker while diminishing the power or the “social semiotic” means. Although, status of the addressee (Fairclough, 2009). undoubtedly, some of the meanings Thus, language positions people, and—in encoded in language are natural, that sense—shapes interpersonal or power reflecting the kind of organism we are relations (Fairclough, 2009). (e.g. basic colour, shape and direction terms…) most meanings are social; the Finally, the textual function of language dominant preoccupations, theories and relates to its effects on communicative ideologies of a community are coded contexts and interpretive processes in its language, so that the semantic (Fairclough, 2009). For instance, the text types

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(or genres) chosen by communicators shape published their seminal works in CL, a how communicative events are construed new wave of revisionists—all advocating and experienced (Fairclough, 2009). To expansions to the scope of CL—was to emerge illustrate, inviting a client for “a chat” raises (Wodak, 2006). Labelling their approaches very different expectations from asking them as Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) or to attend “an interview” or “an assessment”. Critical Language Awareness (CLA)v, these Texts also shape interpretive processes revisionists viewed power dynamics as more through their internal arrangements. For “indecisive” (Iedema, 2004). Whereas CL had example, if a child reports (e.g., to their conceived power relations in neo-Marxian parent) that a cup “is broken”, they are using and Bernsteinianvi terms as relatively “fixed”; an ergative grammatical structure, which and language as generally mirroring such “hides” (or “deletes”) the perpetrator. In this stable social structures, the newer approaches case, the cup itself is placed in the subject adopted Foucault’s (1978) vision of power (or agent) position—as if it somehow “acted” as always provisional, fluid and contested: to break itself. Incidentally, such ergative “Speakers and writers [are] implicated in … grammatical patterns habitually occur in power structures and practices [as] their own official texts (or news headlines) such as: “Iraq ways of speaking and writing help structure bombed” or “Gadhafi killed”, etc.), where particular social arrangements” (Iedema, 2004, victims are placed in the agent position— p. 417). The newer approaches also broadened and the real performer of the action is not the range of texts subjected to analysis by immediately mentioned. The textual function including visual signs/images and non-verbal of language thus complements (or rather, communication under the umbrella category of works hand in hand) with the ideational and semiosis (Kress & van Leeuwen, 1990). Finally, interpersonal functions to promote certain the newer approaches also engaged with a representations of reality or to position wider range of social theory to illuminate “other” people in certain ways. As already communicative contexts (Fairclough, 2003). suggested, such representations are far from The next section examines CLA’s key political innocent—and warrant political critique as and theoretical influences. they are often ideologically invested.

Equipped with tools from SFL and the Political and theoretical infl uences Frankfurt School, CL evolved into an “instrumental linguistics” that closely Titscher et al. (2000, p. 144) have summed analysed texts—not just to reveal their up CLA’s main political and theoretical grammatical or semantic structures, but influences thus: rather, to illuminate the contexts (and politics) surrounding their production and reception. The theoretical framework—even when As Fowler (1996, p. 5) observes: this is not explicitly stated —is derived from Louis Althusser’s theories of The proponents of the linguistic model ideology, Mikhail Bakhtin’s genre theory, are concerned to use linguistic analysis the philosophical traditions of Antonio to expose misrepresentation and Gramsci and the Frankfurt school. discrimination in a variety of modes Michel Foucault has also been a major of public discourse: they offer critical influence…. In addition, Fairclough’s readings of newspapers, political [approach] is related to Michael Halliday’s propaganda, official documents, systemic functional linguistics…. regulations, formal genres such as the interview, and so on. In this discussion, these influences are organised into Marxist (including neo- Ten years after Kress and Hodge (1979) Marxist); postmodernist and linguistic and Fowler, Hodge, Kress, & Trew (1979) categories.

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Marxist and neo-Marxist influences: Althusser, official) and centrifugal (i.e., unofficial/ Gramsci, Bakhtin and the Frankfurt School marginalised) discourses. According to this view, language use is never neutral CLA coincides with Marxism in or even-handed. Even in everyday presupposing conflicts of interest and communicative contexts, language always enduring social struggle between the reinforces centripetal (or centrifugal) various social constituencies (Kress, 1996; discourses, together with the socio-political Pennycook, 2001). In championing the and economic interests of social groups cause of the marginalised, and through associated with those discourses. As Bakhtin seeking to promote positive social change (1987, p. 276) vividly argues: by raising awareness of the links between language/semiosis and social inequality, The word, directed toward its object, CLA emulates Marxist politics; particularly, enters a dialogically agitated and tension- the consciousness-raising strategies vaunted filled environment of alien words, value by “humanist Marxists” (Blommaert & judgments and accents, weaves in and Bulcean, 2000; Fairclough, 2009). CLA also out of complex interrelationships, merges borrows some of its key theoretical concepts with some, recoils from others, intersects from Marxism (Blommaert & Bulcean, 2000). with yet a third group: and all this may For example, it co-opts Althusser’s (1971) crucially shape discourse, may complicate notions of social practice and overdetermination its expression and influence its entire to define discourses as, “element[s] of stylistic profile. social practices, which constitute … other elements as well as being shaped by them” Pecheux (1982) has built on these ideas to (Fairclough, 1999, p. vii). characterise the social environment as a grid of multiple (and competing) “discursive formations”, each of which strains to assert From Gramsci (1971), CLA appropriates the its primacy. Kristeva (1986) uses the term concept of hegemony, which accounts for why intertextuality to capture how utterances oppressed social groups often seem to actively always react to prior (or contemporary) endorse their own subjugation. As Sim (1995, utterances; sometimes mimicking them, p. 176) notes: and sometimes undermining or seeking to supplant them. As Fairclough (2003, p. 17) [T]he concept is used to suggest a notes, the term intertextuality refers to “how society in which, despite oppression and texts draw upon, incorporate, recontextualise, exploitation, there is a high degree of and dialogue with other texts.” consensus and social stability; a society in which subordinate groups and classes As already noted, CLA also incorporates appear actively to support and subscribe neo-Marxist ideas (particularly, the works of to values, ideals, objectives, cultural and Jurgen Habermas). It welcomes the explicit political meanings, which bind them to “self-positioning” of analysts and endorses neo- and incorporate them into prevailing Marxian emphasis of the “cultural rather than structures of power. merely economic dimensions” of social struggle (Titscher et al., 2000, p. 145). Furthermore, Another Marxist influence on CLA are the CLA follows Habermas (1969) in questioning Bakhtinians, whose writings emerged in the “instrumental discourses”viii (Blommaert, 2007; late 1920s. The Bakhtinians advanced the Chouliaraki & Fairclough, 1999). As Chouliaraki (then) revolutionaryvii notion of language and Fairclough (1999) argue, the current era being itself a site of ideological struggle of late modernity is pervaded by instrumental (Bakhtin, 1987; Volosinov, 1973). Bakhtin’s and neoliberal discourses that now threaten to (1987) concept of heteroglossia envisaged colonise virtually all areas of private or public ongoing conflicts between centripetal (i.e., life. There is, therefore, urgent need for the

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emergence of public spheres (Habermas, 1969) There is a sense in which the work of within which ordinary members of the public Foucault is a necessary supplement to can generate alternative (and empowering) that of a wholly abstract Marxist theorist discourses. like Althusser. Althusser offers a broad theory of the institutional production of Postmodernist infl uences: Foucault and ideology, to provide an understanding Bourdieu of the world of lived experience.… But the theory operates with gigantic Displaying its readiness to work with a wide abstract categories which provide little mosaic of social theory, CLA also harnesses insight into the detailed processes of elements of postmodernist philosophy, ideological production. Foucault offers a particularly, the ideas of Michel Foucault detailed analysis at the micro-level of the and Pierre Bourdieu (Fairclough, 2003). ways in which power relationships are From Foucault (1972, 1978), CLA transformed into apparent truths about appropriates the notion that discourses the world. He has no abstract general are forms of power that circulate within theory of society. If those two can be put the social field. As such, they can be together, they provide a composite theory harnessed to strategies of either dominance that is incomparably stronger than either or resistance. Foucault (1978) views separately. discourses as ways of “constituting knowledge, together with the social CLA also draws from Bourdieu (1991), who practices, forms of subjectivity and power sees power as distributed into multiple sectors relations which inhere in such knowledges” or fields, each of which operates according (Weedon, 1987, p. 108). Employing the to its own internal logic (or game rules) and metaphor of the archive, Foucault (1972) is controlled by powerful stakeholders who argues that “subjugated knowledge”— intricately understand those rules. New which is assigned a lowly ranking within entrants to a field (e.g., first-year students in a “the order of discourses”—inhabits out- university) approach from the peripheries. To of-view places such as the prisons and the progress within the field, such entrants rely on psychiatric hospitals. Such marginalised both their current experiences and their prior knowledge needs to be “excavated” back habitus ix. Since new entrants bring different into view, and be assigned its proper place forms (and levels) of habitus—depending within the sanctioned history of ideas. on their background circumstances—rates of Foucault (1972, 1978) therefore views lowly progress in mastering new game rules tend to ranked discourses as powerful springboards be unequal. from which to resist hegemonic discourses. In Foucault’s (1972, 1978) theorisation, Bourdieu’s sociology is reflexive in that contestations over “truth” (or “knowledge”) each field is governed by its own internal are ongoing and everywhere (i.e., they logic. Access to (or control of) a particular occur even during casual conversations field’s rules confers symbolic power upon between the genders, races, sexes, classes, certain “privileged” individuals. Bourdieu religions, age groups, etc.). Highlighting has also enriched theorisations of the term the radical proliferation in sites of social discourse. Gee (1990, p. ix), for example, adapts struggle envisaged by this view, Diamond Bourdieu’s (1991) idea of habitus to define and Quinby (1988, p. 185) remark that, discourses as: “if relations of power are dispersed and fragmented throughout the social field, …ways of behaving, interacting, valuing, so [too] must resistance to power be.” thinking, believing, speaking, and often Jackson (1994, p. 195) has summed up the reading and writing that are accepted as significance of Foucault (vis-à-vis Marxist instantiations of particular roles by specific social theorists such as Althusser), thus: groups of people.

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Seen in this light, discourses are not just ways 2000). Critical metaphor analysis, on the other of speaking or writing. They also encompass hand, examines metaphoric expressions— competencies, orientations and ways of being particularly those used within the public or that define power within specific social fields. political domains. To illustrate, Mr Donald Bourdieu challenges Marxist tendencies to Trump (Junior) recently posted the following measure power in purely economic terms. message on Twitter: “If I had a bowl of skittles As Bourdieu (1991) makes clear, being and I told you just three would kill you [sic]. economically empowered does not necessary Would you take a handful? That’s our Syrian imply that one dominates all sectors of social refugee problem” (The Guardian, 2016, n.p.). life. The notion of symbolic power accounts Here, Syrian refugees are compared to a cheap for why some very rich people are still looked and ubiquitous kind of candy (i.e., Skittles). down upon by members of the aristocracy; or Through this metaphor, Mr Trump (Junior) why some millionaires are still disparaged by effectively: (a) cheapens the value (and lives) middle-class groups who perceive themselves of the Syrian refugees; (b) underscores just to be culturally superior. how unnecessary it is to become involved with their plight (i.e., since no one really needs to eat Linguistic infl uences: SFL and cognitive Skittles—particularly, if there is the slightest models suspicion some might be poisoned); (c) confers power and choice on the Western political As already highlighted, CLA applies SFL establishment (which is in the position to to explain the mechanisms through which decide what to do with the refugees/Skittles); ideologies embed themselves into texts. Key and (d) diminishes the agency of the Syrian among these are: refugees (represented as cheap and “already packaged consumables” that have absolutely • acting upon the world (the interpersonal no say in what happens to them). Such function); metaphors deserve careful scrutiny, since they • reflecting the world and making sense play an important part in constructing social of it (the experiential [or ideational] realities. As Lakoff and Johnson (2003) point function); out, metaphors are like icebergs, which carry • making connections within the text and much more substance underneath the surface, to the context (the textual function). than above it. Cognitive linguistic approaches (Collerson, 1994, p. 155) seek to unpack the conceptual frames operative within such expressions, and to carefully In addition, CLA applies cognitive models of weigh their ideological and political effects text planning x—which Hart and Lukes (2007) (van Dijk, 1999). have subsumed under the ideational function of language—to unpack the cognitive frames CLA in social work education—what (i.e., conceptual structures) present within are the possibilities? spoken, written or visual texts (Lakoff, 1987; Musolff, 2007; van der Hoek, 2000). Cognitive It would not be surprising if CLA—as linguistic approaches pay close attention outlined in the foregoing section—evoked to symbolic representations (e.g., the use a sense of déjà vu in Social Work educators of metonyms and metaphors). Metonymic and practitioners. Clearly, CLA already analysis scrutinises terms used to represent shares significant affinities with social work larger ideas or entities. For example, the idiom, values, particularly, justice, equality and “mouths to feed”—sometimes used to refer to a commitment to anti-discriminatory and destitute people—cites only one part of their anti-oppressive practice (Dominelli, 2002; anatomy (i.e., mouths that require feeding) to Payne, 1997). As previously highlighted, “represent” them. Analysts might question the CLA seeks to alter “inequitable distributions assumptions and political implications of such of economic, cultural and political goods in an association (Musolff, 2007; van der Hoek, contemporary societies” (Kress, 1996, p. 15).

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Reflecting similar ideals, social work Incorporating CLA into social work curricula: two desires “change in society that will alter the broad suggestions fundamental balance of power…in favour of equality, social justice and people’s One possibility would be to teach CLA as a empowerment” (Payne, 1997, p. 9). separate module alongside other social work Notwithstanding these strong affinities, papers. At face value, this approach promises CLA also promises to significantly to be expedient, as CLA would be delivered— strengthen the toolkit of conceptual and more or less—as a self-contained package that analytical resources available to social did not overly disrupt other areas of the social workers engaging in anti-discriminatory work curriculum. In multi-faculty institutions, and anti-oppressive practice. In the first for example, CLA for social work students place, CLA heightens professionals’ might be outsourced to other departments awareness of their own communicative or faculties that already taught papers such practices (Blommaert, 2007; Fairclough, as: “Critical Discourse Analysis” (CDA); 1995). In other words, CLA-equipped “Critical Language Awareness” (CLA) or social workers would be better prepared “Critically oriented Discourse Analysis Across to modulate their own communicate Disciplines” (CDAAD). The main problem practices to promote more empowering with this approach, however, is that it and culturally appropriate communication potentially reinforces the separateness of CLA with their clients (Blommaert, 2007). from the mainstream social work curriculum. A second advantage of CLA is that it Thus, students might perceive it as an add- heightens theoretical understanding of the on to the real social work curriculum, or dialectical relationship between language/ fail to appreciate its congruency with the semiosis and social structures/relations other elements. Students might also struggle (Fairclough, 1989). Practitioners operating to relate CLA to real social work practice with such theoretical awareness would examples or scenarios. be better-placed to discern, question, and ultimately challenge, oppressive discourses The second approach would be to teach (Chouliaraki & Fairclough, 1999). Thirdly, CLA as a strand running though several CLA strengthens awareness of micro- social work themes/topics such as: politics—as visualised by Foucault (1978) or “Applied Politics and Law”; “Social Policy Bakhtin (1987). Micro-political awareness in Action”; “Narrative Approaches”; would enable social work students to “Indigenous Models/Approaches”; recognise every social or communicative “Cultural Competency/Responsiveness”; engagement as an opportunity to re-work and “Working Inclusively” xi. In this case, (or re-negotiate) power and structural CLA-related themes/questions could be relationships to the advantage of their clients explored in conjunction with these topics, (Diamond & Quinby, 1988; Kress, 1996). as is demonstrated in the next sub-section. In short, CLA promises to further sharpen The main strength of this approach is students’ abilities to stand up for equality that it effectively integrates CLA with— and justice and to effectively outwork anti- and also extends the critical lens applied discriminatory and anti-oppressive practice. to—specific social work themes/topics. A possible limitation with this approach, The remainder of this section focuses on the however, is that it does not necessarily practicalities of integrating CLA into social provide for a comprehensive introduction work education. Initially, two broad ways of to CLA (that would cover its background, incorporating CLA into social work education historical emergence and political/theoretical are considered. Thereafter, practical examples influences, etc.). Thus, separate lessons might of how CLA strands could be woven into still be needed to cover this background. existing social work themes/papers are Secondly, there might also be a risk that provided. CLA would be very much diluted (if not

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obscured) if taught as a strand running • How are prevailing social arrangements through several social work themes/topics. (i.e., social structures, institutions Notwithstanding these potential challenges, or relations) mirrored in language/ the latter approach is preferred to the former, semiosis? as it effectively integrates CLA into the social • What does the dialectical (i.e., two- work curriculum albeit with the proviso that way) relationship between language/ this would somewhat extend the normative semiosis and social structures imply for frontiers of the curriculum. social work practice? • Do ideologies/worldviews/mind-sets Weaving CLA strands into social work that are embedded within ordinary/ everyday language/semiosis find themes/papers: some examples their way into: (a) political discourses; As previously established, CLA draws from and (b) legislative frameworks? Are multiple political and theoretical influences these ideologies transformed (or re- and applies a wide range of methods (Luke, contextualised) as they diffuse into 2002; Manjarres, 2011; Wodak, 2006). Thus, the political/legislative domains? the examples given in this sub-section • What are some of the pitfalls/ come with a caveat: they are mere pointers limitations of translation? What is to possible ways of weaving CLA strands lost when ideas or expressions are into social work themes/topics (rather than translated from one language/culture recommendations or prescriptions on how to another? And, what are some of the this should be done). implications of this for working with indigenous cultures (including Máori 1. The dialectical relationship between within the Aotearoa New Zealand language/semiosis and social struc- context)? tures • What discourses tend to be marginalised (or kept out of view)—as This strand could be woven into papers/ Foucault (1972, 1978) has argued— topics such as “Applied Politics and Law,” and why? How can such discourses “Working Inclusively” or “Indigenous be “excavated back into view” (or be Models/Approaches.” In my own teaching accorded their proper place within the of the Applied Politics and Law paper, “sanctioned history of ideas” (Foucault, I have included discussions of how 1978)). discourses reflect (but also, shape) social structures and relations (Fairclough, 2. Dialogical struggles over language 2009; Manjarres, 2011; Wodak, 2006). I have been able to weave this strand into The following questions have framed the topics such as Cultural Competency/ discussion: Responsiveness. Initially, students were • How do discourses (including ways introduced to micro-politics as envisaged of speaking or writing to or about by Foucault (1978) and Bakhtin (1987). certain groups of people) shape their A number of questions (including the social positions and/or outcomes? following) were explored: For example, how do right-wing political discourses (e.g., aspects of • What does a dialogical struggle look “Trump talk”) shape social positions/ like in a social worker’s practice? outcomes for certain groups of • Do the social services employ people? What counter-discourses centripetal (i.e., official) or centrifugal could potentially mitigate the effects (i.e., ‘unofficial) discourses (Bakhtin, of these discourses? And, what can 1987)? Can social workers effectively social workers do to promote such use centrifugal discourses (a) when counter-discourses? engaging with their clients and (b)

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when recording case their notes? What agents performing certain actions are are the effects of switching from one sometimes not stated? type of discourse to the other (e.g., at • Identifying information flagged as the point of recoding case notes) in more or less important (depending on terms of how clients are positioned or its placement in the theme or “sentence- represented? initial” or rheme/sentence-end position). • In what ways are instrumental 4. Using SFL tools: the interpersonal (particularly, neoliberal) discourses function increasingly colonising the social services? In papers/topics such as Narrative • What is the effect of using English Approaches, students considered how terms (including English place names) power is projected through evaluations (or when working with indigenous appraisals) and also through how other client groups? Could social workers people are positioned by speakers. Martin potentially empower or disempower and Rose (2003) have highlighted three main their clients through the language(s) kinds of appraisal (i.e., judgements, affect and they use (including their non-verbal appreciation). Briefly, judgements evaluate communication)? personal or moral attributes, e.g., “He’s a • What discourse types tend to be smart guy” (personal) or “He’s a cruel man” privileged above others? For example, (moral). Affect evaluates emotion, and can are written records/accounts implicitly be either positive, e.g., “We were in love,” or trusted above oral accounts? What negative, e.g., “I felt devastated by the news.” potential inequalities can arise as a Appreciation evaluates things/processes result of this and how can these be and can also be either positive, e.g., “a addressed? beautiful relationship” or negative, e.g., “my • How do dialects or accents shape how unsuccessful marriage.” All appraisals (i.e., we work with clients? How about judgements, affect or appreciations) can be professionals’ dialects or accents—what amplified through intensifiers, e.g., “We impacts do they have on clients? were madly in love” as opposed to “We were somewhat in love.” As Martin and Rose (2003) 3. Using SFL tools: the textual function of point out, it is important to clearly identify language/semiosis the sources of appraisals, since some are This strand was woven into such papers as direct (i.e., made by immediate speakers/ Social Policy in Action and Applied Politics writers) while others are projected (i.e., and Law. Attention was given to how reported by a secondary speaker/writer). textual forms (e.g., genre choices and the Students considered questions such as: internal arrangements of texts) shape: (a) • Who appraises other people (or certain communicative events; and (b) interpretive events/processes) within the narrative processes. Discussions centred on: and what is their status? Conversely, • How genre choices shape communicative who (or what) is appraised and what events e.g., the difference between social position is assigned to them? inviting a client for a chat or inviting them • What kinds of appraisal predominate to an interview or an assessment. within a given narrative (i.e., is the text • The power relations set up as a result of saturated with judgements, affect or the use of certain genres. appreciation—and why? • The genres favoured by official policy • Are most of the appraisals positive or and their accessibility to ordinary negative—and why? Are many of the people—even when simplified. appraisals amplified—and why? What • Subtle messages communicated by is the overall impact of the appraisal textual arrangements, e.g., ergative system reflected in the narrative? forms. Considering the reasons why (Martin & Rose, 2003).

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5. SFL in social work training: the can professionals do to recognise and ideational function build bridges across such differences? • What symbols/metaphors/metonyms This strand was explored across a wide are used by certain clients (or groups of range of papers/modules including: clients)? How do such symbols illuminate Working Inclusively; Social Policy in clients’ worldviews or experiences? Action and Narrative Approaches. Students • What can professionals learn from considered the assumptions/worldviews/ symbolic expressions (e.g., Máori cultural practices embedded within proverbs or whakatauki)? certain spoken, written or visual texts then discussed such questions as: 7. Multilingualism: the mix of languages • What worldviews/assumptions are and cultures discernible within the text? What social This strand highlights the effects of or historical circumstances have shaped multiculturalism and multilingualism, those worldviews/assumptions? which have become the norm rather Do communicators appear to be than the exception in the aftermath conscious or unconscious of their own of globalisation (Blommaert, 2007). It worldviews/assumptions? was included in papers/themes such • How do professionals speak to or speak as Working Inclusively and Cultural about the people they work with? To Responsiveness. Blommaert (2007) uses what extent can professional language the term orders of indexicality to capture xii reify certain clients ? how ways of using language (e.g., accents, • How can CLA can be harnessed to registers, dialects etc.) normatively index empower marginalised people or to specific social personae, roles and statuses. promote positive social change? Thus, “one speaks as a man, lawyer, middle-aged European, asylum seeker 6. The cognitive frames and event models and so forth” (Blommaert 2007, p. 117). This aspect was woven into papers/ Blommaert then stresses how normative topics relating to Cultural Competency/ indexicalities differ from one part of Responsiveness. Cognitive frames refer the world to another. In other words, to widely-shared conceptual structures what indexes middle-class ways embedded within language/semiosis. of using English in London may be As van Dijk (1999, p. 18) has noted, radically different from what indexes social groups share “system[s] of mental middle-class ways of using English representations” consisting of cognitive in Lagos or in Nairobi (Blommaert, frames through which phenomena (or 2007). In that regard, different orders of experiences) are categorised and linked indexicality obtain in different parts of into “coherent patterns.” Cognitive frames the world; meaning that serious linguistic help to construct event models, which inequalities are most likely to occur when constrain how individuals, “act, speak, people move to other parts of the world. or write” in particular situations As Blommaert (2007, p. 117) notes, there (van Dijk 1999, p. 2). are “rules of access and regulations as to [the] circulation” of accents and varieties The following questions were considered: of language. [Thus], systemic patterns • What are the: (a) cognitive frames; and of indexicality are also systemic patterns (b) event models brought to interactive of authority, of control and evaluation, encounters by certain clients or groups and hence of inclusion and exclusion.” of clients? Blommaert (2007) illustrates this with • How do cognitive frames and event the case of African asylum seekers in the models differ between the cultures; age Netherlands, who are often perceived groups; social classes or genders? What as “evasive” or as “liars” because their

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narratives (as presented on application References forms) seem “repetitious” or “incoherent” Althusser, L. (1971). Lenin and philosophy and other essays. o immigration officials. Blommaert London, UK: New Left Books. (2007, p. 118) is therefore concerned Bakhtin, M. M. (1987). Speech genres and other late essays. with “important aspects of power and Austin, TX: University of Texas. Bernstein, B. (1972). A sociolinguistic approach to socialisation inequality in the field of semiosis.” with some reference to educability. In J. J. Gumperz & The following questions were discussed D. H. Hymes (Eds.), Directions in sociolinguistics: The to further explore this theme: ethnography of communication (pp. 465–497). New York, • How does Blommaert’s (2007) notion NY: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Blommaert, J. (2007). Sociolinguistics and discourse analysis: of orders of indexicality apply to work Orders of indexicality and polycentricity. Journal of with migrants or refugees (particularly, Multicultural Discourses, 2(2), 115–130. those from non-English-speaking Blommaert, J., & Bulcean, C. (2000). Critical discourse countries)? analysis. Annual Review of Anthropology, 29, 447–466. • How can Blommaert’s ideas be used Bourdieu, P. (1991). Language and symbolic power. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. to heighten cultural competency/ Chouliuaraki, L., & Fairclough, N. (1999). Discourse in responsiveness? In other words, what late modernity: Rethinking critical discourse analysis. nuances do Blommaert’s ideas bring to Edinburgh, Scotland: Edinburgh University Press. the meaning of cultural competency/ Collerson, J. (1994). English grammar: A functional approach. responsiveness? Sydney, NSW: PETA. The examples provided in this section are by De Saussure, F. (1916). Course in general linguistics. La Salle, IL: Open Court. no means exhaustive. They merely serve as Diamond, I., & Quinby, L. (Eds.). (1988). Feminism and pointers to possible ways of weaving CLA Foucault: Reflections on resistance. Boston, MA: strands into existing social work themes/ Northeastern University Press. papers. Dominelli, L. (2002). Anti-oppressive social work theory and practice. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. Fairclough, N. (1989). Language and power. London, UK: Conclusion Longmans. This article has defined CLA, outlined its Fairclough, N. (1995). Critical discourse analysis: The critical study of language. London, UK: Longman. historical emergence, and surveyed its Fairclough, N. (2003). Analysing discourse: Textual analysis key political and theoretical influences. for social research. London, UK: Routledge. Most essentially, the paper argued for the Fairclough, N. (2009). A dialectical-relational approach to inclusion of CLA in contemporary social discourse analysis. In R. Wodak & M. Meyer (Eds.), Methods of critical discourse Analysis (pp. 162–186). work education, the main rationale being London, UK: SAGE.. that language/semiosis is the crucible Foucault, M. (1972). The archeology of knowledge. London, within which social subjectivities/ UK: Tavistock. identities, social structures/institutions and Foucault, M. (1978). The history of sexuality volume 1. interpersonal/power relations are forged but London, UK: Penguin. also negotiated and contested (Fairclough, Fowler, R. (1996). On critical linguistics. In C. Caldas-Coultard & M. Coulthard (Eds.), Readings in critical discourse 2009; Manjarres, 2011; Wodak, 2006). As analysis. (pp. 3–14). London, UK: Routledge. argued throughout the article, language/ Fowler, R., Hodge, B., Kress, G., & Trew, T. (1979). Language semiosis reflects, but also actively shapes, and control. London, UK: Routledge. Gee, J. P. (1990). prevailing social arrangements (Fairclough, Social linguistics and literacies: Ideologies in discourses. 2009). The final part of the article considered London, UK: The Falmer Press. Gramsci, A. (1971). Selections from the prison notebooks. how CLA strands might be woven into New York, NY: International. existing social work themes/topics to Habermas, J. (1969). On ideology and social change. Boston, sharpen the critical lenses applied to those MA: Beacon Press. materials and to equip students with tools Halliday, M. A. K. (1978). Language as social semiotic: required to defend positive “social change The social interpretation of language and meaning. London, UK: Edward Arnold. and development, social cohesion, and the Hart, C., & Lukes, D. (Eds.). (2007). Cognitive linguistics empowerment and liberation of people” in critical discourse analysis: Application and theory. (IFSW, 2014, n.p.). Newcastle. UK: Cambridge Scholar Publishers.

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Iedema, R. (2004). Review article on: Kieran O’Halloran (Eds.), The construction of mental representation during (2003). Critical Discourse Analysis and Cognitive reading (pp. 123–148). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Linguistics. Edinburgh University Press. Linguistics and Volosinov, N. V. (1973). Marxism and the philosophy of Education, 15, 413-423. language. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. International Federation of Social Workers. (2014). Global Weedon, C. (1987). Feminist practice and poststructuralist definition of social work. Retrieved from: http://ifsw.org/ theory. Oxford, UK: Blackwell. policies/definition-of-social-work/ Wodak, R. (2006). Mediation between discourse and society: Jackson, L. (1994). The dematerialisation of Karl Marx. Assessing cognitive approaches in CDA. Discourse London, UK; New York, NY: Longman. Studies, 8(1), 179–190. Kress, G. (1996). Representational resources and the production of subjectivity. In C. R. Caldas-Coulthard & M. Coulthard (Eds.), Texts and practices: Readings in End Notes critical discourse analysis. London, UK: Routledge. i The broader term, semiosis, includes various modes of Kress, G., & Hodge, B. (1979). Language as ideology. communication e.g., verbal or written texts, visual signs/ London, UK: Routledge and Kegan Paul. images, body language, etc. (Fairclough, 2009). Kress, G., & van Leeuwen, T. (1990). Reading images. ii Fairclough (1989, p. 44) gives an example of London, UK: Routledge. “asymmetrical talk” between trainee medical students and Kristeva, J. (1986). Word, dialogue and the novel. In T. Moi their supervisor/professor, in which the latter: (Ed.), The Kristeva reader (pp. 34–61). Oxford, UK: Basil • Frequently interrupts student contributions and Blackwell. controls conversational turns with interjections such Lakoff, G., & Johnson, M. (2003). Metaphors we live by. as, “Off you go.” Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. • Frames the entire conversation by describing what is going on. Luke, A. (2002). Beyond science and ideology critique: • Specifies what sorts of contributions he expects from Developments in critical discourse analysis. Annual students, and Review of Applied Linguistics, 22, 96–110. • Evaluates student contributions with remarks such as, Manjarres, B. (2011). Critical discourse analysis: A review of “Very good, that’s right,” etc. the critique. Language 35(1), 219-242. iii Particularly, the works of Jurgen Habermas. Martin, J., & Rose, D. (2003). Working with discourse: iv That is, Kress & Hodge (1979) and Fowler et al. (1979). Meaning beyond the clause. London, UK: Continuum. v As Wodak (2006) points out, these labels are difficult to Musolff, A. (2007). Is there such a thing as discourse history? distinguish and are often used interchangeably. The case of metaphor. In C. Hart & D. Lukes (Eds.), vi A reference to Bernstein (1972). Cognitive linguistics in critical discourse analysis: vii Application and theory (pp. 1–27). Newcastle, UK: This view markedly contrasted with de Saussure’s (1916) Cambridge Scholars Publishing. theories of signification, which treated linguistic signs (e.g., words and expressions) as “arbitrary symbols” that O’Regan, J. (2001). Critical discourse analysis. [Review of only carried meaning (or became intelligible) because the book Discourse in late modernity: Rethinking critical members of society “agreed” on (and “standardised”) discourse analysis, by L. Chouliaraki & N. Fairclough]. their meanings, suggesting that society shared some kind Language and Intercultural Communication, 1(2), 115–135. of “linguistic consensus.” Payne, M. (1997). The three pillars of social work. viii O’Regan (2001, p. 155) has summarised Habermas’s [Unpublished conference paper presented at a Social notion of instrumental rationality thus: “Instrumental Work conference in Beijing]. Retrieved from https://www. rationality refers to the systems and systematising scribd.com/doc/13917710/The-three-pillars-of-social-work tendencies of the state, the institutions of the state Pecheux, M. (1982). Language, semantics and ideology. and of commercial capitalist organisations and New York, NY: St. Martin’s Press. businesses in the economy. It is a technocratic and mechanistic consciousness which delineates and Pennycook, A. (2001). Critical applied linguistics. A critical determines the conventions by which work is done introduction. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. in society and in doing so, stifles any reflective Sim, S. (1995). Derrida and the end of history (postmodern approach to the activities of individuals and the encounters). Cambridge, UK: Icon Books. problems of society, preferring instead to approach Titscher, S. Meyer, M. Vetter, E., & Wodak, R. (2000). Methods these as technical issues with (predictable) technical of text and discourse analysis. London, UK: SAGE. explanations and/or solutions.” ix The Guardian. (2016). Donald Trump Jr compares Syrian That is, their prior resources or “system of habits.” refugees to poisoned Skittles. [Press release]. Retrieved Eagleton (1996, p.156) describes habitus as “set[s] from https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/sep/20/ of durable dispositions.” donald-trump-jnr-compares-refugees-poisoned-skittles- x Also referred to as “cognitive linguistic approaches.” twitter-reacted xi These are examples of social work themes/papers taught Van der Hoek, W. (2000). [Review of the book Nonmonotonic at Bethlehem Tertiary Institute. reasoning, by G. Antoniou]. Journal of Logic, Language xii An example would be the use of acronyms such as and Information, 9, 125-128 “FOC” and “MOC” to refer (respectively) to “father of Van Dijk, T. A. (1999). Context and experience models in client” and “mother of client”—as previously used by discourse processing. In H. van Oostendorp & S. Goldman some child protection social workers.

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“What’s his is his and what’s mine is his”: Financial power and the economic abuse of women in Aotearoa

Ang Jury1, Natalie Thorburn1 and Ruth Weatherall2

1 National Collective of ABSTRACT Independent Women’s Refuges, New Zealand INTRODUCTION: Economic abuse has the potential to have far-reaching consequences 2 Victoria University of for victims, but is largely invisible within discourses on violence against women. While it is Wellington, New Zealand internationally recognised as a pervasive and highly gendered method for abusers to gain and maintain control over women, there is no research specifically on economic abuse in Aotearoa New Zealand.

AIM: This study aimed to understand the experiences and effects of economic abuse for women in Aotearoa New Zealand, particularly in relation to methods of coercive control, with the intention of developing risk matrices to be used by practitioners.

METHODS: We conducted a survey with 448 respondents—with 398 the focus of analysis for this article. The survey contained a combination of scaling and open-ended questions. This article reports findings of a qualitative analysis of aspects from responses to open-ended questions.

FINDINGS: Abusers employed a range of abusive methods to restrict victims’ freedom and exercise domination. These abusive behaviours seemed to follow traditional hegemonic constructions of masculinity as synonymous with “provider” in that many of these methods relied on the reproduction of gendered stereotypes which subjugate women to a subordinate position in the household. Women experienced a range of adverse emotional impacts as a result of this abuse.

CONCLUSIONS: We found that, in reality, abusers relied on these stereotypes to justify the appropriation of women’s resources and consequent removal of women’s financial autonomy while, paradoxically, the women described providing for the household on greatly restricted finances—whether through paid or unpaid labour. We have translated these findings into risk matrices to assist the identification of economic abuse.

KEYWORDS: economic abuse; intimate partner violence; gender; women; domestic violence

Introduction Greeson, 2008). Although economic abuse is commonly understood to be an element AOTEAROA While physical abuse is the most recognised NEW ZEALAND SOCIAL of psychological abuse it has, as a discrete WORK 29(2), 69–82. form of intimate partner violence (IPV), phenomenon, received very little specific psychological abuse used to belittle, isolate, attention (Postmus, Plummer, McMahon, and humiliate the victim has been described Mushid, & Kim, 2012; Sanders, 2015). CORRESPONDENCE TO: as the most lasting and damaging dimension Finance, debt, and the distribution of Natalie Thorburn of IPV (Adams, Sullivan, Bybee, & household labour have enormous influence [email protected]

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upon women’s lives; both in an everyday violence, family violence, intimate partner sense and across the entire life course. A lack violence, domestic abuse, violence against of understanding of economic abuse thereby women, and couples’ violence. However, potentially constitutes a serious barrier given the general acceptance that, in its to understanding the dynamics, impacts, most severe and socially pervasive form, and best practice support for women this violence is typically perpetrated by experiencing the impacts of IPV. men against women in a range of domestic partnerships (see Allen, 2011; Bell & This research was conducted by the National Naugle, 2008; Straus, 2011), we have opted Collective of Independent Women’s Refuges to use the term intimate partner violence (NCIWR), with the intention of growing the (IPV). While this term has been subject to body of domestic literature on the topic and criticism for its gender-neutral language informing our own practice. We aimed to (Gavey, 2005), it is useful in that it removes explore the nature of women’s experiences heteronormative assumptions about who of economic abuse in Aotearoa New Zealand the instigators and subjects of violence are, by asking them about access to resources, and most correctly encapsulates the range the negotiation of financial decision- of behaviours recognised by the World making, the impacts of economic abuse on Health Organisation that result in physical, social inclusion, abuse-related changes to psychological, or sexual harm to victims employment and housing situations, and the (Krug, Dahlberg, Mercy, Zwi & Lozano, long-term financial impacts of abuse. The 2002). overarching research project had a broad aim of developing an understanding of While historically considered to solely the impact of economic abuse on the lives comprise physical and sexual violence of women in Aotearoa New Zealand. This against a partner, conceptualisations of article focuses on one particular dimension what patterns of behaviours may constitute of the overall study by asking the question: IPV have been broadened in recent years. What aspects of coercive control are salient In Aotearoa New Zealand, the Domestic in economic abuse and how can practitioners Violence Act 1995 (DVA) has extended effectively identify these? the legal definition of a “relationship” to include household members and close Consequently, our particular focus in this personal relationships (DVA, s 4). In 2013, article is to delineate the inherently gendered the description of behaviours defined nature of economic abuse, and the ways in as abusive was amended to include the which it appears to be exercised primarily sub-category of economic abuse under to gain and exercise control and domination the overarching category of psychological over women. Additionally, in recognition of abuse, describing this as “denying or the dearth of available resources designed limiting access to financial resources, or to help both victims and practitioners preventing or restricting employment understand and recognise the signs of opportunities or access to education” (DVA, economic abuse, we further aimed to collate s 3(2)(c)(iva)). these findings and develop risk matrices of economic abuse methods for identifying Given the focus of this article, we are possible manifestations of economic abuse. focusing on IPV employing methods of “coercive controlling violence”, which Review of the literature represents a distinct and on-going pattern of purposeful mistreatment, typically Terms used to denote the purposeful utilising a range of coercive methods, in violence perpetrated by one partner against order to gain dominance over a partner another are plentiful, overlapping, and often (Kelly & Johnson, 2008). The focus of used interchangeably, including domestic this survey, economic abuse, is therefore

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conceptualised as part of a web of physical and open-ended questions that invited and psychological abuse used by an participants to write about their experiences abuser to establish and maintain power of economic abuse. The survey was therefore and control over their victim. Economic split into five main sections that collected: abuse has been understood as part of the (a) demographic information; (b) the abusive toolkit in a variety of contexts. This economically abusive methods exercised by includes different international contexts, partners around the sharing of resources; (c) for example the US (e.g., Adams, Beeble, & open-ended responses about experiences of Gregory, 2015; Adams et al., 2008; Postmus, economic abuse; (d) the impact of economic Plummer, & Stylianou, 2016; Sanders, abuse on employment and housing; and 2015) and Australia, (e.g., Cortis & Bullen, (e) the impact of economic abuse on social 2016) as well as in specific subsections of involvement. the population, for example women in heterosexual partnerships (e.g., Adams The survey was designed to explore et al., 2009; Postmus et al., 2016; Sanders, women’s experiences of economic abuse. 2015) and elders (e.g., Hamby, Smith, A link to the survey and invitation to Mitchell, & Turner, 2016; Kaspiew, Carson, & participate was disseminated through social Rhoades, 2016). From these studies we can media, including being shared in online ascertain that economic abuse is a common women’s groups and groups comprised factor in IPV and can be closely linked to primarily of people who identified socially normative gender roles. as being of minority sexual or gender orientation. Our reasons for focusing solely on women’s experiences were Methods twofold: we are a women’s organisation The research was done in parallel with a and therefore prioritise experiences of our similar project designed by a researcher from potential clients; and as economic abuse is Curtin University, Australia. The Australian internationally recognised as a gendered researcher’s project was given full ethics phenomenon we regarded it as paramount approval by the university. As this project that the initial exploration privileged the was not associated with the university, we experiences of women. then sought internal institutional approval for other ethical considerations and adapted The survey attracted 448 respondents. Seven our survey accordingly. We made minor respondents identified as male and thus were adaptations to both more accurately reflect excluded from analysis on the basis that we the New Zealand context and to remove were interested in exploring the experiences heterosexist assumptions inherent in the of those who identified as women— original version. For example all gender- including trans-women, intersex people, specific questions were changed to gender and non-binary people. The remainder neutral, e.g., the measure “demand that you of respondents identified with the latter give him receipts” was changed to “demand categories and having been in a relationship that you give them receipts”. These changes with an abuser and so were included in the were made throughout the survey and the dataset. All but two completed the survey edits made were subsequently adopted by via SurveyMonkey; they opted to fill out the Australian researcher. the survey over the phone. The survey was open to people who identified with a variety The survey comprised a mixture of of sexual orientations—including, but not demographic questions, several scales limited to, heterosexual or straight, lesbian, which asked participants to identify which bisexual, asexual, questioning, and gay. economically abuse behaviours their There was also an other category—in which partner exercised in terms of access to people primarily identified as pansexual. resources, employment, and social inclusion, During analysis, however, we found that the

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vast majority of respondents were answering When I wasn’t working I wasn’t allowed the survey in relation to a male partner and any say in any financial decisions. After I thus, for the resulting thematic analysis began working I still had no say, I earned for this article, we opted to focus on this less than him so my opinion didn’t count. dimension of survey responses. This left a total of 398 responses that were included in He pretty much bought whatever he our analysis. wanted. New car for himself only, booked big holidays without talking We used NVivoTM to code and analyse the about where or time off work or costs. data using thematic analysis and descriptive I really didn’t have a say in anything quantitative analysis. From the qualitative except meals. data, we identified four overarching themes. The focus of this article is on one I wasn’t allowed to work simply [because] of these themes: with abusers’ positioning he said that would give me financial of their own wants and needs as superior independence. I felt very controlled and to those of female partners, and consequent disabled. As long as he paid for things, it mistreatment stemming from the desire was fine. to access, take control of, and dominate, female partners’ financial resources. The above comments describe a situation where the female partner’s contributions were systematically ignored or degraded Findings through means of access restriction Overview over economic resources and decisions. Women were made dependent through One of the most common indicators of devaluation of their household contribution. economic abuse reported by respondents Additionally, when women were not in was the erosion of financial decision-making the paid workforce abusers exploited power—a form of dispossession that the devaluation of household labour to effectively stripped women of the right to justify giving female partners no right to behave like an equal partner and forced them input. Even when bringing in money from to submit to abusive partners’ wills. This employment, this was still deemed less manifested in a variety of ways. worthy than abusers’ contributions. Whether through a subtle manipulation, or a blatantly expressed desire, the abusers aimed to have No right to input the female partner financially dependent. Money constitutes a fundamental necessity, both in terms of sheer survival but also His needs over hers as a prerequisite to continued participation in pre-established living and social Women who responded to the survey situations. Thus this stripping of economic described countless instances in which power represented, for many women, a their male partners had disregarded their simple and inescapable method of securing needs, or the needs of their children, in dependence upon their abuser. This favour of indulging their own financial appeared to be excused by abusive partners wants and needs, irrespective of the health as their earned “right” to exercise financial and social implications of such spending power without collaborative decision- discrepancies. In some cases, resistance to making due to the supremacy of their work fulfilling the unnecessary wants of male in comparison to that of their partners partners at the expense of family wellbeing (seemingly irrespective of whether women was met with violence by the abusive were contributing equal labour by work partner, therefore acting as a deterrent to within the home). future resistance:

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I remember being hit or else threatened described the attainment of essentials as for not buying him smokes with the last secondary to their partners’ wishes—even of my money after rent—so I did and in times of dire need. The emotional harm then we had no money for food. of such deprivation appeared to be either intentionally inflicted, or disregarded by male He was often spending all our money on partners of the respondents. The withholding him, so there was no money for mortgage, of money for essentials functioned as a source food for family, basic necessities. of humiliation and shame for victims. In addition to the emotional impacts arising Respondents’ partners would frequently from specific prohibitions of basic items (such draw upon outdated gender stereotypes of as sanitary items, or food for infants), acts that the “good” wife and mother; namely, that cast victims’ lack of financial power into the they should be selfless, humble, and prioritise public arena caused intense distress. Victims’ parenting time over individual achievement or clothing featured heavily in these narratives employment. This highlighted the pervasive as being perceived by male partners as nature of entrenched gender schemas and their frivolous and not worthy of expenditure, forcible iteration by abusive partners. despite abusive partners maintaining high standards of clothing themselves. My ex would tell me to withdraw so I could be at home with children instead On many occasions, I had to go without saying it was more important [than wearing underwear/bras because he anything else and] would only give me $20 didn’t deem them important enough a week spending money for Christmas and to be replaced. This was incredibly birthday presents and children clothes, or embarrassing for me. my clothes, saying I didn’t work so I wasn’t entitled to anything more. I was never allowed to buy basic necessities like clothes and underwear. The impact was slow and insidious. I was told that I was spoilt, selfish and frivolous He would refuse to give me money if and as a consequence felt that my I needed it, he always had new clothes interests and needs were not important but I had to make do. and to have to ask for money for myself would invite ridicule … I had been I would collect change he left around educated through fear and intimidation the house and go to the op shop to buy not to ask for my needs to be met. things for me and my son, when he could easily spend $300-400 on just his Women had their needs and desires shoes—publicly embarrassing me about systematically delegitimised in ways that my appearance as I had no nice things to relied on the control of financial resources. wear or makeup. Women were told they were “frivolous”; were given infinitesimal budgets to carry One respondent spoke about the buying out household tasks, and were, through of clothing being an integral aspect of her mechanisms of intimidation, devaluation, recovery—the regaining of power to provide and constriction, coerced into having their for the self without retribution from an needs or desires disregarded. abusive partner.

You may not see it [be]cause it isn’t Depriving women of essentials physical but it’s there and it’s hard. Privileging his needs over her needs was After I got the courage to leave and had further compounded by depriving women control over my own money I would of the basic essentials. Many respondents spend it all on things for others, [be]

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cause it just didn’t feel right spending it I was the bread winner and any money on myself. It took some time to realise I I earned he considered to be for himself could buy clothes for myself and not get instead of to pay for groceries and things a black eye. for the children.

Similarly, sanitary products were either I was frequently denied money needed to regarded as inessential by male partners, buy sanitary items or items for our baby. or were subject to humiliating permission- I was not in work when we were a couple seeking. as I had to keep the house/look after the baby. He would get the receipts and circle any costs he was angry about them I’d have I was prevented from buying things to justify the costs including nappies and needed for the baby whilst pregnant, and sanitary items after birth. then was barely left with any money for the baby’s necessities after birth. He controlled the money. I had to ask him for everything, including sanitary items. This included not allowing me to use [my own] money to buy food or clothing [I had to] ask my mother for money for needed for my children [the basics] sanitary products ’cos he wouldn’t buy them. He would transfer money out of his account and not tell me so I would get I was constantly criticised if I bought declined at the supermarket often with essential items like antiperspirant or my newborn with me. shampoo, and my ex-husband would add up the cost of anything I had bought Women were consistently denied access to the that he didn’t need and use this to put me basics of food and sanitary items by abusive down and complain about how wasteful partners. This resulted in severely debilitating I was. emotional consequences for many women. It precluded the ability of women to feel In instances where sanitary items were confident and comfortable to go into public regarded as unimportant and money was spaces, and controlled their ability to provide not permitted to be spent on such items, for themselves and their children. women faced severe debilitating social and emotional consequences: Women’s roles: Providing for families without support I wasn’t allowed to spend on personal hygiene products at all, and spiralled into Even when resources were primarily depression because of it. controlled by the abuser and women were frequently unable to purchase food The appropriation of household funds or sanitary products, many respondents extended to withholding money intended described how their partners had imposed for feeding and clothing children, with the unrealistic demands upon them, expecting result that women and children were often that they provide for their families with unable to access adequate food or essentials. minimal resources. In addition, the resources In the majority of women’s comments about that were accessible to women raising their struggles to maintain some financial children or responsible for feeding families power for the sole purpose of providing for were frequently plundered by male partners. children, it was apparent that the abusive The forcible taking of communal, household- partners took little if any responsibility for designated money did not diminish abusers’ this provision of essentials. expectations that women would still

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provide quality meals and a comfortable When food ran out, he would go buy home environment. While some abusers himself ready roast, come home and eat it appeared to be opportunistically taking in front of me knowing that I had nothing money out of allocated funds to indulge their to eat. personal wants, others used this as a form of punishment and a reminder of who held ultimate power over the household. Deceit and blame Finally, in many cases, deception was used There were three primary ways in which this (often repeatedly and systematically) by occurred. The first was insufficient allocation abusers in order to obtain the financial of funds to household necessities, despite resources of female partners. Typically, this a greater pool of money being available for occurred in conjunction with other types other, less essential purposes. For example, of economic abuse and, for some, other one respondent stated that her partner only categories of intimate partner violence. gave her $100 per week to feed seven people, but expected these meals to be limitless. He would steal money from my wallet Another stated: to gamble. I gave him money to pay rent and pay for my storage locker as He would give me 60 dollars each week he said he wanted to prove I could trust for food and that was it, it never went far him. As a result we were locked out of so I was constantly having to foot the bill. our home.

The second was the setting aside of money One time he stole the eftpos card and for specific household expenses, which was spent money that was meant to be for our subsequently reduced without notice: rental bond.

All the accounts (mortgage, phone, power Additionally, it was not uncommon for etc) were in my name and I ensured respondents to be held responsible for an they got paid—after bills were paid I inability to meet regular household costs, had no money left for food, clothing, etc, particularly pertaining to the upkeep of The agreement was my [ex-] husband children. would pay for these things, however he regularly gambled the grocery money… He created the debt and I was responsible so I took to hiding it. for making sure the bills got paid. If he could not buy something he wanted he The third was the intentional withholding would yell, call me incompetent because I of money for food and other living costs wasn’t able to manage the money. as a method of ensuring compliance or demonstrating dominance and superiority or, I was made to pay all rent/bills/groceries in some cases, consumption of food in front out of my [lower] income. of women who were not permitted to also eat due to some perceived slight or disobedience. All of his income was his money to spend as he liked. If I didn’t have money to He withheld food and heating if angry spend on myself or my son, or didn’t with me. have enough money for groceries, it was ‘my fault’ for not being good with money. We had a good standard of living, but he demanded to see every receipt and was This suggests adherence to unrealistic very controlling on what I could spend, expectations of mothers to provide a quality even my own earned money. I was also home and the essentials even in the absence not allowed to eat food he had bought. of sufficient financial security to do so.

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Discussion activities. Having coffee with friends, for example, is interpreted as “gossip” The presentation of economic abuse and purchasing quality clothing is seen seems to neatly follow patterns of gender as “frivolous” whereas having a “drink stereotypes and oppression of women. It is at the pub with mates” and purchasing generally accepted that violence towards expensive sport shoes is understood as female partners is legitimised by ideals of both viable and rational. The allocation of male superiority and the socially sanctioned financial resources to men’s activities and models of male societal dominance (Peralta & the privileging of stereotypically masculine Tuttle, 2013). Moreover, the motivations purchases (alcohol, cars, gambling) operate for using any particular method of abuse to reinforce the devaluing of women’s against women are typically driven by activities and needs. This has wider impacts the desire to subjugate women as a result as it precludes women from being active of the complex interplay between person in social and public places, reinforcing and sociocultural factors (Heise, 1998). dominant discourses about women’s place Accordingly, there appeared to be vastly in the home—whether this is after work different standards and expectations for or in the place of work. Women, and their women around finances. Such standards needs, are classified as a wasteful expense included: horizontal segregation in income rather than as an essential and valuable part precluding a woman’s right to financial of the household. decision-making power; an expectation for women to be selfless, needless, and to put The devaluing or the non-recognising all needs before their own; an unattainable of women’s work also contributes to the expectation for women to maintain a consolidation of the gendered double happy, flourishing, and bountiful home standard. The uneven distribution of environment even on scant resources; emotional, mental, and sometimes physical, and for women to make decisions related labour in economically abusive relationships to the home (food, power, rent) while characterises some of the key dimensions paradoxically remaining under the rule of of the devaluing of women’s work. Placing their partner who held ultimate decision- responsibility for the household with making power. Conversely, the financial the women, and then removing access to expectations for the partner were often a sufficient funds to successfully provide perceived superiority in work and earning the necessities is—as well as being a way potential; a sense of entitlement to spend of maintaining coercive control—a way to money on big-ticket items, personal systematically devalue their work. Expecting needs, and items for conspicuous social a woman to provide for her family on a consumption (clothing, alcohol, cars); heavily regulated budget—or forcibly and few, if any, expectations to take accompanying her as she carries out these responsibility for household requirements activities—is a consistent reminder of the while maintaining ultimate control over all lower status that the woman occupies in the financial commitments. household.

Women appeared to be treated as Peralta and Tuttle (2013) found that possessions, or as expenses, by their economic stress increased the likelihood of abusive partners. Women’s needs for males perpetrating violence against female female items and female activities were partners, theorising that this economic stress seen as an extravagance rather than as a (and subsequent deprivation) threatened necessity. The preclusion of participation men’s internalised core beliefs about what in social activities can be understood as a constituted successful masculinity; in other localised expression of the social hierarchy words, the use of violence was directly of activities which devalues women’s associated with the experience of masculinity

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being undermined by economic constraints. improve financial literacy to expand their This is contrary to the findings here, which options for economic independence. Our suggest that constructions of masculinity interpretation is that women who have been underpinned perceptions of ownership over economically abused are often in possession women’s resources in the context of intimate of strong financial capabilities—but that partner violence and often manifested in the erosion of confidence and the repeated the refusal to contribute, rather than the insinuation that women are not already violence arising from a sense of inadequacy financially literate are the core problems associated with a failure to provide. We that need addressing. argue that possession and ownership are greater indicators of men’s belief in Implications for practice their own superiority and in women’s comparative inferiority and that economic Our findings illustrated the highly pressures may exacerbate impulsive or anti- gendered nature of economic abuse, social behaviour generally. The construction and suggested that this type of abuse is of masculinity as being a successful motivated by underlying assumptions provider seems to bear little relevance as a of male superiority and entitlement to motivator or root cause of the perpetration dominance through disproportionate of violence against women amongst this resource allocation, in addition to the sample. Conversely, the forcing of women to desire to subjugate and control female provide is suggestive of abusers’ perceptions partners. As we discussed earlier in the of women as inherently inferior and as article, there are currently minimal available property to reap benefits from. resources that enable the systematic identification of signs of economic abuse. The apparent stereotypical division of We have therefore sought to develop risk economic resources and capabilities matrices of economic abuse methods that within the household did not, however, may be used to gauge the severity, breadth, reflect the reality of women’s financial and intentions evidenced in perpetrators’ competency. A strong sense of financial abuse through economic control. We literacy, an understanding of the hierarchy outline these according to 12 categories: of household needs—food, rent, and appropriation of personal funds, preventing children’s needs above alcohol, cigarettes, social inclusion, not prioritising personal/ big-ticket items and socially conspicuous children’s needs, disregarding hygiene products—was apparent in almost all of the needs, inhibiting employment, damaging comments from the women. In fact, when housing prospects, fraud and financial the economically abusive relationship came deceit, exploitation, intentional humiliation to an end, women consistently remarked through deprivation, demanding sex for how much better off their lives were necessities, forcing debt accumulation, financially now that they had full control and power disparities in accessing mutual over household expenditure. Rent was resources. paid on time, there was enough food in the house, and many women now had the Conclusion and limitations ability to save or to pay off debts. This was often stressful and emotionally taxing as Our findings illustrated the highly women were left with huge debts in their gendered nature of economic abuse, name which had been accrued by their and suggested that this type of abuse is abusive partners. Our recognition of the motivated by underlying assumptions strength of women’s financial competency of male superiority and entitlement to sits at odds with interpretations of other dominance through disproportionate research on economic abuse. Sanders (2015) resource allocation, in addition to the desire suggests, for example, that women should to subjugate and control female partners.

VOLUME 29 • NUMBER 2 • 2017 AOTEAROA NEW ZEALAND SOCIAL WORK 77 ORIGINAL ARTICLE QUALITATIVE RESEARCH Disregarding Hygiene Needs Discouraging you from purchasing new clothing, including underwear, or grooming essentials (e.g. haircuts or makeup) despite them doing so themselves. Making you justify the cost of women's necessities such as bras, underwear, and sanitary items; forcing you to wear shabby clothes even if there are means available not to have to. Not allowing you to purchase sanitary items such as tampons or infants' nappies; preventing you from accessing grooming needs that would meet the standards of your workplace Not Prioritising Personal/ Children's Needs Prioritising personal wants such as meals out or alcohol over basic needs such as household items and children's clothing; demonstrated disregard for partners' and children's' needs by buying luxury items for self. Spending money allocated for food on personal wants; taking or stealing money designated for food or children's needs. Fostering unequal access to money for fun (e.g. acceptable for them to eat out but not you; trivialising your wants despite fulfilling theirs. Not letting you use money for essentials to engage in social activities (e.g. petrol); only letting you use money for their activities rather than yours. Taking money intended for social activities off you in order to keep you at home (e.g. taking your eftpos card). Telling you there is not enough money for everyday social activities; trivalising social activities to justify not giving you money for them. Appropriation of Personal Funds Preventing social inclusion for providing the household even if you're both working; borrowing money without asking; setting up joint accounts that you have limited access to but your funds go into them; using psychological manipulation to make you pay more than your share or use your savings. giving you an allowance from it; threatening or using violence if you refuse to give them money; using your money without asking for drugs or alcohol, stealing your money; coercing you into setting up access to accounts that you don't have access to. money and not repaying it; suggesting that you give them access to your accounts; pressuring you to put money in their account that seems disproportionate to your costs. Medium Risk Making you feel solely responsible High risk Taking the money you earn and Some Risk Repeatedly asking to borrow Table 1. Risk Matrices of Economic Abuse Methods

78 VOLUME 29 • NUMBER 2 • 2017 AOTEAROA NEW ZEALAND SOCIAL WORK ORIGINAL ARTICLE QUALITATIVE RESEARCH Hiding receipts and purchases; engaging in financial activities that you're uncomfortable with; not being open about how much they earn or the state of their financial assets. Coercing you to sign financial documents you're uncomfortable about or don't understand; lying to government agencies and expecting you to be complicit. Committing fraud in your name; committing fraud to get hold of your assets; forcing you commit fraud; coercing you into lying to get a state benefit. Exploitation Fraud and Financial Deceit Insisting that you commit time or resources to a family business but one partner benefits disproportionately from this, making you do all unpaid or household labour and minimising this as a contribution. Forcing you to do sex work when you don't want to and not giving you the money from it; forcing you to work for a family business for little or no pay; forcing you to be complicit in criminal activity from which you don't profit. Encouraging you to quit your job to work for a family business when you are unsure that it will benefit you; minimising your contribution to the household in terms of household labour. Damaging Housing Prospects Committing wilful damage to a property you own or hold the lease for; causing problems with the landlord or neighbours; insisting that you move house regularly, which prevents quality and consistent housing for you and any children. Withholding money for rent or mortgages; causing damage to Housing New Zealand or rental properties in your name that affects your future eligibility; making your living situation untenable despite knowing you have no other options and are likely to become homeless if you leave. Encouraging you to reject state housing offers; convincing you it would be better for the family to move even though it meant forfeiting the bond; convincing you to re-purpose money intended for rent. Inhibiting Employment manipulation to convince you resign (e.g. telling you it is bad for your child for you to be working); being unreliable with childcare routines; talking to your employers or co-workers about you without your knowledge. or being violent because you go to work or do not work; making your employment situation untenable by threatening or using violence at work or repeatedly calling, showing up, or causing humiliation at work; sabotaging your ability to get work (e.g. changing childcare arrangements or taking your car). family for you to stay home; trivialising the type of work you do; complaining about longer hours or shorter hours; trying to convince you the job is too good for or not good enough. Medium Risk Repeatedly using psychological High risk Threatening you with violence Some Risk Telling you it is better for the

VOLUME 29 • NUMBER 2 • 2017 AOTEAROA NEW ZEALAND SOCIAL WORK 79 ORIGINAL ARTICLE QUALITATIVE RESEARCH Forcing Debt Accumulation Pressuring you to take out joint debt; gambling; encouraging you to hand over your PIN number for your personal credit card. Taking out debt in your name without telling you; making sure that the only way you can meet household costs is by using personal credit. Forcing you to take out debt when don't want to; ensuring your credit record is bad for the purposes of preventing you from leaving or gaining independence. Power Disparities in Accessing Mutual Resources Refusing to tell you about the state of your finances; making you ask permission to spend money for basic purchases; demanding receipts for basic purchases; treating you like are incapable of having equal decision-making power. Refusing to give you access sole or shared accounts; making family resources unavailable to prevent you from leaving a relationship. One partner having sole control of bills; not telling you how much money there is unless you ask; obscuring accounts; trivialising your financial literacy. Demanding Sex for Necessities Not allowing you any spending money unless you have sex with them first; seeing sex as 'appropriate payment' for luxuries. Demanding that you give them sex for access to shared money or resources; using rape as punishment for spending money. Making you feel compelled to acquiesce to sex in order convince your partner to allow you access to resources need for a particular purpose (e.g. a school trip); noticing that your partner is more likely to give you access resources after sex. Deprivation Intentional Humiliation Through disproportionately so that you're embarrassed about your physical presentation; berating or lecturing you when spend money on your appearance, interests, or personal wants; setting unrealistic expectations for spending and then making you feel guilty for not meeting them; keeping you short of money so you're too embarrassed to make plans with peers. supervising your grocery shopping and dictating what can be bought; punishing you by making go hungry while eating in front of you; forcing you to go without sanitary items as punishment. comes to financial planning or decisions, restricting your ability to pay bills that are in your name; lecturing you about household expenditure in a way that seems inconsistent with available household funds. Medium Risk Limiting your access to resources High risk Demonstrating ownership by Some Risk Treating you like a child when it

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The discussion highlighted that, while the tactics set out in the matrices as indicative of abuse was gendered, we should be careful the severity of abusers’ controlling behaviour, not to assume that women lack financial and, accordingly, integrate tactics to manage capabilities as, in reality, our research the consequences of these specific behaviours indicates that women have a diverse range as part of safety planning. Finally, high-level of economic strategies that have been indicators were the most extreme examples of developed under extreme financial stress economic abuse and are likely to indicate an and marginalisation. abusive relationship that will have debilitating long-term consequences, highlighting the The development of risk matrices of imperative for helping professionals to economic abuse methods endeavours to educate, work alongside, and act to mitigate highlight both the gendered nature of the potential adverse effects of these high-risk economic abuse, and that practitioners behaviours, as well as considering how they should assume that women are capable of intersect with other methods of abuse. controlling their finances. Our risk matrices provide all practitioners working with A central limitation of our current risk intimate partner violence, especially those matrices of economic abuse is that they will likely to encounter the impacts of economic require further development to highlight abuse (such as social workers, Work and culturally specific experiences of economic Income New Zealand staff, budgeting abuse. We paid careful attention to the advisors, counsellors, nurses, and police) responses of Máo ri women in our analysis with a range of methods that could be used when constructing our matrices but we did by abusive partners. The risk matrices not feel that our sample was sufficiently are designed to give these practitioners a representative of the experiences of Máori broad-ranging awareness of the variety and Pacifica women to develop a specific of manifestations of economic abuse. set of risk matrices. This, in part, reflects Understanding these different dynamics a limitation of our overall survey which will assist in the identification of economic received lower response rates from Máori abuse where it might previously have (9.32%) and Pacifica (1.17%) women but gone unrecognised. We have intentionally an over-representation in responses from designed the risk matrices in ways that may Pákehá women (82.75%). Further research be accessible to both practitioners and to that actively sets out to capture the victims, and propose that the utility of these experiences of Máori and Pacifica women may be twofold: practitioners can review could effectively expand or adapt the risk these matrices to refresh their understanding matrices to include specific cultural factors of the multitude of ways in which economic which we felt we were not able to account for abuse and its effects can manifest, and in this study. Additionally, any study may practitioners and victims may use them need to consider additional channels to reach to explore, through conversation, means these Máori and Pacifica women, and further of control that not otherwise have been consideration of the particular barriers that explicitly discussed. these women may face in participating in research on this subject. Low-level indicators may indicate economic abuse and meeting of several criteria should Overall, these findings shed light on what is prompt a discussion with the client about perhaps one of the least recognised methods the possibilities of economic abuse. Medium- of intimate partner abuse in New Zealand. level indicators were the most common Our analysis explored the gendered nature examples of economic abuse, and are likely of economic abuse and highlighted how to indicate that the client is being subjected various manifestations of economic abuse to economic abuse. We recommend that were employed by abusive male partners practitioners incorporate consideration of the to systematically degrade the value of the

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female partners economic contributions Krug, E., Dahlberg, L. L., Mercy, J. A., Zwi, A. B., & Lozano, R. (2002). World report on violence and health. Geneva, of both paid and unpaid labour, and to Switzerland: World Health Organisation. devalue the needs and wants of female Peralta, R. L., & Tuttle, L.A. (2013). Male perpetrators of partners. The risk matrices highlight a heterosexual-partner-violence: The role of threats variety of manifestations of methods of to masculinity. The Journal of Men’s Studies, 21(3), economic abuse and we offer suggestions 255–276. Postmus, J. L., Plummer, S., McMahon, S., Murshid, N. S., & for practitioners in implementing this Kim, M. S. (2012). Understanding economic abuse in framework in practice. Finally, we suggest the lives of survivors. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, that future research would be particularly 27(3), 411–430. doi:10.1177/0886260511421669 valuable in further exploring the extent of Postmus, J. L., Plummer, S., Stylianou, A. M. (2016). Measuring economic abuse in the lives of economic abuse in Aotearoa New Zealand; survivors: Revising the scale of economic abuse. in exploring economic abuse for particular Violence Against Women, 22(6), 692–703. subsets of the population including Máori doi:10.1177/1077801215610012 and Pacifica women, LGBT+ women, and in Sanders, C. K. (2015). Economic abuse in the lives of women abused by an intimate partner: A qualitative practitioner responses to economic abuse. study. Violence Against Women, 21(1), 3–29. doi:10.1177/1077801214564167 References Straus, M. A. (2011). Gender symmetry and mutuality in Adams, A. E., Sullivan, C. M., Bybee, D., & Greeson, M. R. perpetration of clinical-level partner violence: Empirical (2008). Development of the scale of economic abuse. evidence and implications for prevention and treatment. Violence against women, 14(5), 563–588. Aggression and Violent Behaviour, 16(4), 279–288. Adams, A. E., Beeble, M. L., & Gregory, K. A. (2015). Evidence of the construct validity of the scale of economic abuse. Violence and Victims, 30(3), 363–364. doi:10.1891/0886-6708.VV-D-13-00133 Allen, M. (2011). Is there gender symmetry in intimate partner violence? Child and Family Social Work, 16(3), 245–254. Bell, K. M., & Naugle, A. E. (2008). Intimate partner violence theoretical considerations: Moving towards a contextual framework. Clinical Psychology Review, 28(7), 1096–1107. Cortis, N., & Bullen, J. (2016). Domestic violence and women’s economic security: Building Australia’s capacity for prevention and redress: Key findings and future directions. Compass, 6. Domestic Violence Act, § 3 & § 4 (1995). Retrieved from http://www.legislation.govt.nz/act/public/1995/0086/ latest/DLM372117.html Gavey, N. (2005, June). Violence against women: Beyond gender neutrality. Paper presented at the Looking Back, Moving Forward Women’s Convention. Wellington, New Zealand. Hamby, S. Smith, A., Mitchell, K., & Turner, H. (2016) Poly-victimization and resilience portfolios: Trends in violence research that can enhance the understanding and prevention of elder abuse, Journal of Elder Abuse & Neglect, 28(4–5), 217–234. doi:10.1080/08946566.201 6.1232182 Heise, L. L. (1998). Violence against women: An integrated, ecological framework. Violence Against Women, 4, 262-290. Ka spiew, R., Carson, R., & Rhoades, H. (2016). Elder abuse: Understanding issues, frameworks, and responses. Australian Government: Australian Institute of Family Studies (Research Report no. 35). Retrieved from https://aifs.gov.au/publications/elder-abuse Kelly, J. B., & Johnson, M. P. (2008). Differentiation among types of intimate partner violence: Research update and implications for interventions. Family Court Review, 46(3), 476–499.

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A qualitative exploration of the unique challenges facing older men with haemophilia and the implications for social work practice

Sarah E. Elliott1, Kelsey L. Deane2 and Barbara Staniforth2

1 Oranga Tamariki ABSTRACT 2 University of Auckland INTRODUCTION: For the first time, people who have haemophilia are facing the same aging issues as the general population, adding further complexity to their care and treatment. Worldwide, there has been little research on the psychosocial effects of growing older with haemophilia. This study investigated the holistic experiences of older men with haemophilia in Aotearoa New Zealand. Support services, particularly the roles that social workers could play in facilitating wellbeing, have also been explored.

METHODS: A focus group was conducted with a purposive sample of five older men living with haemophilia in Aotearoa New Zealand. Thematic analysis through Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six-phased model was used to provide insight into their experiences.

FINDINGS: Substantial physical and new medical challenges existed for the participants and these had flow-on effects for their psychosocial wellbeing. Existing services were well regarded but the anticipated complexity of multi-specialist and continuing care provoked anxiety. Connection with others with similar challenges was seen as an important social resource.

CONCLUSIONS: The complexities associated with an aging population of people with haemophilia has generated a need for a wide-range of services and supports. Social workers need to take new and different approaches to fill the roles of advocating for, educating, and providing support to older men with haemophilia.

KEYWORDS: haemophilia; ageing; social work; wellbeing

Haemophilia is a lifelong, genetic condition is now approaching that of the general that causes excessive internal or external male population (Mannucci, Schutgens, bleeding and often results in chronic Sant’agostino, & Mauser-Bunschoten, health problems. Bleeding arises from the 2009). People with haemophilia are likely lack of an essential blood-clotting factor to have benefited from improvements in (World Federation of Hemophilia, 2012). haemophilia care, including the availability AOTEAROA Affected individuals are invariably male, of safe, effective blood coagulation NEW ZEALAND SOCIAL while females, are carriers of the disease treatment (known as factor concentrate, WORK 29(2), 83–95. but also face different levels of symptoms. factor, or blood products) which is given Historically, haemophilia contributed intravenously and raises the clotting CORRESPONDENCE TO: to a shorter life expectancy but life activity of the blood to a sufficient level to Sarah E. Elliott expectancy for people with haemophilia diminish bleeding (Rosendaal et al., 1990). [email protected]

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Other advances include the development implementing psychosocial support and be of comprehensive care programmes, strong advocates for wellness programmes, new approaches to patient management, practices, and policies to reduce the physical clinical trials for more effective treatments, and psychological impacts of ageing. and integration of therapeutic modalities However, one of the most recent studies (Oldenburg, Dolan, & Lemm, 2009). on older people with haemophilia and psychosocial wellbeing demonstrates that Longer life expectancy for older people supporting older people with haemophilia with haemophilia brings about new can be more complicated than expected. challenges that have never been seen Rolstad (2014) assessed the needs of older before for the haemophilia population. people with haemophilia specifically with The physical, mental and emotional effects respect to community-based supports. He for those facing haemophilia alongside found that, despite the need for psychosocial old age can be substantial (Meijer & Van support, the men in his study were reluctant der meer, 2007) and add further complexity to receive this support and unreceptive to to their treatment and care. These therapeutic interventions. challenges are exacerbated by significant gaps in expertise and knowledge about Although research interest in the novel and the holistic wellbeing of older people with complex issues emerging for older people haemophilia. with haemophilia has grown over the last 10 years internationally, few studies have The majority of the current literature been conducted using the voice of older on ageing with haemophilia is framed people with haemophilia themselves. In the from a medical perspective, focusing Aotearoa New Zealand context, Park and on comorbidities and haematological her colleagues (Park, Scott, Benseman, & management; however, a few exceptions Berry, 1995; Park, Scott, & Bensmen, 1999; exist. Dolan (2010) and Franchini and Park & York, 2008) have produced some of Mannucci (2010) have focused on the the only Aotearoa New Zealand focused physical wellbeing of older people with research on the haemophilia population. haemophilia, particularly in the areas of Their anthropological research provides falls and comorbidities but their research an overview of the experiences and social extends to the psychosocial effects that and demographic characteristics of people arise from these medical issues. Lambing with bleeding disorders in Aotearoa New and Kachalsky (2009) have conducted Zealand. While this research gives context comprehensive research on older people to the reality of people with haemophilia in with haemophilia’s physical wellbeing, Aotearoa New Zealand, there is not a specific employment, life satisfaction and focus on older people with haemophilia. complications brought about from losing Indeed, all previous research recognises independence. Focusing more exclusively on the need for further investigation and new psychosocial wellbeing, Mauser-Bunschoten, tools, processes, practices and policies De Knecht-Van Eekelen, and Smit (2007) to support how professionals work with found that resilience can be used as a way older people with haemophilia. The current to address the grief and fear experienced by research contributes to the burgeoning some older people with haemophilia and evidence base on the holistic wellbeing Bos (2007) identified that social support needs of older people with haemophilia. could buffer, illness, stress or fear and thus In doing so, it provides further insights could be used to promote the wellbeing of and recommendations with an emphasis older people with haemophilia. Importantly, on social work practice. Street, Hill, Sussex, Warner, and Scully (2006) found that haemophilia organisations We argue that social workers are a critical can play a key role in identifying and part of the professional network people

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with haemophilia rely on for support with well as Aotearoa New Zealand’s diverse respect to their holistic wellbeing. This view cultural landscape, further inquiry into the is supported by Allen and Kachalsky (2010) experiences of those aging with haemophilia who have written one of the few articles within the local context and how their needs which addresses aging with haemophilia can be met is also essential. and the implications this may have on social work practice with specific regard to The current study the effects that losing independence can have on older people with haemophilia To build on initial understandings regarding and how social workers may be able to assist the experiences of older people with in this area. They also highlight that social haemophilia in Aotearoa New Zealand, we felt work with older people with haemophilia it was important to begin at the source—with is an area that would benefit from more those experiencing the challenges, and to use thorough examination. Other contemporary a qualitative approach that could capture the literature that addresses the connection richness of their experiences. The first author between social work and people with worked for the Haemophilia Foundation of haemophilia focuses primarily on organising New Zealand (HFNZ) as a social worker for insurance for treatment and care (which seven years. In this role she observed that is not relevant in Aotearoa New Zealand older people with haemophilia reach “normal” as treatment is publicly funded) and the old age only to be faced with additional, but provision of support to newly diagnosed different, challenges to those experienced families, young children, and adolescents by people with haemophilia before them. (Cassis, 2007). In contrast, during the 1980s, A focus group approach was chosen to further when human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) investigate her observations. The specific and hepatitis C virus (HCV) transmissions objectives of this study were to: 1) gather increased for people with haemophilia as information from the participants about the a result of inadequate blood transfusion issues and challenges they faced growing older screening, the wide-ranging roles played by with haemophilia; and 2) gather opinions of social workers in supporting people with the services and supports available to them. haemophilia of all ages and their families In exploring these objectives we sought were more visible in the literature (Allen & to better understand how these men were Kachalsky, 2010). These roles included affected by their condition and the ways in education through workshops and events; which social workers could offer improved supporting people with haemophilia to work or additional support. through emotional issues and experiences of stigma; planning for the future; connecting Methods people with haemophilia and HIV to others for social support; assisting with practical A focus group was chosen in order to consult tasks; and advocating for people’s rights. with a select group of aging men affected Social workers are equipped with the by haemophilia in Aotearoa New Zealand. skills and knowledge to educate, advocate Focus groups allow researchers to listen to for, empower, and support people with debate and gain a deeper understanding haemophilia (Lauzon, 2008). The complexity of participant viewpoints and experiences of care associated with a growing population (Walter, 2006). This focus group study was the of people living longer with haemophilia first phase of a larger, mixed-method research indicates that there is an increasing need project. The focus group was also used to pilot for such wide-ranging support and that a a draft questionnaire which would later be more extensive evidence base, one that can distributed to all older people with haemophilia inform social work practice in this area, is in Aotearoa New Zealand with the aim of needed. Considering the variations in public capturing the breadth rather than depth of health policy and practice worldwide, as perspectives. As the emphasis of this article is on

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the participants’ detailed experiences, we do not for by HFNZ to acknowledge participants’ include discussion of the feedback participants time and participation. Participants were provided about the questionnaire items. It informed of their rights and subsequently is important to note that the questionnaire provided written consent to participate and feedback was obtained after the open discussion to have the focus group audio-recorded. The of their experiences described here. focus group discussion was facilitated by the first author and guided by a semi-structured Ethics approval for the full research interview schedule including questions to project was obtained from the University address the dual aims of the research. of Auckland Human Participants Ethics Committee prior to the commencement of The first author took written notes of the this study. All participation was voluntary participants’ responses and organised these by and participants were asked to respect the key themes identified in their narratives as the privacy of all members and not to disclose discussion progressed. These themes were then or discuss the other participants’ identities reviewed with the group to ensure the ideas or information. As the first author was an were accurately represented and adjustments Outreach Worker for HFNZ at the time made until the themes were correctly captured this research was conducted, participation and reflected the conversation that had taken in the focus group was sought only from place. The focus group lasted 90 minutes and individuals based outside the region where each participant was given a koha ($20 grocery the researcher worked, and the potential voucher) as a token of appreciation. conflict of interest was made transparent through the Participant Information Sheet. Data analysis

Participants The focus group audio recording was manually transcribed after the workshop Focus group participants were identified and the written transcript was thematically with assistance from the HFNZ Manager of analysed following Braun and Clarke’s Outreach Services using purposive sampling (2006) six-step methodology where, after by identifying people who met the selection researchers became familiar with the data, criteria and who represented a variety of ages, codes were identified, and these were then ethnicities, bleeding disorder severities, and reviewed to identify themes. The number experiences. Fourteen men met the criteria and of times a particular issue was discussed were invited to participate in the focus group (by the same or different participants) was via posted letter. Five participants, who ranged also taken into account, as was the time in age from 45–72 years, agreed to participate taken to discuss an issue, the emotion in the focus group. One participant identified generated by an issue, and if an issue was as Māori, one as Māori/New Zealand (NZ) agreed upon, or not, by all participants. The European, and three as NZ European. Four of coding and themes were then reviewed by the participants had severe haemophilia and all three authors for internal homogeneity one had moderate haemophilia (three different within thematic categories and for external severities exist: mild, moderate and severe). heterogeneity across categories. Three participants lived within a one-hour drive of a Haemophilia Treatment Centre Findings (HTC), and the other two lived further away from their HTC. The findings are presented according to the two research aims, with the first section Procedure focusing on the experiences of older people with haemophilia with respect to the The focus group was held in a meeting room challenges and issues they are currently facing in August, 2014. A shared dinner was first paid and the second focusing on their perceptions of

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the supports and services currently available to These new conditions led to complexities them. The overarching themes are represented for their care and treatment. They indicated as section headings and subthemes are that all of their medical needs were once italicised for ease of identifiability. fully managed by the HTCs and that they had rarely engaged with specialists or Challenges and issues facing older GPs, but this could no longer be the case people with haemophilia with the onset of comorbidities. They also felt that haemophilia treatment once fixed Physical health everything for them, however, now they needed additional medications for their Participants described physical health, new old age conditions. As stated by one specifically decreased mobility and decreased participant, “for everything we used to go physical activity as the most prominent and see the Haematology Department and issue for them, all agreeing that decreased get a shot factor, and that was the answer mobility and physical activity negatively to every problem we ever had”. Another affected their wellbeing in very serious ways. stated, “you can’t give yourself another shot Participants reported that decreased mobility of factor and fix the heart problem”. They had caused their movement to slow, so they recognised that with new medical problems were no longer able to participate in sports came a higher risk for medical intervention and activities they had once enjoyed. Some and surgeries which are concerning for older talked angrily about reoccurring bleeding people with haemophilia due to excessive episodes which had resulted in reduced joint bleeding. One participant explained, “it’s movement and arthritis. They expressed those complexities around all the other frustration, knowing that exercise was good things; gall stones, heart problems, liver for them and their joint health, but being problems … where they are required to go unable to participate in activity. For instance, inside you [operate] to fix it, that’s where it one argued, “I want to get back to walking gets complicated”. [on the golf fairway]. I used to do it all the time, but I can’t, not even with my walker”. Coping with multiple comorbidities They laughed about their “golf swing getting appeared to present many challenges for worse and worse” and how much their bodies the participants, particularly as there was had deteriorated over time. Participants also not much knowledge or experience of worried that they would lose further mobility, this within the haemophilia community. as expressed by one participant, “[mobility The group anticipated that things were will] continuously slide away to a point going to become more difficult for them where we are immobile”. medically as they continued to age, and they would increasingly need additional New medical problems specialists involved in their care, along with medications, and surgeries. They talked at The participants described the ways their length about the challenges comorbidities bodies were “breaking down” and noted presented for them in many areas of their they were experiencing comorbidities, lives (mental and emotional, physical, other diseases on top of their haemophilia, logistical, and financial). which one man described as “all sorts of weird stuff”. They explained it was hard High fi nancial cost of haemophilia to enough to deal with haemophilia without the healthcare system the complication of managing new medical problems because of aging. One stated “it’s Participants worried that the very high cost of all the other things that now come on top of their haemophilia treatment to the healthcare the challenges that we have already had to system would prevent them from getting the face in life”. service, care, operations, and treatments they

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would need. They recognised that District have to rely on medical professionals to Health Boards (DHBs) are “tightening the administer intravenous treatment instead of screws” and constantly analysing the money being able to self-administer. One participant people with haemophilia cost the system. already experienced this challenge, “I can’t One participant said “at some stage I would do that [treat at home]. I can’t give it to imagine that they are going to start doing myself because I’ll miss the vein all the the math and doing cost benefit analysis—if time”. This was especially a concern for those we fix this guy’s ticker is it worth the cost?” with severe haemophilia who needed to treat There was nervousness as the participants themselves more regularly (i.e., multiple expressed concern that it would be them, the times a week). They also talked of how older people with haemophilia, who would more frequent hospital visits would create miss out first unless they could strongly practical, financial and logistical challenges. “prove their case on financial terms”. One participant shared, “I know two cases where Perception of services and supports people [with haemophilia] have gone to the for older people with haemophilia surgeons and the surgeon says: you need this operation or replacement but we don’t have Participants indicated that they felt “very the funds for it”. Another participant was spoilt” in Aotearoa New Zealand regarding denied surgery due to its cost. services and supports. Nevertheless, they offered suggestions for further service Two participants commented that clinicians improvements. The following section appeared to be talking increasingly about the presents the detailed findings in relation to cost of their haemophilia treatment in front this second research objective. of them, and some had seen the costs of their treatment displayed on a price list at the Haemophilia Treatment Centres blood bank when collecting their treatment. (HTCs) This issue clearly affected their mental and emotional wellbeing, with words such All participants strongly agreed that they as “nervous,” “fear”, and “worry” being had great services, support, and positive repeated throughout the dialogue. experiences with their HTC. They conveyed very high praise for their specialist nurse and spoke fondly of their haematologists, Losing independence physiotherapists, and surgeons. They The participants alluded to their fears of compared the medical care they received losing independence subtly throughout the in Aotearoa New Zealand to developing focus group. They were concerned about countries, and were very appreciative of the likelihood of having to spend more time what they have here: “Compared to places in hospital as they got older, due to things like Cambodia we’ve got brilliant service. such as: longer recovery times, more hospital You look at the oldest people in Cambodia visits and stays due to comorbidities, and an [with haemophilia] and their life expectancy inability to treat themselves. One participant is around 30”. talked about his negative hospital experiences saying, “I resent going to hospital, I hate They were also grateful for the Aotearoa hospitals,” and they all agreed they would New Zealand comprehensive care model, much rather stay in their homes and try to be with one stating “there are not many independent for as long as possible. gaps” in services, and another saying the comprehensive care team “are committed Participants mentioned concerns about to really looking after this community; it is being able to continue caring for themselves. really exceptional”. Words such as “well- They worried that, as their eyesight, veins or oiled machine”, “caring” and “genuine” dexterity deteriorated with age, they would were used repeatedly to describe their

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HTCs. Their access to their medical team experience, saying he had told his GP about impressed them most, especially to nurses. having haemophilia and his GP said, “oh I One explained, “you ring [nurse] at any time don’t know anything about that”. They all of the day or night and [nurse] is virtually commented on having to educate medical guaranteed to answer that phone within professionals about their condition and its three rings”. Another participant revealed, implications. One participant had to do so “when I came out of hospital with a bleed at the emergency department at the age of and I’d rung [nurse] and [nurse] came and eight. They were also worried about poor picked me up and drove me home, how communication between specialists, GPs, amazing is that?” This also extended to and their HTCs. haematologists as expressed by another participant, “it used to be that I could call The group discussed at length the physical [haematologist] at home at three in the and practical implications of needing multiple morning”. An orthopaedic surgeon was specialists located in different settings, spoken about fondly by another, “you don’t whereas it “used to be a one stop shop— even make an appointment, just turn up and you’d just go to the hospital for everything”. I will see you now”. They also spoke warmly With services no longer all in one setting, of their haemophilia physiotherapist and there would likely be difficulties with group physiotherapy sessions and initiatives. traveling, parking, stress and problems for people with mobility issues or who lived in Appreciation of medical staff was closely isolated places. One participant reflected, “it’s connected to another key theme: their fear hard if you are having mobility problems and and concern that HTC staff would leave their you’ve got to travel all around the countryside jobs, leaving gaps in services and people to get the specialists”. They were particularly without specialist skills and knowledge. worried for others with haemophilia who One participant stated, “if you take one of lived outside of the main centres of Aotearoa those things out of the equation … then New Zealand and their access to quality care: we lose our point of contact”. Participants “We hear horrible stories of guys in outlying described that they “rely on” and “need” areas that have been virtually forced to move their nurses and specialists involved closely to the cities because they just can’t get the in their care. They used words such as; level of service or care”. “fear,” “nervousness,” and “risk” frequently when discussing the impact of medical Social connection staff leaving, or positions being cut back. In summing up their feelings on this topic, one Participants mentioned the importance of shared, “you live in fear that one of them bonding and connecting with other people will leave,” and another expressed, “I’m who have haemophilia. They also mentioned always really nervous that they are going to the importance of their comradery and their pull the plug on it [physiotherapy service] or ability to understand one another, claiming they will just quit and move on”. it is often the “bonding and friendship” that helped them through the tough times. They worried about those who were not Complexity of multiple specialists connected to others with haemophilia, There was some concern expressed about expressing concern for the “bunch of guys decentralised services because comorbidities isolated out there on their own, doing their and new medical problems required the own thing, wondering why the world hates involvement of other medical professionals. them”. However, the group recognised This presented problems as the participants that HFNZ was “probably scratching their said that new medical professionals often head” on how to best support the older lacked understanding about haemophilia people with haemophilia. Some felt HFNZ and its complexities. One man shared his was not supplying the types of events that

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benefited and suited older men, and that and advocacy for retaining well-connected, HFNZ may not understand how older comprehensive services that address men communicated and engaged with one the holistic needs of older people with another. Participants’ ideas included events haemophilia are required. Social workers specifically targeted to men’s interests, and are well-suited to these roles as evidenced doing activities alongside one another. One by their wide-ranging involvement in the suggested “give us a beer and a fishing rod HIV and HCV transmission scares in the and we’ll talk the day away”. Other than 1980s (Allen & Kachalsky, 2010) and their suggestions for specific types of events and role in supporting and assisting children ways of engaging them, four out of five of and young adults with haemophilia and the participants generally believed HFNZ their wider whānau with accepting and was supportive of them and their needs. living well with their condition through One claimed it was the “best support we’ve education, advocacy and capacity building ever had, and they are always looking at (Cassis, 2007). Haemophilia social workers improving,” and another said “services are can also draw on their experience of bang on as far as I am concerned”. providing psychoeducation to families, and in identifying the possibilities and resources Discussion that can be accessed in various systems and communities. Findings and implications for This study aimed to explore both the social work practice are now explored in concerns and challenges facing older people further detail. with haemophilia and their perceptions of existing supports and services. It was our Concerns and challenges expressed intention to keep the questions broad and by older people with haemophilia to let the participants guide the discussion based on what was important to them at that The most prevalent, serious, and frequently point in time. In capturing what was most reported-upon issues in this study were the salient to them with respect to these topics, loss of mobility and decreasing physical we were able to identify: 1) if they saw social ability. These presented challenges and very workers as a key and positive support in real fears for participants. They worried that their lives, and 2) how social workers could in the future they would become completely play a stronger role in supporting their immobile. This is a common finding for quality of life. older people with haemophilia around the world, and one that can have a serious We discovered that the participants’ effect on quality of life (Chen et al., 2015). concerns were predominantly focused on Comorbidities also presented a number physical health and medical issues and of challenges and future worries for older the participants affirmed the importance people with haemophilia in many areas of of having coordinated medical services their lives (mental and emotional, physical, to address both haemophilia and other logistical, and financial). Existing evidence medically related aging issues arising clearly demonstrates that comorbidities are from the complexity of managing both becoming more common in older people concurrently. Nevertheless, they articulated with haemophilia and they are becoming a clear connection between the physical more challenging for healthcare providers challenges and their psychosocial wellbeing and patients to manage (Franchini & and pointed to the importance of recognising Mannucci, 2010). the link between their need for extensive medical care and its wide-ranging impact This group of older people with on their lives. Our findings intimate that haemophilia expressed growing fear that greater education on the complexity of issues they would no longer be able to give faced by older people with haemophilia themselves their own haemophilia factor

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treatment. This would create further Important social supports and services medical and practical challenges due to for older people with haemophilia more frequent (in some cases daily) hospital The older people with haemophilia in this visits or choosing not to have treatments study highly valued social participation, (which could result in more bleeds, pain connection, and support from other people and decreased mobility). Accompanied by with bleeding disorders. However people with the new and very real possibility of family haemophilia in general may have problems members (i.e., spouse) passing away before with social participation due to time in the older people with haemophilia that they hospital and physical inability to participate support, adds further complexity to this or attend events/functions (Triemstra et al., issue of treatment at home, as it is often 1998); wanting to hide their condition due to family who help with giving treatment discrimination and stigma (Barlow, Stapley, when the older people with haemophilia Ellard, & Gilchrist, 2007); or mental health cannot do so themselves. Lambing and barriers such as stress, high anxiety, low Kachalsky (2009) explored the issue of self-esteem, and depression (Ghanizadeh & the increasing need for care outside the Baligh-Jahromi, 2009). Considering that Bos home and the effects that no longer being (2007) found social support can buffer the able to self-treat could have on a person’s ill-effects of illness and stress for older people life. They also found the need for more with haemophilia, strategies are needed to attention, education and resources to help help older people with haemophilia overcome older people with haemophilia find ways to barriers to social participation. In this regard, maintain independence and deal with the the current findings that HFNZ and its social physical and psychological consequences workers do not always meet the needs of this of losing independence. This was an issue group of people in terms of the events and rarely explored elsewhere and one that will activities on offer is of concern. Nevertheless, become more prevalent over time. it is not unusual, as haemophilia organisations Haemophilia treatment costs the internationally struggle with how to involve Aotearoa New Zealand healthcare system older people with haemophilia in age- and approximately $25 million per annum gender-appropriate activities at appropriate (Pharmac, 2015), and our participants times and places (Rolstad, 2014). Street et expressed fears that the high cost of their al. (2006) also comment that it is hard for haemophilia treatment could prevent them haemophilia organisations to meet the needs from getting the services, care and operations of older people with haemophilia when their they may need in the future. This could needs are unknown. also lead to older people with haemophilia reducing treatments to save money (as The participants in this study also is happening with one participant) or encountered a lack of knowledge about experiencing immense feelings of guilt. This haemophilia in the community and among was a concern discussed in research with many medical professionals. older people Park (Park et al., 1999; Park & York, 2008) with haemophilia are finding they need with PWH of mixed ages in Aotearoa New to educate professionals and retell their Zealand. Park and colleagues also found stories and experiences over and over again. that their participants were internalising Education and advocacy could make a how expensive they were to the healthcare difference in these regards. Social workers system. There was little mention of this are often involved in care coordination and issue in the international literature which case management of both older people and suggests that it may be specific to Aotearoa people with chronic conditions. Using a New Zealanders or that it has not yet been comprehensive care model may significantly made visible overseas. Further intentional increase the quality, efficiency and health- investigation is thus warranted. related outcomes of care (Boult et al., 2009).

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The implications of these fi ndings for operations (through the public and private social work practice sphere) that could drastically impact the quality of life for older people with Thre are a number of areas where social haemophilia. workers could play key roles to improve the lives of older people with haemophilia. Social A leading role in connecting older people workers often recognise the resilience of the with haemophilia to one another could people that they work with, and older people be facilitated by social workers. This is with haemophilia are an excellent example of particularly important for those who live people who have survived, or even thrived, in isolated locations. This connection could with a complicated illness. older people with help reduce some of the psychological haemophilia are also forging new territory as impacts of aging by sharing, connecting, and they live longer than people with haemophilia increasing older people with haemophilia’s ever have. Solution-focused (Corcoran & Pillai, understanding that they are not alone. This 2009), or strengths-based (Nelson-Becker, could be aided by ensuring social workers Chapin, & Fast, 2013) approaches should be have accurate and current records on the used first and foremost to explore older people population concerned to guarantee all older with haemophilia’s skills and empower them people with haemophilia are getting up- in coming up with new ways of coping. to-date information, support, invitations to events, and outreach visits. Through Some older people with haemophilia such connection, social workers could also may require or benefit from support to gain better information about older people address and work through their multiple with haemophilia’s needs and encourage fears and anxieties, including their loss of these men to participate in the planning independence, mobility and the increased and development of much-needed wellness guilt they feel about the cost of their programmes. In discussions with older haemophilia treatment. Although it was people with haemophilia, social workers can found that multiple fears exist, Mauser- gather information to inform HFNZ what Bunschoten et al. (2007) found that older events appear relevant, appropriate and people with haemophilia also have very engaging for older people with haemophilia. high resilience and optimistic views. Social They can also ensure practices, policies, workers therefore could help to strengthen and supports are relevant and directed at their existing resilience and coping preventative strategies to reduce the physical mechanisms, in addition to connecting and psychological impacts of aging. older people with haemophilia to a range of therapeutic support options. Social workers should play a key role in upskilling and educating GPs and other Social workers should help older people medical professionals. They can assist in with haemophilia plan and prepare for explaining the medical condition, providing their future and engage in greater advocacy educational resources and also helping towards meeting their needs. This could medical professionals understand the be done by organising and coordinating psychosocial impacts of haemophilia. They treatment for those who can no longer could attend appointments alongside older treat themselves, through discussions with people with haemophilia or help them to local GPs or outreach nurses or facilitating liaise with their medical health professionals. whānau or professional meetings to see who Social workers could also play a role in could take on required tasks. Social workers educating medical professionals about can also facilitate access to the correct how they could best connect with older supports and equipment for mobility needs people with haemophilia, for instance by or assist in advocating for further investment highlighting the need to be more careful in life-saving haemophilia treatments and and sensitive in their discussions, including

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being mindful about their tone and language not currently have enough visibility in the when discussing the cost of treatments and lives of older people with haemophilia. surgeries for older people with haemophilia so as not to provoke further anxiety. The questionnaire study conducted as a follow-up to this initial qualitative exploration focused more explicitly on Study limitations and future research the multiple dimensions of wellbeing, directions including spirituality and family Evident limitations of the study include relationships and was designed to address its small scope (one focus group from one some of these limitations. These findings geographic location), and that individuals will be reported in future articles. Further who had low mood, pain, mobility issues, or research should also consider directly who were in hospital, might have been less comparing the experiences of older people likely to be interested in or able to attend with haemophilia to those of older people the focus group. Thus, the results are not with other chronic conditions or disabilities generalisable and are possibly biased in a and the general aging population. Our positive direction. findings indicate they are likely to face similar challenges such as carrying out daily In addition, although our open approach self-care activities, living independently, to the questioning with limited prompting carrying out essential social roles, increased allowed the participants to express what risk of hospitalisation, and physical inactivity was most relevant to them, the predominant and functional limitations (Heikkinen, focus was on both challenges and services of 2006). Nevertheless, different conditions a medical nature, which provided very little are also likely to give rise to unique insight into their holistic wellbeing. Even challenges requiring tailored social work when supports were mentioned, participants support coordinated with specialists such primarily took it to mean the medical as gerontologists, local aging organisations team around them, along with some social (e.g., Age Concern), aging experts, and support from people in the haemophilia others involved with positive aging. community. There was no discussion at all of cultural or spiritual support, Conclusion support from family or friends, or wider (non-haemophilia focused) social support, To date, there has been limited exploration which we had expected, especially given the into the unique issues faced by older people importance many tangata whenua place on with haemophilia, despite consensus that the spiritual and relational dimensions of assessment of the needs of older people wellbeing (Durie, 1985) and the involvement with haemophilia is urgently required of Māori participants in our study. It is (Franchini & Mannucci, 2010). This research unclear whether this was due to their adds to the assessment of needs by clearly medical issues actually being at the forefront presenting some of the major challenges (or root cause) of their daily life experiences faced by older people with haemophilia and to the point of obscuring other dimensions describing their perceptions regarding the of their wellbeing or if they were perhaps support they receive. Social workers appear reluctant to describe psychosocial, well situated with expertise and experience emotional and spiritual challenges to either adapt or create new practices, ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: openly in front of their peers. They may and interventions to address the needs of HFNZ contributed to this also have been more guarded because the older people with haemophilia. This study research by providing interviewer was employed by HFNZ. Given reiterated findings from previous studies support with recruitment the potential for social workers to provide around physical ability and immobility and and partial funding. We are also grateful for the wide-ranging support, as described above, the need for further education, advocacy contribution made by the this also raises concerns that social work may and practical support for older people with participants.

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haemophilia. This study also described Journal of Haematology, 148(4), 522–533. doi:10.1111/ j.1365-2141.2009.08005.x lesser-known concerns associated with Ghanizadeh, A., & Baligh-Jahromi, P. (2009). Depression, losing independence and no longer being anxiety and suicidal behaviour in children and able to self-treat, the emotional burden felt in adolescents with Haemophilia. Haemophilia, 15(2), relation to the cost of haemophilia treatment, 528–532. and the desire for social connection with Heikkinen, E. (2006). Disability and physical activity in other older people with haemophilia. These late life—Research models and approaches. European Review of Aging and Physical Activity, findings help to deepen understanding of 3(1), 3–9. the lives and perceptions of older people Lambing, A., & Kachalsky, E. (2009). The new age of with haemophilia in Aotearoa New Zealand. haemophilia. Haemophilia, 15(6), 1330–1331. doi:doi. 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Street, A., Hill, K., Sussex, B., Warner, M., & Scully, M. F. (2006). Haemophilia and ageing. Haemophilia, 12, 8–12. doi:10.1111/j.1365-2516.2006.01254.x Triemstra, A., Van der Ploeg, H., Smit, C., Briet, E., Ader, H., & Rosendaal, F. (1998). Well-being of haemophilia patients: A model for direct and indirect effects of medical parameters on the physical and psychosocial functioning. Social Science & Medicine, 47(5), 581–593. Walter, M. (2006). Social research methods. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. World Federation of Hemophilia. (2012). What is hemophilia? Retrieved from http://www.wfh.org/en/page.aspx?pid=646

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Hospitals, nationality, and culture: Social workers, experiences and refl ections

Doris Testa Victoria University Australia

ABSTRACT

INTRODUCTION: Social work accrediting bodies mandate that workers analyse ways in which cultural values and structural forces shape client experiences and opportunities and that workers deconstruct mechanisms of exclusion and asymmetrical power relationships. This article reports the findings of a small-scale qualitative study of frontline hospital social workers’ experiences and understanding of their mandate for culturally sensitive practice.

METHODS: The study involved one-hour, semi-structured interviews with 10 frontline hospital social workers. The interviews sought to understand how frontline workers and their organisations understood culturally sensitive practice. Drawing on their own social cultural biographies, workers described organisational policy and practices that supported (or not) culturally sensitive practice. Narrative analysis was used to extract themes.

FINDINGS: Data indicate that frontline hospital social workers demonstrated their professional mandate for culturally sensitive practice. Workers were firm in their view that working with the culturally other requires humility as well as a preparedness to value and engage the multiple cultural meanings that evolve in the patient–worker encounter.

CONCLUSION: The findings highlight that mandating cultural sensitivity does not necessarily result in such practice. Cultural sensitivity requires an understanding of how cultural and social location may be implicated in sustaining the dominant cultural narrative and signals the need for workers, systems and organisations to facilitate appropriate learning experiences to explore culturally sensitive practice.

KEYWORDS: culture; diversity; humility; hospitals; postmodernism; postpositivism

Of Australia’s population, 46% were born (IFSW), 2014) to “recognise and respect overseas or have a parent who was born ethnic, cultural and race based values, overseas. Of these, nearly 60% speak a characteristics, traditions and behaviours language other than English. Twenty and integrate these characteristics percent of people from backgrounds successfully into practice” (Australian other than English have experienced Association of Social Workers (AASW), race-based exclusion or have reported 2010, p. 43). Drawing on the experiences AOTEAROA discrimination because of skin colour, of 10 frontline hospital social workers of NEW ZEALAND SOCIAL ethnic origin or religion (Australian Human culturally diverse backgrounds, this article WORK 29(2), 96–107. Rights Commission, 2014). Grounded reports on how they understand and practise in its commitment to justice, culturally the international and national social work sensitive practice reflects the mandate of mandates to work inclusively with clients CORRESPONDENCE TO: Doris Testa international and national social work bodies from cultures different to their own. It also [email protected] (International Federation of Social Workers includes their insights and understanding

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about recognising and respecting the appropriate cultural interventions. Providing “culturally other.” the specificity required of the postpositivism paradigm, indicators privilege measurable Notwithstanding the AASW’s mandate knowledge, skills and values that to provide culturally responsive services, demonstrate cultural competency (Institute international and national literature note for Culture Ethnicity and Policy(ICEPA), the discourse debates surrounding what it 2003; Nadan, 2014). means to work with diverse populations. Different discourse lenses will shape what Practice focus is on technical proficiency is understood as: culture; what constitutes (Cross, Bazron, Dennis, & Isaacs, 1989) effective social work practice; practitioner and applied as a “one-size-fits-all” across role; methodology; goals; and social work nationalities without sensitivity to ethnicity models (Williams, 2006). or individual and multiple cultural identities that the culturally other brings with her/ Prior to reporting the research, the author, him (Williams, 2006). The emphasis is on the cognisant of the theoretical paradigms practitioner’s cultural knowledge, awareness, that can be used to situate the report, and skills and on being culturally competent. drew on two of William’s (2006) paradigm Reduced to formulaic interventions and conceptualisations: postpositivism checklists mapped along a continuum of (broadly aligned with essentialism) and competence, cultural knowledge, awareness postmodernism, broadly aligned with and skills are key performance indicators constructivism. The researcher determined of how successfully the practitioner (or the that postpositivism and postmodernism best organisation) works across lines of cultural serve to describe the opposing frameworks difference (Fisher-Borne, Cain, & Martin, used to understand culture. These two 2015). Occupying a position of power, the frameworks are used to demonstrate worker’s values, attitudes and beliefs are not theoretically opposite ways of how social exposed or critiqued against the power and work roles and methods for cultural practice, privilege afforded to those belonging to the cultural competency and cultural humility dominant culture. could be understood and used as entry points to social work practice. Garran and Werkmeister Rozas (2013) emphasise that a formulaic definition of cultural competency disregards the Two theoretical perspectives influences of power and privilege. Others criticise the cultural competence paradigm Postpositivism as being tokenistic, for assuming that the In the postpositivism discourse, culture is worker is from the dominant culture, for stable and understood as part of an identity lacking a power analysis and for treating common to all members of a group. Founded culture as a neutral phenomenon (Furlong & in shared experiences, culture is maintained Wight, 2011; Garran & Werkmeister Rozas, in continuous form (Nadan, 2014; 2013). Hosken (2013) argues that cultural Williams, 2006). Difference is seen in the competency training has the potential to context of systemic discrimination and the reinforce stereotypes and that it is erroneous practitioner’s cultural discriminatory blind- to conceive that a type of ethno-cultural spots remain uncharted and unchallenged. matching can achieve cultural competence.

Reflecting the postpositivism discourse Postmodernism and its emphasis on “fixed” indicators, researchers (Grant, Parry, & Guerin, 2013) Cultural humility, a term coined by Tervalon argue that the term cultural competency and Murray-Garcia (1998), is situated provides specific indicators to monitor within a postmodernist discourse. Culture

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is understood as unfixed, drawing on own attitude and values, and the acquisition contextuality and personal narratives. of the values, knowledge, skills and attributes Juxtaposed against the postpositivist lens that allow one to work appropriately in cross- of cultural competency, a practitioner cultural situations” (AASW, 2013, p. 16). committed to cultural humility suspends her/his assumptions, expertise and Cultural humility and the health care knowledge about the culturally other and setting enters into a power sharing and exchange with the client. This means being open to the In health care and other settings that social other and befriending the difference while workers occupy, cultural humility challenges working consciously to deconstruct the the worker to recognise that the cultural mechanisms of exclusion (Nadan, 2014). context of practice is not abstract. It also demands awareness that structural inequalities Assuming an attitude of “not knowing,” impact on health care interventions and that she/he is an explorer and facilitator who culture is not static but always negotiated helps the culturally other delve into her/his within relationships of micro, meso and macro multiple identities, relationships and systems power (Grant et al., 2013) and within the many (e.g., patient, wife, mother, person of colour), constructions of identity. while simultaneously reflecting on her/his own narratives, role and social positioning. Researchers have found that people of As Williams (2006) and Nadan (2014) write, culturally diverse backgrounds experience these exchanges and explorations become the a difference in how health workers and emancipatory co-creation of multiple meanings health systems interact with them (Brach & and new relationships. The worker is not the Fraserirector, 2000; Horevitz, Lawson, & expert. The practitioner is always becoming Chow, 2013). For example, Australian rather than being culturally competent. researchers Khawaja, McCarthy, Braddock, and Dunne (2013) found that language Central to this discourse is the worker’s barriers, financial constraints, lack of critique of the individual and structural knowledge of services, social stigmas and power differentials between her/himself and lack of appropriate culturally competent her/his client. She/he advocates for self- health service providers led to poor utilisation reflection on ways in which cultural values of mental health services among people and structural forces shape client experiences of some culturally diverse backgrounds. and opportunities. The practitioner’s Similarly, ICEPA (2009), conducting an encounter with the individual who has audit of culturally diverse populations multiple identities and narratives, challenges and cultural responsiveness in Victoria, the practitioner’s ethnocentrism, prejudices Australia health settings, determined that, and assumptions, committing the worker to when health services failed to understand deconstruct her/his attitude towards cultural the socio-cultural differences between health difference and moving her/him towards care organisations, their workers, and their more inclusive practice. patients, communication and trust between them suffered. This breakdown led to a Critics of the term cultural humility point perceived or actual diminishing in the quality to a fundamentally erroneous assumption of care experienced by these patients. that being culturally humble automatically translates into respect for diversity (Danso, Social workers working to empower and 2016; Hook, Davis, Owen, Worthington Jr, & advocate for clients from culturally diverse Utsey, 2013). Notwithstanding this, cultural backgrounds need to understand and humility is consistent with the mandate of incorporate into their practice the social and professional codes (AASW, 2010; IFSW, 2014). cultural influences on patients’ health beliefs It requires in workers “an examination of one’s and behaviour, including understanding their

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own socio-cultural location and experiences. practice guidelines, benchmarks, and This involves a commitment to practice standards. Chalmers, Allon, White, Savage, located within the cultural humility discourse. and Choucair’s (2002) research canvasses the barriers that workers face when Social workers and socio-cultural working with people of culturally diverse location backgrounds and list workers as solely responsible for culturally sensitive practice, Researchers have documented the need ad hoc approaches and a lack of embedded, for social workers to develop cultural supportive hospital structures. ICEPA’s humility. A critical aspect of self-awareness (2003) review into culturally sensitive practice includes the social worker’s exploration reporting requirements, minimum standards and understanding of her/his own cultural and benchmarks found a lack of a consistent social location and an examination of how definition or a framework for culturally one’s own beliefs, biases and differences can sensitive practice. The review also found either enhance or impede effective work with an absence of strategies to make culturally clients who are ethnically/racially different sensitive practice integral to the operation from themselves (AASW, 2010; IFSW, 2014; of the agency and a lack of appropriate Morley, Macfarlane, & Ablett, 2014). measurement indicators of progress.

For social workers who belong to culturally A number of reports (VicHealth, 2005; diverse groups, their everyday practice might VicHealth, 2007) found the need for hospitals be located in a culture that might not be and hospital workers to understand that there coherent to the culture they carry. Researchers is a strong relationship between exposure to (Wong et al., 2003; Yan, 2005, 2008) have noted cultural tensions and poor mental health and the tensions that may confront social workers that people of cultural minority backgrounds who belong to cultural backgrounds different experience more incidents of discrimination from the dominant culture and who are and intolerance than people of non-English- situated in an organisational culture different speaking backgrounds. Additionally, from their own. These tensions include the Victorian resource plans and guides (ICEPA, worker’s culture being at odds with the 2003; Metropolitan Health and Aged Care dominant culture and the client’s culture; the Services Division, 2006) outline how hospitals burdensome expectations placed on workers and workers can facilitate access to culturally who share a similar cultural background; the responsive health practices. boundary confusion that may occur between the worker and clients of the same cultural None of the literature reviewed focussed background and navigating the multiple specifically on frontline hospital social workers power relations that exist within and between and their practice within culturally diverse cultures. Yan (2005) has mapped the range hospital settings. The contribution of this of responses to these tensions. He notes that research is its focus on, and the experiences workers can detach their cultural identity and perspectives of, frontline social workers from their professional identity, separate their who routinely work with the complexities personal lives from their professional lives, of diverse groups and communities and the switch between their cultural and professional organisations that serve them. selves when dealing with clients of similar cultural backgrounds, and selectively assume Methodology and method the organisation’s culture. The overall qualitative approach used in Research from Melbourne regarding social this research falls within the constructivist workers of diverse cultural backgrounds epistemology and postmodernist theoretical is scarce and limited to postpositivist perspectives. The research falls within the explorations of culturally competent critical social research tradition because of

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its political intention to make life better for a semi-structured interviews assuming the disadvantaged group (Henn, Weinstein, & “attitude of not knowing” and made available Foard, 2009). The Chief Investigator (CI) her own her own cultural narrative during the belonged to a non-dominant cultural group. semi-structured interviews. This demanded an ongoing reflexivity (Dwyer & Buckle, 2009) that brought a Making available her own cultural history realisation that sometimes the worker and the and biography during the interview, the researcher shared similar social work practice CI endeavoured to engage with the client experiences, opinions, and perspectives, and in co-creating a “power with” relationship, at other times, they did not. The challenge bringing her closer to the participants and was to probe information that may have enable her, through shared narratives, to seemed too familiar so that assumptions and ethically represent the cultural other. familiarity did not impose themselves on the participant experiences. The research proposal, including details of informed consent procedures, risk Using a narrative research design, a semi- minimisation strategies and interview structured interview approach was chosen protocols were approved by the Victoria as the data-gathering method. In line with University Human Research Ethics a postmodernist paradigm, this approach Committee (HREC No. 000023196). The privileged the workers’ voices and views participants’ right to discontinue the on the topic and provided the participants interview without penalty or prejudice with time and opportunity to explore their was stipulated at the beginning of the experiences and perceptions about working semi-structured interview. To alleviate any with diversity (Liamputtong & Ezzy 2005). potential risks and discomfort that might have arisen when recalling and sharing personal The researchers involved in this project or professional experiences of cultural bias or identified as of a first-generation Maltese discrimination, participants were given the and Australian cultural background. The name and contact details of a counsellor. CI and Associate Investigator (AI) position themselves within a postmodernist paradigm. This small, qualitative research project aimed They understand that culture and cultural to explore how cultural diversity impacts on identities are individually constructed and social work practice in Western Health (WH), located within personal and social narratives a large health care organisation in Melbourne’s and ideologies (Fisher-Borne et al., 2015; west. The research explored frontline social Williams, 2006). The researchers understand workers’ (hereafter, “workers”) experiences that culture and cultural identities cannot be within a culturally diverse workplace and generalised across groups of individuals since from the workers’ own perspectives. The cultural meanings and location change in questions guiding this research were: response to different experiences. 1. How do frontline workers understand Underscoring the researchers’ belief that culturally sensitive practice? research is a relational process and that 2. How do frontline social workers at research data cannot be removed from the WH experience the organisation’s macro and micro social, economic and political policies and practices in regard to contexts within which the data is analysed, the culturally sensitive practice? researchers’ were aware that the CI’s cultural background positioned her as both insider The research entailed two steps. Firstly, and outsider—listening to the participants’ prior to the interviews, the CI conducted an experiences and recalling her own experiences information session that invited potential (Barcinski, 2007). Thus, within the cultural participants to hear about the research, humility paradigm, the CI conducted the explore current discourses and debates

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concerning working with diversity, the range an emerging understanding of how workers of terminology used to describe paradigms, experienced and understood their practice with the models of practice approaches used people from culturally diverse backgrounds. when working with cultural diversity and an invitation to participate in the project. Participant characteristics The second stage entailed the semi- Participants worked in a range of hospital structured interviews that were held at a wards and the years of employment with WH participant-nominated location that offered ranged from one to nine years. All workers privacy and confidentiality to the participant. identified themselves as having cultural backgrounds other than European. Four Of the 50 social workers employed at WH, participants had migrated to Australia within eight females and two males responded to the previous 15 years and six identified as an invitation to participate in an information first-generation Australian. One participant session about the research. All respondents nominated an ethnicity to describe his socio- agreed to participate in the research. cultural background. In the findings below fictional names are used to protect the identity The CI conducted one-hour semi-structured of individual participants. interviews. These interviews canvassed understandings and experiences of culturally Agency characteristics sensitive practice, perceptions of WH’s responsiveness to cultural diversity at policy WH is located in Australia, in Melbourne’s and practice level and the contribution (or western suburbs, and is responsible for otherwise) of a personal cultural lens to social managing three acute public hospitals. The work practice. In line with the postmodernist catchment area contains a high number of paradigm, participants, although provided refugee and asylum seekers and the highest with prompt questions, were encouraged rates of births in Australia, as well as a much to share experiences as they chose (Ritchie, higher proportion of older residents than Lewis, McNaughton Nicholls, & Ormston Australia’s national average. Many within 2014). Strengthening the validity of the WH’s catchment community experience research, the interviews, digitally recorded entrenched disadvantage, higher-than-average and transcribed in full, were returned to the unemployment, lower-than-average labour participants for checking (Dodd & Epstein, force participation and a large proportion of 2012). On receiving the transcripts all material the population live below the poverty line. was de-identified and assigned a pseudonym. WH cares for a population of 700,000 people, who speak more than 100 different languages Transcripts were then analysed thematically and dialects and employs over 6,200 staff plus using the NVivoTM computer program (QSR volunteers (Western Health, 2015). International). This involved becoming familiar with the transcripts through careful WH’s strategic plan is committed to values reading and rereading, coding and recoding that reflect social justice principles and units of data, establishing preliminary themes names compassion, accountability, respect and settling on subthemes (Spencer, Ritchie, and excellence as underpinning its values Ormston, O’Connell, & Barnard, 2014). and seeks to work collaboratively with its community to improve the community’s To ensure that the thematic analysis was health and wellbeing status. Additionally, robust, credible and trustworthy (Ryan & it acknowledges that it requires a workforce Bernard, 2003), auditing and checking of codes that is competent and trained to work with and recoding was carried out by the CI and AI. its diverse community and aims to recruit This shared and ongoing analysis confirmed and retain staff that reflect the diversity of its or disconfirmed the analysis and generated community (Western Health, 2015).

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Findings values and beliefs. Workers acknowledged that, as people from diverse backgrounds How do frontline practitioners themselves, they had cultural insights that understand culturally sensitive either did or did not resonate with their practice? patients’ cultural worldviews. The data addressing this question are Workers described experiences of being reported under one theme: Culture and drawn into conversations about their cultural Knowledge and three subthemes: socio-cultural backgrounds. Some workers perceived their location, understanding culturally sensitive client’s cultural curiosity, although well practice and being mindful. meaning, as based on assumptions. For example, Esayas described an encounter Social workers were aware that working with where it was assumed that skin colour people from diverse cultural backgrounds signals being born outside Australia, which required them to reflect on their own cultural although true for him, may not be for others location and to recognise the values, beliefs of “brown skin”: biases and differences in their interactions with patients of a different cultural background People are genuinely asking about my to their own. Variously described, workers brown skin and green eyes, where I come consistently illustrated efforts to demonstrate from. and integrate AASW values of respect and inclusivity and evidence practice within the Other workers felt uncomfortable when cultural humility paradigm. having similar conversations. Their wish was to be “the same” as those from the dominant Culture and knowledge culture, thus they avoided “cultural” conversations. As Jaswinder, stated: Socio-cultural location Suggesting that culture is a stable form I found growing up (in Australia) I was of traits, behaviours and expectations made to feel different and I didn’t want common to members of a group, all but one to feel different, so now I don’t talk about participant, Abiola, conflated the concept of culture. nationality and ethnicity. Abiola explored the nature of culture by drawing attention to Understanding of culturally sensitive the influence of the multiple identities that practice shape personal narratives: All workers understood that their practice approaches needed to be responsive to the We have education in culture, we have patients’ circumstances, health literacies, and politics in culture and we have services cultural backgrounds. in culture. Africa then narrows down to Nigeria, and even when you come to Asked to describe what they understood as Nigeria—it is a very multi-ethnic country. cultural competence, all frontline workers I am from one of the big three tribes, the were firm in their view that this required Ibo tribe. the worker “to know and to adapt” to all cultures. Their view was that claiming The workers in this research reflected cultural competency was problematic on the different “knowledges” that they and “overwhelming” (Navea). Workers needed when working in culturally diverse were firm in the view that they could not settings. The first knowledge that workers realistically position themselves as cultural considered necessary was self-knowledge, experts, since one could “never know that is, knowledge of their own cultural every culture” (Emily). As Kiana noted:

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Competence suggests if you're competent imposed on her client the value she places on at something then you know it. I certainly family connection without checking whether don't know every culture and I don't her client shares such values: know anyone but my own well. Immediate family is definitely important. Workers unfamiliar with the term, cultural I think the idea of you never being alone humility, a term not “heard of until the is important in a hospital setting. [information] meeting” (Jaswinder) conducted by the CI, spoke of cultural Similarly, Agnieska assumed, based on her humility as a “so much more appropriate” mother’s situation, that her client would (Zhenli) practice approach. Some highlighted need an interpreter: the new insight that occurred when introduced to the cultural humility paradigm If my mother was still alive and needing as “the missing link in my understanding” that type of support, I know she would (Kiana). prefer someone to speak Polish, so I find an interpreter. Workers named this shift as reframing how they position themselves within the Abiola, too, adopted a “one size fits all” worker–client relationship and noted that the approach while advocating for his client. term more accurately captured the respect Abiola homogenised his view of Russian and humility that they, as workers, wanted culture: to communicate in their practice. Two reflections capture these views: Keeping in mind the culture that is confronting you in that point in time I there The term humility felt so much more has been space to say “no actually, this is respectful. (Kiana) the way e.g., Russians think about this”. I can't understand all these cultures— I just need to be humble. (Navea) Workers described the personal dissonance they felt when their cultural values differed from some clients’ values and beliefs. This Being mindful dissonance was particularly stark when Workers spoke of the new insights gained workers described their personal cultural when working with cultures different to notions of caring and having to accept caring their own. These experiences provided arrangements different to their cultural/ opportunities for workers to reframe their familial arrangements. As Maria stated: “thoughts, beliefs and practice” (Navea) about culture and working with cultural diversity. Family caring is quite embedded in me, in family values and family culture so Workers named that reflective engagement what I struggle with is when patients on their own and their client’s culture was don't have that in such an intensive pivotal to how they conducted practice. environment or critical time. (Maria) They considered reflective engagement as a conduit to recognising any personal bias that The workers also had practice-based views would influence their practice interventions. on how to draw on their clients’ cultural strengths and advocate for these strengths Notwithstanding this worker reflexivity, to be incorporated in case management. some statements indicated a tendency for Workers maintained that acknowledging and workers to homogenise cultural needs incorporating cultural worldviews, beliefs without checking that the client and and practices positioned them “beside” worker have similar understandings and rather than “apart from” their culturally intervention goals. For example, Jaswinder diverse population.

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How do frontline social workers at WH She had strong cultural beliefs around experience the organisation’s policies karma; I remember I had to advocate for and practices in regard to culturally her—she didn’t want to be pressured into sensitive practice? any western approach. (Kiana)

The data addressing this question are Preparedness to explore and confront issues reported under one theme: Culture and of cultural clashes, might indicate that practice and two subthemes: being mindful workers were positively inclined to confront and culture, workers and organisation. the more challenging “working beside” interventions that involved, for example, Culture and practice end-of-life decisions. Culture as “working beside” Culture, workers, and organisation Expanding on what workers believed to be culturally sensitive, workers spoke of Workers acknowledged that WH had working beside patients. Reflective of the policies (Western Health, 2015) to engage postmodern understanding described earlier, with different cultural groups but saw workers referenced the challenges that service gaps that directly impacted on the might arise when confronted with cultural ability to do so as indicating that WH had narratives different to their own. “some way to go” (Esayas) if policy was to translate into practice. One worker was For example, all workers stressed that aware of WH’s employment of a cultural being mindful of the intergenerational advisor: “We have a lady who’s part of expectations, combined with the family the cultural engagement. She is involved cultural expectations, necessitated that they in getting people of different cultural manage the cultural disruption and distress backgrounds on hospital committees” (Una). that illness and its aftermath caused within the familial system: Three workers indicated that more work was needed to action culturally sensitive In their generation you care for your policies. In Jaswinder’s words: “I don’t parents until the end. You can see that it’s know how [policies] translate and trickle challenging for them as a family group and down to actually what happens on a ground the guilt involved for families. (Abiola) level—our knowledge and our practice needs to grow.” Some workers recognised This positioned workers as empathic partners, that culturally sensitive practice is reliant on “You have to manage that distress with them, the employee preparedness to participate not for them” (Abiola). Other situations in professional development and on the positioned workers as advocates, “she was availability of capital resources to expend on screaming at the medical staff telling her to be professional development. Maria’s comment quiet. I had to say ‘hang on a minute; let her illustrates this reliance and also illustrates express grief her way’” (Emily). the tendency for worker to assume a one- size-fits-all approach when working with the All workers highlighted the importance culturally other: of interventions that were respectful of religious beliefs. However, workers Training is dependent on people. Even acknowledged the challenges associated if you had all these cultural policies in with balancing personal/cultural beliefs and place, there’s no one really making sure interventions “in a respectful way” (Maria), that workers do the training; there’s not supporting the right to reject Western enough money to be putting into training medical interventions, and working within people in a certain way or to ensure WH’s Western medical structures: everyone trained the same way.

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All workers referred to effective and accurate humility, the descriptions of how practice was communication with non-English-speaking adjusted to respond to, and incorporate, their patients as central to inclusive and rights patients’ cultural beliefs practices and values, based practice. They were of the view that suggest the transformative and transferable WH was “not progressing with the different learning described in the literature as going cultural groups that are coming through” beyond abstract, static concepts and towards (Una) and that attempting to engage patient–worker negotiated interventions interpreters or negotiate access to telephone (Grant et al., 2013) and their wish to practise interpreters, was problematic. cultural humility.

As indicated by Maria, “the bane of my life is Notwithstanding evidence that most workers trying to find a phone to get an interpreter.” conflated their understanding of culture, Esayas added that access to translated social workers narrated their evolving cultural work information was an area in which knowledge, their changing attitudes and WH needed to evidence culturally sensitive their emerging practice when working practice, commenting: “We don’t have a social within a diverse cultural setting. Their work pamphlet in different languages so sensitivity to how their own sociocultural usually people don’t even know our services.” location, cultural values and beliefs either did or did not resonate with client world A number of workers spoke about the views and the impact of this on their practice challenges of interprofessional practice and reflects the fluid, dynamic process of the impact of positional and professional becoming culturally competent (Dudas, 2012) power on culturally sensitive practice. For and is consistent with the cultural humility example, Jaswinder was of the view that paradigm (Hosken, 2013). doctors, with positional and professional power, had the final say in whether or not Cognisant of the importance of cultural cultural/ethnic factors were considered in concordance (National Health Workforce medical interventions: “Some doctors are Taskforce, 2009), WH’s employment quite powerful in terms of they’re making strategy aims to develop and promote a all the decisions”. culturally diverse workforce. WH commits to “continue to deliver and enhance Discussion culturally appropriate health care” (Western Health, 2015, p. 17) through the provision The workers’ adjustment of practice of professional development opportunities, interventions was indicative of their focussing these opportunities on integration understanding and acknowledgment that and learning, i.e., competency, rather than on personal values and beliefs have their genesis humility. Nevertheless, this responsibility, in formative socio-cultural histories (Harrison as noted by Harrison and Turner (2011) & Turner, 2011; Hosken, 2013). Workers and Anderson, Scrimshaw, Fullilove, articulated values that resonate with both the Fielding, and Normand (2003), and echoed AASW’s commitment to social justice and in the workers’ responses, also needs a human rights and its mandate to demonstrate reciprocal worker commitment to attend the culturally sensitive interventions (AASW, 2010). professional development opportunities. Affirming both the importance and social justice imperative of providing culturally appropriate WH’s difficulty in providing resources for resources so that health care services are use with its dynamic and emerging patient accessible (Jovanovic, 2011; Knowles & Peng, demographic is indicative of the challenges 2005), workers were also aware that they held that confront health services attempting to socio-cultural and socio-political positions that build a capacity to work with a culturally impacted on practice interventions. Cognisant diverse demographic (National Health of balancing cultural competency with cultural Workforce Taskforce, 2009).

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The findings of this research reveal that Expanding the research in scope and reach to hospital social workers, while aware include the perspectives of patients and their of the need for culturally sensitive practice families and to investigate further how WH may need to be more responsive to the and its frontline workers can enhance culturally discursive elements of the unfixed and sensitive practice would add to the body of constantly evolving nature of culture empirical research that pursues the fundamental (Williams, 2006) and avoid practices principles of justice and inclusivity. that uncritically conflate culture. While the training emphasis remains on a technical, postpositivist approach to References culture, WH will have difficulty designing Anderson, L. M., Scrimshaw, S. C., Fullilove, M. T., Fielding, J. E., & Normand, J. (2003). Culturally appropriate policies that respond to the competent healthcare systems: A systematic review. culturally other. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 24(3), 68–79. Australian Association of Social Workers (AASW). (2010). Similarly, on a day-to-day level, hospital AASW code of ethics. Canberra, ACT: Author. policy and practices must appraise how the Australian Association of Social Workers. (AASW). (2013). Australian social work education accreditation standards. allocation of resources signposts cultural Canberra, ACT: Author. inclusivity thus avoiding the monocultural Australian Human Rights Commission. (2014). Face the tendency to provide services that “[look] the facts: Cultural diversity. In Australian Human Rights same for everybody” (Abiola). These must Commission (Ed.). Sydney, NSW: Author. ensure that workers are continually building Barcinski, M. (2007). The co-construction of female criminal identities: The role of reflexivity. Ciênc. saúde coletiva, on and exploring their own and their clients’ 14(5), 1843–1853. multiple cultural identities, while also Brach, C., & Fraserirector, I. (2000). Can cultural competency balancing the need for cultural sources of reduce racial and ethnic health disparities? A review and information with practices seeking unique conceptual model. Medical Care Research and Review, 57(4 suppl), 181–217. narratives and establishing the client as the Chalmers, S., Allon, F., White, L., Savage, M., & Choucair, S. expert. (2002). “We all come from somewhere”: Cultural diversity at Sydney Children's Hospital. Centre for Cultural Research: University of Western Sydney. Conclusion Cross, T. L., Bazron, B. J., Dennis, K. W., & Isaacs, M. R. The author acknowledges that the (1989). Towards a culturally competent system of care: A monograph on effective services for minority children generalisability and transferability of these who are severely emotionally disturbed. Retrieved findings are somewhat limited in terms from https://www.ncjrs.gov/App/publications/abstract. aspx?ID=124939 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: of the geographic location, the smallness The author acknowledges of the cohort engaged in the study and Danso, R. (2016). Cultural competence and cultural humility: A critical reflection on key cultural the funding received from the contextual restriction to one field of Melbourne’s Victoria diversity concepts. E-Journal of Social Work. practice, i.e., the hospital setting. Hence, doi:10.1177/1468017316654341 University Researcher Development Grant there will be certain limitations in relation Dodd, S.-J., & Epstein, I. (2012). Practice-based research in Scheme initiative that to making generalisations or transferring social work: A guide for reluctant researchers. Abingdon, UK: Routledge. partly funded the data- learning to other fields. However, despite collection stage of this Dudas, K. (2012). Cultural competence: An evolutionary project and Lutfiye Ali’s these limitations, the research provides concept analysis. Nursing Education Perspectives, and Ande Szendroe’s preliminary understandings of how 33(5), 317–321. assistance with the hospital social workers understand the Dwyer, S. C., & Buckle, J. L. (2009). The space between: project’s recruitment and relationship between culture and culturally On being an insider-outsider in qualitative research. data-collection stages. International Journal of Qualitative Methods, 8(1), 54–63. sensitive practice. The findings might have Fisher-Borne, M., Cain, J. M., & Martin, S. L. (2015). relevance to those interested in exploring From mastery to accountability: Cultural humility as the intersectionality of the nature of culture an alternative to cultural competence. Social Work and methods of practice. They also have Education, 34(2), 165–181. COMPETING INTERESTS: relevance to those workers and systems Furlong, M., & Wight, J. (2011). Promoting “critical The author declares no awareness” and critiquing “cultural competence”: competing interests in the who wish to make decisions responsive to Towards disrupting received professional knowledges. publication of this article. cultural diversity.

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Australian Social Work, 64(1), 38–54. Ritchie, J., Lewis, J., McNaughton Nicholls, C., & Ormston, Garran, A. M., & Werkmeister Rozas, L. (2013). Cultural R. (Eds.). (2014). Qualitative research practice: A guide competence revisited. Journal of Ethnic And Cultural for social science students and researchers (2nd ed.). Diversity in Social Work, 22(2), 97–111. London, UK: Sage. Grant, J., Parry, Y., & Guerin, P. (2013). An investigation of Ryan, G. W., & Bernard, H. R. (2003). Techniques to identify culturally competent terminology in healthcare policy themes. Field methods, 15(1), 85–109. finds ambiguity and lack of definition. Australian and Spencer, L., Ritchie, J., Ormston, R., O’Connell, W., & New Zealand Journal of Public Health, 37(3), 250–256. Barnard, M. (2014). Analysis: Principles and processes. Harrison, G., & Turner, R. (2011). Being a “culturally In J. Ritchie, J. Lewis, C. McNaughton Nicholls, & R. competent”social worker: Making sense of a murky Ormston (Eds.), Qualitative research practice: A guide concept in practice. British Journal of Social Work, 41(2), for social science students and researchers (2nd ed., 333–350. pp. 269–290). London, UK: Sage. Henn, M., Weinstein, M., & Foard, N. (2009). A critical Tervalon, M., & Murray-Garcia, J. (1998). Cultural humility introduction to social research. London, UK: Sage. versus cultural competence: A critical distinction in defining physician training outcomes in multicultural Hook, J. N., Davis, D. E., Owen, J., Worthington Jr, E. L., & education. Journal of Health Care for the Poor and Utsey, S. O. (2013). Cultural humility: Measuring Underserved, 9(2), 117–125. openness to culturally diverse clients. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 60(3), 353–366. VicHealth. (2005). Social inclusion as a determinant of mental health and well being, Melbourne, VIC: Health Horevitz, E., Lawson, J., & Chow, J. C. C. (2013). Examining and Wellbeing Unit. cultural competence in health care: Implications for social workers. Health & Social Work, 38(3), 135–145. VicHealth. (2007). More than tolerance: Embracing diversity for health: Discrimination affecting migrant and refugee Hosken, N. (2013). Social work supervision and communities in victoria, its health consequences, discrimination. Advances in Social Work and Welfare community attitudes and solutions—A summary report. Education, 15(1), 92–104. Melbourne, VIC: Victorian Health Promotion Foundation International Federation of Social Workers (IFSW). (2014). (VicHealth). Global standards. Retrieved from http://ifsw.org/policies/ Western Health. (2015). Strategic plan 2015–2020. global-standards/ Melbourne, VIC: Author. Institute for Community Ethnicity and Policy Alternatives Williams, C. (2006). The epistemology of cultural (ICEPA). (2009). Review of current cultural and competence. Families in Society: The Journal of linguistic diversity and cultural competence reporting Contemporary Social Services, 87(2), 209–220. requirements, minimum standards and benchmarks for Victoria health services project: Literature review. Wong, Y.-L. R., Cheng, S., Choi, S., Ky, K., LeBa, S., Tsang, Melbourne, VIC: Victoria University. K., & Yoo, L. (2003). Deconstructing culture in cultural competence: Dissenting voices from Asian-Canadian Jovanovic, M. (2011). Cultural competency and diversity practitioners. Canadian Social Work Review/Revue among hospice palliative care volunteers. American Canadienne de Service Social, 20(2), 149–167. Journal of Hospice and Palliative Medicine, 29(3), 165–170. Yan, M. C. (2005). How cultural awareness works: An empirical examination of the interaction between social Khawaja, N. G., McCarthy, R., Braddock, V., & Dunne, M. workers and their clients. Canadian Social Work Review/ (2013). Characteristics of culturally and linguistically Revue Canadienne de Service Social, 22(1), 5–29. diverse mental health clients. Advances in Mental Health, 11(2), 172–187. Yan, M. C. (2008). Exploring cultural tensions in cross-cultural social work practice. Social Work, 53(4), Knowles, E. D., & Peng, K. (2005). White selves: 317–328. Conceptualizing and measuring a dominant-group identity. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 89(2), 223–241. Liamputtong. P., & Ezzy. D. (2005). Qualitative research methods (2nd ed.). Melbourne, VIC: Oxford University Press. Metropolitan Health and Aged Care Services Division. (2006). Cultural diversity plan for Victoria’s specialist mental health services 2006–2010. Blackburn, VIC: Print Bound. Morley, C., Macfarlane, S., & Ablett, P. (2014). Engaging with social work: A critical introduction. Port Melbourne, VIC: Cambridge University Press. Nadan, Y. (2014). Rethinking “cultural competence” in international social work. International Social Work, 60(1), 74–83. National Health Workforce Taskforce. (2009). Health workforce in Australia and factors for current shortages. Canberra ACT: KPMG.

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Educating on anti-oppressive practice with gender and sexual minority elders: Nursing and social work perspectives

Margaret Pack1 and Peter Brown2

1 Educational consultant and Registered Social ABSTRACT Worker, New Zealand 2 University of Western INTRODUCTION: This article relates a common dilemma in professional education out of which Sydney, Australia developed a collaboration between two health disciplines at a regional Australian university. In a literature review across the two disciplines, the authors drew from social work’s teaching knowledge base in an attempt to strengthen the nursing skill base. The intention was to provide students working in the health sector with a consistent theoretical approach and practical tools when working with sexual and gender minorities.

METHOD: As associate professors in social work and nursing, the authors argue on the basis of the teaching and the literature review, for an explicitly anti-oppressive approach to be applied to the education of professionals who work with elders identifying with gender and sexual minorities. Working within an anti-oppressive framework, beginning practitioners in social work and nursing in degree-level education programmes were encouraged to explore their own attitudes including taken-for-granted assumptions often unexplored in the prevailing medical models of care. How different demographics within the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, queer (LGBTQIA) community experience the health industry is a current issue for educators. There have been increasing challenges expressed by transgender individuals and their concerns over their specific health needs/stigma in rest-home-care facilities, for example.

CONCLUSION: By embedding anti-oppressive principles in our teaching practice, relating to gender and sexual minorities, we acknowledge and open the debate to some of the possibilities/ practicalities/difficulties of advocating for this within a broader multi-disciplinary in small town, rural contexts. The implications for social work and nursing education are discussed.

KEYWORDS: gender; diversity; sexual diversity; elders; education; nursing

A questioning of traditional professional traditional professional relationships with responses to the needs of a range of client service users. Teaching nursing and allied groups, including elders, those with health professionals by exploring individual disabilities, gay and lesbian, and mental values that impact upon practice with an health consumers has long been a feature explicitly anti-oppressive stance is suggested AOTEAROA of social work education, more recently as a way forward. Social workers, due to NEW ZEALAND SOCIAL fuelled by the rise of the service-user and their training, are well-placed to provide WORK 29(2), 108–118. recovery movements. For nurses, the examples of how anti-oppressive practice can unacceptability of many aspects of expert- apply in the care of elders self-identifying as knows-best professional practice has gender and sexual minorities. Both nursing CORRESPONDENCE TO: Margaret Pack created a groundswell for change in which and social work research needs to include [email protected] practitioners are re-conceptualising their the views of the LGBTQIA community, as

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this could enhance the understanding and university in the Northern Territory of application of anti-oppressive practice within Australia reflects aspects of the unique a health care system by providing material environment in which our students and on the needs and experience of diverse ourselves both live and practise. As a remote gender and sexual populations within these and rural location, around 4–5 hours by groups. air to the nearest main cities of Australia, the present-day Northern Territory is LGBTIA is an acronym that stands for typically seen as originating historically a range of sexual and gender diverse from a frontier society. Archival accounts identities, including: lesbian, gay, bisexual, of living in the Northern Territory describe transgender, intersex, and queer. The term harsh climatic extremes and landscapes, queer is an umbrella term used to describe which include areas of desert, lush tropical an orientation and paradigm that developed jungle and cyclonic weather conditions. out of lesbian and gay experiences, which Traditionally, living in the Territory was establishes a theoretical framework for seen as a white man’s place, unsuitable understanding alternative lifestyles and for women due to the factors identified ways of being. In this article we attempt to above, therefore, an overriding macho ethic look at the differing needs of elders who has operated locally since white colonial self-identify with the LGBTIA community, settlement (Bennett, Green, Gilbert, & mindful that much of the literature has Bessarab, 2013). The history of relations developed from the lesbian and gay with the Aboriginal people is written experience. from a white colonial perspective with little acknowledgement of the Indigenous Health systems are often unwelcoming to culture. This invisibility of the Aboriginal gender and sexual minorities. Typically, people is an issue we have tried to address service providers react with anxiety, by introducing readings and textbooks that embarrassment, pity and even go so far critique the absence of written accounts as to reject the patient or resident (Irwin, of Indigenous history and colonisation in 2007). The literature on elders from Australia (Bennett et al., 2013). Therefore, in gender and sexual minorities which is our teaching we endeavour to look with a predominantly focused on gay and lesbian critical gaze over all approaches to practice elders, attests to this attitude. Over time, where invisibility or marginalisation of any many gay and lesbian elders have been group in society is an issue. Our definition oppressed, both overtly and covertly. of culture in our teaching is, of necessity, As well as direct discrimination, indirect a broad one, encompassing dimensions of discrimination is associated with health age, gender, ethnicity, geographic location, providers’ assumptions that patients are and sexual orientation. Social workers are heterosexual in their orientation (Hughes, encouraged in their undergraduate studies 2007). Clearly, individuals should be offered to critically reflect on their understanding of the same respect as other gender orientated colonisation and the monocultural context individuals. Aged care facilities may address of their profession. They are also asked to sexual orientation issues in their policies, develop an understanding of their own yet in practice these policies may not be cultural identity including such issues as reflected in the day-to-day quality of the ethnic background, place of birth, world care provided for elder residents who self- view and spirituality (Bennett et al., 2013). identify with the LGBTIA community. As many of these dimensions of culture overlap, we endeavour in the classroom As authors of this article, both academic to develop students’ understanding of the heads in two different disciplines, social lived experience of culture and illustrate work and nursing, our teaching at a regional ways in which it impacts on a daily basis on

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our personal lives and professional practice. the support networks which surround Educational institutions which offer health LGBTIA elders collaboratively as part of any care courses of study, we firmly believe, assessment and integrated plan of care. need to include content on these issues and to identify service and support needs Themes from the research literature of clients who have been systematically on LGBTIA marginalised by mainstream White Australia. Most recently the failure to have In teaching our students about the legislation passed to legalise gay and lesbian importance of culture and context to marriage through civil union in Australia providing high quality service provision speaks to an intolerance of difference by in health, we present the evidence-based overriding dominant heterosexist attitudes research literature in our teaching of social and relationships. work and nursing students, and discuss trends in the literature. Most research studies Age as aspect of culture have focussed on gay men with very few studies focusing on bisexual or transsexual Where LGBTIA individuals are also ageing, individuals, and the health needs of younger old age makes them at risk of two prevailing gay and lesbian people. Many studies of gay sets of negative attitudes: age and sexuality. and lesbian elders have used small samples In the training of healthcare professionals, which may not be representative of socio- exploration of individual values that are cultural demographics in the Australian likely to impact on service delivery, is often population (Hughes, 2007; Langley, 2001). sadly lacking in areas such as nursing that Therefore, it is difficult to be precise about has historically have been dominated by the numbers of individuals likely to be medical paradigms. As late as the mid-2000s, impacted and the scope of the issue. The Pearson and Vaughan (2005) argued that social taboos surrounding disclosure and traditional models based in diagnosis and the invisibility of LGBTIA elders make treatment were still the models on which this research even more difficult. It is many nurses base their practice. However, predictable however, that, with the increase Dahlkemper (2013) points out that, more in the number of people moving through recently and increasingly, nurses work into old age in Australia the number of within relational frameworks of practice. LGBTIA elders will increase and, therefore, their needs require to be planned for both Social work’s focus on emancipatory ideals individually and at the broader level of and social justice concerns, as exemplified service planning and development. This in anti-oppressive approaches, offers a way does not assume that all LGBTIA elders of examining one’s own values that inform are a homogenous group and share the one’s practice as a health professional. same needs and preferences. The existence Encouraging awareness of one’s values is of needs distinct from heterosexual elders a means of building respect for individual have, however, been clearly identified in the and group differences and provides research literature and these needs require opportunities for conversations about acknowledgement, discussion and planning partnership between those marginalised and for (Irwin, 2007). the prevailing attitudes of dominance. These conversations between health care providers Older people who self-identify as LGBTIA and LGBTIA elders need to include an are more likely to live alone and are less acknowledgement and appreciation of the likely to have children when compared with importance of LGBTIA lifestyles and ways their heterosexual counterparts. However, of being in intimate relationships. It is this demographic does not necessarily mean critical that healthcare professionals explore that LGBTIA elders will be lonely or isolated

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(Hughes, 2007). There is a need for health use related to stress among gay and lesbian and aged care services to better understand elders in the community and they are and acknowledge older residents’ sexual considered to be more at risk of mental and identities to appropriately meet their needs. physical health problems than the general We must remember too, that not all LGBTIA population (Royal College of Nursing, 2003). elders in Australasia are the same and there The gay or lesbian person who is also ageing is great diversity and generational differences will be further stigmatised compared to other within these groups. In particular, those age groups (Royal College of Nursing, 2003). who grew up in an era when their sexual orientation and preference were regarded as For the trans community, it appears not to against the laws at the time will require great be simply an attitudinal issue, when health sensitivity on the part of aged care service professionals provide services to clients self- providers and services in relation to their identifying as trans. There is often a lack of present needs (Hughes, 2007). provision of appropriate health services, as the needs have not yet been acknowledged During the submissions to the Productivity in the range of services available, or if they Commission Inquiry into Aged Care in have, there is a poor understanding of the Australia, the National Health Alliance process relating to assessing eligibility for proposed that gay and lesbian older the health services requested, for example, adults should be recognised as a special surrounding gender reassignment surgery needs group under the Aged Care Act, (Zhang, 2016). In one recent research 1997 (Australian Government, 1997). As study, the author interviewed six health a consequence, it was concluded that professionals using a qualitative approach service providers should receive more involving in-depth interviewing in which appropriate training in catering for the their work with the transgender and needs of gay and lesbian elders as part of transsexual community in Auckland, New the operationalisation of this Act. How far Zealand was inquired about. Contrary to the this specific recommendation is addressed expectations that professionals are involved in health care professionals’ education, at some level in negative stereotyping, however, remains unclear. the researcher found those interviewed did have a thorough understanding of the Nursing needs of LGBTIA elders differences of working with the transgender/ transgender community and a sensitivity Deficiencies in nursing care of LGBTIA to what was appropriate professional elders have been highlighted in an earlier behaviour towards their trans clients (Zhang, publication by the Royal College of Nursing 2016). This finding may have been because (2003). Needs identified included concerns the method of sampling involved the about homophobic attitudes of health care researcher’s networks using a snowballing workers, fears and consequences about clients method of recruitment of participants, which being open about their sexual orientation, may have led to speaking to those who were fears of physical and psychological harm, and already knowledgeable about the effects concerns about breaches of confidentiality of negative attitudes to health outcomes (Royal College of Nursing, 2003). Within the (Zhang, 2016). wider LGBTIA community, gay and lesbian elders report experiencing negative and even Part of the problem of identifying the hostile reactions to their sexual orientation healthcare needs of elders who identify by nurses (Irwin, 2007). Negative reactions with the wider LGBTIA community relates might also be more perceived rather than to definitions of gender, sexuality and real due to elders’ previous experiences of family, and relationships within families. discrimination in other areas of life (Hughes, Previous research on lesbian, gay and 2007). There are reports of higher alcohol bisexual parents in the New Zealand

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context has recommended that specific “came out,” constantly assessing the risk protective policies be developed that focus related to being open about their own not only on LGB parents, but also their sexuality (Rondahl, 2009). children, regardless of the children’s social or sexual identity (Henrickson, n.d.). This In relation to nurses’ and medical students’ recommendation could be extended to access to knowledge about the needs of gay the wider population of elders identifying and lesbian elders, serious shortcomings within the LGBTIA community. Healthcare have been identified in the research decisions often fail to acknowledge that literature (Rondahl, 2009). The aim of the some LGBTIA elders have children, study undertaken by Rondahl (2009) was to some conceived while in heterosexual look at the students’ access to knowledge relationships, and that they wish to continue concerning gay and lesbian elders. in a close parenting relationship with their Shortcomings in the students’ knowledge children through the life course. LGBTIA of the needs of gay and lesbian elders in relationships who are co-parents to a were seen in the student groups surveyed same-sex partner’s children, or in fostering irrespective of education programme, or whangai relationships, it is argued, gender or religious belief. Accordingly, the must have the opportunity to have those conclusion of the study was that it is likely relationships and their parenting roles that heteronormativity will continue to be a formally recognised and endorsed by feature of all communication, treatment and appropriate policies (Henrickson, n.d.). care if something is not done to address the These policies include the decision making underlying attitudes of healthcare providers of adult children and their LGBTIA parents (Rondahl, 2009). about residential aged care facilities, and what is appropriate healthcare for them in A synthesis of findings from seventeen the later years of life. studies was undertaken by Dorsen (2012) and these highlighted that every study reviewed was found to demonstrate Nurses’ attitudes towards LGBTIA: evidence of negative attitudes among health Findings from the literature care providers towards gay and lesbian elders. However, Dorsen (2012) noted that The literature in nursing is more focused there were critical limitations to the studies on the differing needs of gay and lesbian cited, including that most were quantitative elders within the LGBTIA community. studies, and there were problems and issues An early study by Rondahl, Innala, and with the instruments used to measure Carlsson (2004) reported that registered attitudes (Dorsen, 2012). nurses expressed more positive attitudes and provided better quality care for lesbian Irwin (2007) recommended that general and gay men than assistants in nursing education of health care professionals and compared with findings from earlier through workshops, seminars and attendance international studies. However, they suggest at relevant conferences about homosexuality that more needs to be done to increase and homophobia should be provided to raise more positive attitudes and therefore knowledge about their needs as a group enhance their overall wellbeing. Elsewhere, (Irwin, 2007). Education about their needs Rondahl’s (2009) findings showed that study during both undergraduate and postgraduate participants reported very negative attitudes education is also considered to be important toward gay and lesbian people and some (Irwin, 2007). reported feeling anger related to their sexual orientation. Gay and lesbian staff members Students should be challenged about their and partners of patients reported feeling attitudes, biases and prejudices, and more concerned and fearful if they themselves senior nursing staff challenged to model

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appropriate attitudes and behaviour. The and analysis founded in the notion that Attitudes Toward Lesbians and Gay Men oppression arises when one group which (ATLG) Scale (Herek, 1998) is a brief measure predominates, exerts their power upon of heterosexuals’ attitudes toward gay men another leading to inequalities in access to and lesbians. It is recommended that this resources through the operation of social scale be used by healthcare professionals processes. Dominelli (2002) advocates an as it can be self-administered as a paper- analysis of the social identities that produce based measure or administered remotely, oppression on a societal level and for this for example, by telephone. We encourage analysis to form the basis of social work students to use this type of assessment tool practice with marginalised groups in society. in order to self-assess their own and their Social work is mainly concerned with these peers’ attitudes towards gay and lesbian disenfranchised groups and the process clients. by which they systematically become marginalised, therefore this critical reflective An anti-oppressive approach to gay and analysis is essential to social workers and lesbian individuals has been widely used in other practitioners learning to practise in an the teaching of social work (Dominelli, 2002). ethical and rights-based way. For example, Arguably, undergraduate and postgraduate Price (2008), in her research on gay and nurse education courses should begin to use lesbian elders with dementia discovered anti-oppressive theories in the teaching of that there is a complex range of factors that practice skills to assist in rapport building and dynamically work together on multiple engagement with LGBTIA by nurses. Zhang levels and ways to effectively exclude gay (2016) summarises some of the assessment and lesbian elders as a population from an approaches for working with the trans holistic model of care. Price (2008, p. 1341) community that follow anti-oppressive lines argues that the biomedical model heightens by highlighting that having trans-friendly the invisibility of gay and lesbian elders who health care providers and facilities is essential have a diagnosis of dementia, which means as a first step to better health experiences that their social identity becomes more along with written or formalised institutional defined by the diagnosis itself rather than standards of care (Zhang, 2016, p. 53). aspects of their identity such as spirituality, sexuality and preferred lifestyle: The relevance of anti-oppressive and emancipatory approaches Furthermore, once a person has dementia. The diagnosis and its presumed personal Anti-oppressive and emancipatory and public consequences somehow perspectives focus on addressing become a person’s chief defining institutionalised discrimination in society characteristics. Other social identities when one group exerts power over another are perceived as less important, or (Payne, 2005). To understand the power at least less pressing, and are thus dynamics at play of a predominant group extinguished in the observer’s eye—a over a group that has become systematically response, perhaps, to the persuasiveness marginalised in society, social workers need and power of the stereotypes, stigma to critically reflect on how, structurally and discrimination that surround the and dynamically, this situation arose. condition. Each practitioner, whether social work or nurse, needs to approach these issues by The health care environment should exploring the range of personal, cultural be safe for all patients and the services and social factors that can work together provided, made more widely accessible to discriminate against individuals and and user-friendly for gay and lesbian groups in society. Therefore, anti-oppressive clients. Workplace policies should include theory derives from a social critique expectations around confidentiality of

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information, avoiding comments that an Australian study has also been reported presume clients’ heterosexuality or use of (Hughes, 2007) and difficulties accessing language that intimidates. There is also a appropriate health care have reportedly responsibility to challenge other nursing affected expectations about experiences colleagues’ negative attitudes where they towards using services in the future (Hughes, occur (Royal College of Nursing, 2003). 2007). This significant finding, written Policies and practices that encourage from a social work perspective, concluded partners to be included in health care that “attitudes towards identity disclosure planning meetings and decision making are in later life were influenced by earlier strongly recommended (Blackwell, 2008; experiences and perceptions about the risks Irwin, 2007). Health care professionals of disclosure and possible consequences” engaged in research will need to focus on (Hughes, 2007 p. 205). Variables such as LGBTIA health care needs and experiences ageism and sexism were equally evident and make recommendations about how these in the narratives of participants suggesting might need to be met more appropriately that there were broader social attitudes (Royal College of Nursing, 2003). operating to discriminate on the basis of age and gender, as well as sexual orientation and identity (Hughes, 2007, p. 206). Social work’s contribution to the evidence-base on gay and lesbian elders The role of anti-oppressive practice in social work with elders Previous research examining the experiences self-identifying as LGBTIA of LGBTIA in Australian health and aged care services from a social work Practice in social work has emphasised a perspective deals mainly with gay and commitment to facilitating client access to lesbian elders. This research has also equal opportunities. This central tenet of revealed direct discrimination and indirect social work practice is confounded, however, experiences of discrimination (Hughes, by a range of difficulties which include 2007). Discrimination in Australia is high work/caseloads, hierarchical agency similarly considered to be both widespread structures and rigid processes that focus on and under-reported (Hughes, 2007). ameliorating individual, rather than group Very similar findings have been reported or societal, discrimination (Dominelli, 2002). in the North American context (Stein, In focusing on the individual issues as Beckerman, & Sherman, 2010). Research private matters without a broader analysis of studies undertaken by social workers about societal attitudes, as health social workers we gay and lesbian elders in Australia have risk reflecting the same marginalisation by in the main been small scale, employed the predominant groups back to the clients a narrative methodology, individual with whom we practise, and in so doing, and focus group interviews. From these, inadvertently, and inevitably, maintain the direct forms of discrimination have status quo. been reported of homophobic and sexist incidents, for example, involving insensitive Frustration caused by an inability to tackle gynaecological investigations performed overriding societal attitudes towards without informed consent by a consultant marginalised client groups has led to many in front of medical students (Hughes, 2007). social work educators and practitioners Indirect experiences of discrimination leaving the field in search of more service- were described in the attitudes of health user-focused practice (Dominelli, 2002). In care professionals making assumptions of alternative settings, social workers aim to elder clients being heterosexual. Failure to address negative societal attitudes and the provide gay- and lesbian-friendly services in power differences that exist in society more

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structurally, to look beyond the individual to promote their self-determination, control to address the attitudes that surround over lifestyle and quality of life (Concannon, client groups marginalised by mainstream 2009, p. 407). attitudes (Langley, 2001). Anti-oppressive practice in social work is designed to address The nursing literature emphasises that social divisions and structural inequalities horizontal violence often occurs amongst in their work across contexts. Social workers nursing colleagues in the workplace where know the value of working in collaboration LGBTIA are residents and that this also with clients and believe that partnership is impacts upon nurses’ quality of care (Irwin, an alternative to pathologising top-down 2007). Therefore, addressing the philosophy approaches. These expert-knows-best models and role of the organisation is also favoured are prevalent in nursing, medicine and in an anti-oppressive approach (Irwin, psychology. Anti-oppressive approaches 2007). Critically reflecting upon the internal challenge the very foundations of what workplace dynamics, prevailing culture counts as professionalism as the positioning and organisational hierarchies and an anti- of client and social worker is reformulated oppressive approach to care, therefore, provide on the basis of shared decision-making important foci for the education of students in with service-users having the power to professional programmes of study. make decisions and choices in their lives (Dominelli, 2002). Applications of anti-oppressive Anti-oppressive principles have been applied practice with elders self-identifying in social work with gay and lesbian elders as LGBTIA (Hughes, 2007; Langley, 2001), however, there are a number of considerations related Langley (2001) recommends that social to LGBTIA that are unique to each group workers and other health practitioners represented within this umbrella term, and should find ways of validating same- questions about the application of anti- sex relationships without requiring that oppressive principles in practice with each clients disclose their sexuality if it feels group. The first step in developing anti- uncomfortable for them to do that. Years oppressive practice is to examine one’s own of “passing” as straight may mean that beliefs and acknowledge that heterosexual concealing or downplaying matters relating healthcare workers need to have a greater to sexuality becomes a priority for many gay awareness of their own attitudes and the and lesbian elders and needs to be respected impact of these values on their practice and acknowledged (Langley, 2001). (Langley, 2001). Once examined, these Furthermore, health agency culture may attitudes can be owned and acknowledged function to unintentionally oppress elders as informing the practitioner’s worldview who are gay and lesbian due to heterosexist when approaching work with LGBTIA assumptions that may coalesce around elders. Secondly, there is a call to respond assessment, referral and planning processes. to powerlessness and structural inequality Langley (2001, p. 928), therefore, advocates through social workers' activism in that health professionals be provided with influencing agency practice towards social opportunities to rehearse (during their change. Concannon (2009), for example, calls training) ways of questioning that allow the for developing inclusive health and social history of personal relationships to gradually policies for older LGBTIA by increasing a emerge without the need for concealment sense of belonging through citizenship and or denial of one’s identity. Open-ended social inclusion. He advocates for social questions such as: “Please describe the workers to critique their own power and relationships that are significant to you” control as experts and to adopt a model rather than asking about marital status are where power is handed over to consumers recommended. Health professionals should

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also be mindful of the use of language a lower priority by the local housing (Langley, 2001, p. 928). Nurses need to be authority as a “single” person as no family encouraged to broaden their theoretical basis members lived with her. The wider issue of for practice both in relation to the range of what constitutes “family” is then critically approaches utilised to guide practice, and reflected on and discussed. in their choice of language. For example, discussing “partners” or “friends” and The intolerance of gender and sexual “community” rather than “husband” or diversity is also illustrated as there are “wife” may be more user-friendly to LGBTIA rigid protocols in hospitals and aged care and make a difference to the experience of facilities around separating men’s and the individual patient or resident (Langley, women’s sleeping quarters. Separation 2001, p. 928). Approaches such as this could of the genders in aged care facilities’ be role played in educational settings and sleeping accommodation itself implies the workshops before students’ entrée into the predominance of ageist and heterosexist practice field. values in those contexts. Students are expected to reflect in personal journals how agency protocols and practices serve to Teaching anti-oppressive practice to uphold rigid gender stereotypes, prevalent facilitate critical refl ection in society, that work against the wellbeing of their clients who are LGBTIA. This critical As educators, we find the place to begin in reflective process enables the familiar to teaching our students about discrimination become examined as students approach their is with our own experiences of being employing or fieldwork agencies with a discriminated against due to gender (e.g., more critical gaze. being a man in a female-dominated nursing profession) and having a feminist orientation to social work practice. We could also Implications for the education of discuss how our unquestioning acceptance health care professionals of heterosexism as the norm, as exemplified in many healthcare agency protocols and For social workers and nursing professionals, assessment and treatment processes, can there is a need to provide opportunities inadvertently promote the acceptance for older people to disclose aspects of of subtle (and not so subtle) forms of their sexual identities and to discuss the oppression, and so uphold the status quo. impact this may have on their preferences We could go on to discuss how the values of for health care delivery. The operation of conformity and sameness, embedded in the agency policy assessment protocols will be assessment and treatment process, affects important for educators to reflect on with our experiences of working with LGBTIA health practitioner students as a central as practising clinicians. As a nurse-educator part of their training. For example, as a (author), I discuss the oppression that can standard part of the assessment, elders may occur between nursing colleagues as a rite be invited to discuss their gender and sexual of passage from novice to expert nurse. identities and relationships using some of I often relate and discuss being mocked the strategies mentioned throughout this by a female colleague for working in what article. In a residential care context, LGBTIA is traditionally, a predominantly female elders may require careful and sensitive profession (nursing). questioning to provide them with the choice to respond in a way that seems most As a social worker, I (author) discuss appropriate and comfortable for them. with social work students the example of advocating for a LGBTIA elder at risk of As illustrated in previous studies, past being made homeless due to being given experiences of discrimination are likely to

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impact on whether, or how, elders wish elders who identify as LGBTIA. Due to our to disclose their sexual identity. There are experiences in teaching nurses and social generational differences in relation to what workers, we strongly recommended that being gay or lesbian means for them in the education of health professionals provides contexts of their lives that also requires opportunities for practising appropriate acknowledgement by health care providers. assessment and intervention within which Some older LGBTIA may have had mixed LGBTIA elders are able to disclose and experiences with the LGBTIA communities express aspects of their identities and throughout their lives and this might mean relationships, and for these areas to be that they prefer to look at alternatives to thoroughly explored. In this goal, the anti- traditional long-term care and residential oppressive and emancipatory approaches facilities. Other variables such as gender, that are part of social work theory can guide age, ethnicity, disability, or health status, and inform usefully nursing education may need fuller exploration, discussion and practice (Dominelli, 2002; Payne, 2005). consideration depending on individual needs. Nurses and social work students need to The use of an anti-oppressive stance in health learn that, through the disclosure that they practitioners’ interactions with service users facilitate by such conversations with LGBTIA may enable older LGBTIA service users to elders, areas of life previously invisible articulate their priorities and the values that may become visible in ways that elders have been important to them throughout themselves can control, discuss and describe. their lives. Opportunities to disclose identities What is appropriate to disclose about their and relationships that are meaningful require lives, therefore, can be left for LGBTIA elders attention during assessment and delivery of, to decide more proactively (Hughes, 2007; health care services. Langley, 2001; Stein et al., 2010).

Although most previous research studies Conclusion on the health care needs of gay and lesbian elders are based on small samples, and the The majority of research studies reviewed research on LGBTIA is scarce, the findings concluded that it is essential for health presented in a range of qualitative studies providers to address their own attitudes highlight the complexity of assessing older and also adopt an explicitly anti-oppressive LGBTIA needs which are related to their approach in care of LGBTIA elders. These gender and sexual identities (Langley, 2001; learning opportunities need to be embedded Stein et al., 2010; Hughes, 2007). Secondly, across all professional courses of study. and perhaps most importantly to health Education providers need to develop care providers, awareness of the obstacles LGBTIA friendly environments and curricula to LGBTIA elders’ discussion about their so that students can self-critique their lives and social identities, when in contact own practices in relation to the existing with health and aged care providers, needs societal heterosexist and heteronormative to be addressed. These conversations assumptions they bring to their work with are often reported as problematic from a elders who identify as LGBTIA. As part of service-user viewpoint due to dual societal their practice, students need to consider the negative stereotyping about being LGBTIA overarching values and practices that are as well as being older. Therefore, addressing espoused by their employing agencies and ageism need to be part of the core training actively learn methods to report and critique of nursing and social work professionals these. Adopting a perspective that transfers who are involved in elder care. Training power and control towards working with opportunities for improved services for the service-user’s narrative of their life and LGBTIA elders also need to be incorporated expectations is an underlying assumption into health care professionals’ training in the of and prerequisite for working with future.

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Social work’s knowledge of anti-oppressive Pearson, A., & Vaughan, B. (2005). Nursing models for practice (3rd ed.). Oxford, UK: Butterworth-Heinemann. practice has a role to play in modelling Price, E. (2008). Pride or prejudice? Gay men, lesbians alternative practice frameworks for other and dementia. British Journal of Social Work, 38(7), professional groups such as nursing, to 1337–1352. Retrieved from http://bjsw.oxfordjournals. facilitate alternative ways of exploring org/content/38/7/1337.full health professionals’ own values about Rondahl, G. (2003). Heteronormativity in a nursing context: Attitudes toward homosexuality and experiences sexual and gender diversity that inevitably of lesbians and gay men (Unpublished doctoral impact upon practice. Without an explicitly dissertation). Uppsala University, Sweden. emancipatory, anti-oppressive approach, Rondahl, G., Innala, S., & Carlsson, M. (2004). Nurses’ healthcare providers and their educators attitudes towards lesbians and gay men. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 47(4), 386–392. may inadvertently reflect the stereotypes Rondahl, G. (2009). Students’ inadequate knowledge they hope to challenge. about lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender persons. International Journal of Nursing Education Scholarship, References 6(1), 548–923. Royal College of Nursing. (2003). The nursing care of lesbian Australian Government. (2007). Aged Care Act, 1997. and gay male patients or clients. Guidance for nursing Retrieved from www.comlaw.gov.au staff. London, UK: Author. Bennett, B., Green, S., Gilbert, S., & Bessarab, D. (2013). Stein, G. L., Beckerman, N. L., & Sherman, P. A. (2010). Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander social work. Lesbian and gay elders and long-term care: Identifying Melbourne, VIC: Palgrave Macmillan. the unique and psychosocial perspectives and Blackwell, C.W. (2005). Registered nurses’ attitudes toward challenges. Journal of Gerontological Social Work, 53(5), the protection of gays and lesbians in the workplace: An 421–435. examination of homophobia and discriminatory beliefs Zhang, T. (2016). “We are super-duper resilient”: Exploring (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Central health and professionals’ attitudes towards trans people Florida, Orlando. in Auckland (Unpublished master’s thesis). Massey Blackwell, C. W. (2008). Registered nurses’ attitudes toward University, Albany, Auckland, New Zealand. the protection of gays and lesbians in the workplace. Journal of Transcultural Nursing, 19(4), 347–353. Concannon, L. (2009). Developing inclusive health and social care policies for older LGBT citizens. British Journal of Social Work, 39, 403–417. Dahlkemper, T. R. (Ed.). (2013). Nursing leadership, management, and professional practice for the LPN/LVN in nursing school & beyond (5th ed.). Philadelphia, PA: F. A. Davis Company. Dorsen, C. (2012). An integrative review of nurse attitudes towards lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender patients. Canadian Journal of Nursing Research, 44(3), 18–43. Dominelli, L. (2002). Anti-oppressive social work theory and practice. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave McMillan. Henrickson, M. (n.d.). Lavender parents. Retrieved from https://www.msd.govt.nz/about-msd-and-our-work/ publications-resources/journals-and-magazines/social- policy-journal/spj26/26-lavender-parents-pages68-83. html Herek, G. M. (1998). Attitudes toward lesbians and gay men. Retrieved from http://psychology.ucdavis.edu/rainbow/ html/atlg.html Hughes, M. (2007). Older lesbians and gays accessing health and aged-care services. Australian Social Work, 60(2), 197–209. Irwin, L. (2007). Homophobia and heterosexism: Implications for nursing and nursing practice. Advanced Journal of Advanced Nursing, 25(1), 70–76. Langley, J. (2001). Developing anti-oppressive empowering social work practice with older lesbian women and gay men. British Journal of Social Work, 31, 917–932. Payne, M. (2005). (3rd Ed). Modern social work theory: A critical introduction. Chicago Illinois: Lyceum Books

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Primary health care social work in Aotearoa New Zealand: An exploratory investigation

Stefanie Döbl, Liz Beddoe and Peter Huggard University of Auckland, New Zealand

ABSTRACT

INTRODUCTION: The social work profession has a long-standing history of contributing to health care in Aotearoa New Zealand. Traditionally, hospitals have been the stronghold for the profession. However, both international and national evidence demonstrates that social workers have also been integrated in primary health care practices (PHCPs). Primary health care (PHC) provides care in the community and is recognised for its potential to achieve health equity across all population groups. This article reports on a small, qualitative research project which explored the perceptions of key stakeholders about social work integration into PHC and the experiences gained by social workers working within PHCPs regarding their contributions to the achievement of national aspirations for PHC.

METHODS: Semi-structured, one-to-one interviews with 18 participants representing three groups (social workers, other PHC professionals and key informants) were undertaken in 2012. The interviews took place in various locations in Aotearoa New Zealand. A general inductive approach was used to identify key themes.

FINDINGS: Three key themes were identified from the data: these are issues of context, namely social work professional factors, organisational factors in PHC and lastly, wider factors in the health care system. The integrated social workers enhanced the access of populations to coordinated care, increased engagement with communities, and strengthened the workforce, among other things. These unique contributions towards the PHC vision were well recognised by all groups, with participants calling for the establishment of integrated social work positions on a larger scale.

CONCLUSION: The study evidences the successful integration of social workers into PHC practices in Aotearoa New Zealand. This viable model should be of special interest for key stakeholders regarding the design of local, holistic, PHC services which serve populations most affected by health and social inequalities. Importantly, “health for all”, as anticipated by the PHC vision needs long-term and real commitment especially by financial decision-makers.

KEYWORDS: social work; primary health care; integrated care; general practice

The health care system is one of the biggest and fill frontline to professional leadership providers of social work employment positions (Beddoe & Deeney, 2012; Craig & AOTEAROA in Aotearoa New Zealand, where social Muskat, 2013). While some areas are well NEW ZEALAND SOCIAL workers can be found in preventive, known (for example, hospital social work), WORK 29(2), 119–130. primary, secondary and tertiary health other domains for health social work are care settings. They practise in a variety less present in the public eye. One such CORRESPONDENCE TO: of specialities, working with population health care setting is primary health Liz Beddoe groups who experience health challenges, care (PHC). [email protected]

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PHC is defined as essential health care strategy mentions important elements of provided in the community and represents the former health strategy and the current the first contact point with the health care PHC vision such as improving health for system (King, 2001). Professional services all, better integration and collaboration as are offered via primary health care practices well as community involvement, it has lost (PHCPs) such as general practices, family its focus on health inequalities, population health centres, union health services, health, universal affordability, and social Máori or Pacific health providers. The PHC determinants of health among other things. workforce can include general practitioners, Instead there appears to be a shift to health registered nurses, pharmacists, community consumerism, competition, and meeting health workers, social workers, and others. financial targets by using an investment approach. It remains to be seen how this The Ministry of Health (MoH) in Aotearoa strategy will impact on PHC on a broader New Zealand has recognised the critical level over the next few years, including the role of PHC as part of the wider health integration of social workers within PHCPs. care system. The vision is closely linked to international declarations such as the Alma A comprehensive and integrated care Ata Declaration (World Health Organization approach within PHCPs is seen as crucial by (WHO), 1978) and the Ottawa Charter the World Health Organization (WHO, 2008). for Health Promotion (WHO, 1986). Such Many definitions can be found regarding declarations determine principles which this approach (Shaw, Rosen, & Rumbold, emphasise the importance of PHC in the 2011). Essentially, integrated care is based on delivery of fair and equitable health services. people-centredness and uses system-wide The 2001 PHC vision states: coordination in order to improve outcomes and quality of care for patients (Curry & People will be part of local primary Ham, 2010; Shaw et al., 2011). Coordination health care services that improve their which facilitates integrated care occurs health, keep them well, are easy to in many forms, to various extents and to get to and co-ordinate their ongoing differing degrees (Curry & Ham, 2010; Shaw care. Primary health care services will et al., 2011). Flexibility in implementation focus on better health for a population, is encouraged (Shaw et al., 2011) which is and actively work to reduce health sensible as different PCHP populations have inequalities between different groups. widely different needs and resources. One (King, 2001, p. vii) model of integrated care is the positioning of social workers within PHC practices. The PHC vision and strategy are now 16 years old, and their future is unknown. The international PHC literature has A new Health Strategy was published by the acknowledged the social work profession’s MoH in 2016. This far–reaching, high-level specific theoretical foundations, knowledge policy aligns with other relevant documents and skills, recognising the benefits for a PHCP (such as the New Zealand Disability Strategy (Herod & Lymbery, 2002; Keefe, Geron, & and He Korowai Oranga: Máori Health Enguidanos, 2009). Specific attributes noted Strategy) and provides a new direction for include the holistic, ecological views of, and the health sector. The aim of this strategy approaches to, health (Brochstein, Adams, is that New Zealand’s whole population Tristan, & Cheney, 1979; Goldberg, Neill, lives, stays and gets well by focusing the Speak, & Faulkner, 1968; Netting & Williams, health care system on five pillars, namely 1996; Rock & Cooper, 2000), a commitment to people-power, closer to home services, value indigenous models of practice (Brochstein et al., and high performance design, working as 1979) and extensive community networks one team, and providing a smart system (Backett, Maybin, & Dudgeon, 1957; Dongray, (Minister of Health, 2016). While the new 1958; Goldberg et al., 1968; Lesser, 2000).

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No actual numbers can be found for social & Setturlund, 1987). Models of social work work professionals being employed in in PHC have been shown to ease access PHCPs in Aotearoa New Zealand at present for populations such as ethnic minorities with the overall number believed to be small. and people from a lower socio-economic However, limited evidence in the literature background, who otherwise may experience confirms the integration of social workers barriers to health services (Lesser, 2000; within PHCPs in Aotearoa New Zealand Lymbery & Millward, 2002; Rizzo & Mizrahi, since the 1970s (Beddoe & Deeney, 2012; 2008). Benefits for people with no experience Lowe & Rainey, 1974; Nuthall & Craig, of, or plans to, access an external social 1980). In recent years, several authors have service agency, but who indicated their advocated for a change of focus for social interest in getting or accepting an offer of work towards an increased contribution support by a PCHP social worker, were also to PHC within the health care system reported (Bikson, McGuire, Blue-Howells, & (Foster & Beddoe, 2012; Weld, 2010). For Seldin-Sommer, 2009; Goldberg et al., 1968). example, Foster and Beddoe (2012) propose a shift of the social work profession in their This article reports the findings from a work with elderly and their families from small, qualitative study conducted in hospital to PHC settings. They see health Aotearoa New Zealand which explored: a) social workers’ skills better used in the the perceptions of key stakeholders about latter settings due to their ability to perform this kind of social work integration; and b) home visits and offering services crossing the experiences gained by integrated PHCP primary, secondary and residential care. social workers regarding their contributions Another author addressing the potential in towards the PHC vision. A contemporary PHC, Weld (2010), argues that social work view of the potential for the social work is able to confidently address the social profession within PHCPs is offered and determinants of health which often present understanding about this model within an in PHC. The propositions put forward Aotearoa New Zealand context is broadened. by these Aotearoa New Zealand authors The study was briefly reported in Döbl, mirror the policy statement on health by the Huggard and Beddoe (2015). This article International Federation of Social Workers explores in greater detail the themes arising (IFSW) which sees a clear role for social work from the analysis of the qualitative data. regarding tackling health inequalities. The reason for this is that people’s health chances Method and experiences are influenced by the social determinants of health, available resources A qualitative approach was selected for the and other forces (Bywaters & Napier, 2008). study as this strategy enables researchers Further, “[h]ealth and illness are viewed to increase their understanding about a as social experiences, affecting people’s field where little is known about the lived identities, relationships and opportunities” experience of those participating in a specific (Bywaters & Napier, 2008, para. 12). human activity. Qualitative research uses “words as data” (Braun & Clarke, 2013, In the international arena, many factors p. 4), and enables the researcher to generate have led to the integration of social rich data for analysis and give voice to workers within PHCPs such as enhanced the participants, and was appropriate for communication and cooperation between this small exploratory study. Further, this social workers and medical staff (Lesser, approach provided an opportunity for 2000) and the strategic provision of timely, participants within the field to share their early, preventive social care without expert knowledge, ideas and experiences the need to refer to specialised services (Morse & Richards, 2007). The methodology (Dongray, 1958; Goldberg et al., 1968; Laden, chosen was qualitative description which Oehlers, Waddell, & Miller, 1983; Wilson “is the method of choice when straight

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descriptions of phenomena are desired” college. Given the small scale of PHCP (Sandelowski, 2000, p. 339). This strategy social work, no further details are provided provided a way to not only gain first in order to ensure the anonymity of insight into the topic but also to stay close participants. to the data. Qualitative description is appropriate when professionals’ views with Ethics approval a particular topic are sought because such study “presents the facts from exactly the The study was conducted for the fulfilment informant’s points of view” and recognises of a Master of Health Sciences degree. Ethics the participants’ knowledge and practice approval for this qualitative study was experiences (Neergaard, Olesen, Andersen, obtained from The University of Auckland & Sondergaard, 2009, p. 4). Human Participants Ethics Committee. In addition, professional bodies and other relevant organisations granted approval Participants and sampling following their own internal ethics review Three participant groups were interviewed: of the research proposal. social workers, other PHC professionals and key informants. The decision to focus Data collection and analysis on three key groups enabled not only exploration of the topic in more breadth The semi-structured interviews took place in and depth but also seemed crucial given 2012, four face-to-face and 14 by telephone that PHC provides a host setting for the depending on the preference and location of social work profession (Beddoe, 2017) and the participants. The interview length varied thus its presence is dependent on working between 40 to 105 minutes. The findings relationships with other practitioners from of the literature review provided the basis other professions. for the interview questions which covered four topic themes: having an understanding Various sampling strategies secured the of PHC and models of integrated care; recruitment of overall 18 participants reasons and attractions for social workers nationwide. First, social workers who were to work in PHCPs; scope of this integrated members of the Aotearoa New Zealand social work practice; and the achievements Association of Social Workers (ANZASW) of, and challenges faced by, social workers received an invitation by email to participate positioned in PHCPs. All participants in the study. This group involved nine consented to having their interviews audio- qualified social workers who had worked in taped which were then transcribed verbatim a PHCP. and loaded into the NVivo 10 software programme (QSR International, 2012). All The second group, professionals other than participants could select a pseudonym of social workers in PHC were accessed via their choice for reporting the data. professional networks using a snowball technique. This PHC professionals group The data analysis used a general inductive included two qualified general practitioners approach (Thomas, 2006). After reading (GPs) and one registered nurse who had the transcripts several times, text segments worked with, or had a special interest in were coded, combined, and aggregated working with, a social worker in a PHCP. further into themes according to similarity The third group consisted of six key (Creswell, 2002; Thomas, 2006). This process informants who had a good understanding allowed conveying the major idea of each of PHC, social work, or both. These key theme. A health professional working informants had management or decision- independently of the researcher reviewed making level positions within their codes and themes. There was a high level employment or professional association/ of agreement.

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Findings social work (ANZASW, 2013; IFSW, 2014). Participants identified “social justice” and Three key themes, “Social Work Factors”, “equity” as key principles for their practice. “Organisational Factors” and “Wider All social work participants placed a strong Factors”, as well as 10 sub-themes were notion of seeing people holistically within developed from analysis of the interview their context, emphasising that the term data. Participants’ quotes in the text illustrate holistic referred to all aspects of health the findings. including people’s lived environments and the interconnectedness of these aspects. Social work professional factors Hence, they incorporated holistic models such as Te Whare Tapa Whai (Durie, 1998) The first key theme focuses on the social and Fonofaleii (Pulotu-Endermann, 2001) into work profession itself. These professional their practice. Andrea, a social worker in a factors are apposite to the PHC vision, general practice, further explained: influenced by, but also impacting on, the other two key themes. … you can actually work with anybody in the family if working with the husband Role clarifi cation by the social work will help the wife’s health. Working with profession the children—working with the Mum will help the children’s health. It’s all Participants across all three groups interconnected so you can really just get identified a fundamental need to clearly in there and work as part of the medical articulate the aims and skills of the social team but in the community. work profession when working in a PHCP. Social workers must be able to clearly Another crucial social work aspect communicate their specific role within their identified was that of supporting people’s organisational context to all stakeholders. self-determination and working with the The participating social workers accepted “pace” of a person. Social workers used responsibility for addressing this key systematic strategies such as ensuring challenge long-term. They used different, proper consent and focusing on the successful strategies such as presentations concerns of the referred person (and not to their team members and wider only following referrers’ requests). In community. This finding was reinforced addition, the social workers had extensive by this key informant: and practical knowledge about health information, clients and families, their I think the most important thing and I think own PHCP as well as services and their it’s probably the thing that social workers processes in the health, government, social do least well is articulate … what social and community sectors. work is and does. That makes it different from nursing, from general practice,… and all of those other counselling, Social work phases psychology type services… it becomes The social work participants worked critically important that a social worker methodically towards achieving set goals can articulate what the profession does in a by following commonly applied social professional service. (Lucy, ANZASW) work phases. These phases were referral, preparation, building rapport, assessment, Social work perspectives and knowledge setting goals and establishing a joint plan with clients (and their families) followed The social workers’ perspectives and by tailored interventions which were theoretical knowledge reflected both the continuously monitored and reviewed, international and national definitions of closure.

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How important an assessment is was and their families as well as facilitating team emphasised by Lucy, ANZASW key work within the PHCP. informant: Another objective was to work with clients That’s fundamental to a social work and others to ensure appropriate, timely intervention, is doing a good assessment access and smooth pathways to services. and being guided by the person Relationships within the wider health and they’re working with because they social service networks were needed to are the experts in what’s going on facilitate collaboration and ensure well- for them and it’s the social work task coordinated health care. Therefore, the social to do that assessment in the context workers developed extensive relationships of the whole person’s life. Not just with external stakeholders across a range here’s a person in front of me with an of sectors, including: health and disability, alcohol problem, it’s what’s happening government, community, housing, in their families, in their immediate education, and justice/legal. Further environment, their community, their connections were maintained with cultural employment. and spiritually based organisations. The impact of this approach is explained Consistently through these phases, by Lisa, a PHC nurse in a busy urban the social work participants showed practice: on-going flexibility (e.g., ways of initiating and keeping contact, location of I saw the social worker I was working appointments, involvement of supportive with develop really strong relationships and critical other people, adjusting to within … and outside the service and new situations). Interventions included as a nurse that also enabled me to then advocacy, case management, liaison, develop such relationships … which was referrals, information provision, practical essential in addressing the needs of a and emotional support, counselling, health complex population. education, skill building and group work among others. Regular follow-ups with Social workers ensuring the fl ow of clients and other stakeholders as well effective and clear communication as ensuring successful referrals to other (long-term social work) services when The social work participants highlighted required were of particular significance to their important role of being a central the social workers. All participant groups link that ensured continuous identified further potential for the social communication between clients and their work profession within PHCPs. Possible families, health professionals and external areas of future activity included “advanced agencies. Special significance was given to care planning”; “violence intervention this aspect when dealing with (potential) programs”; “community development”; safety issues such as child abuse and and assessing an organisation’s “health neglect, domestic violence or serious literacy.” mental health concerns. As highlighted by Tiaki, social worker, Whanau Oraiii (The Tangata Whenua, Community & Relationship building by social workers Voluntary Sector Research Centre, 2016): The social workers emphasised the importance “I think the important thing working of relationships for their work with people, in primary care is that you have some perceiving it as fundamental for best social work ultimate, critical communications going on practice. Building rapport and empowering within your team, from doctors right across relationships were thereby significant aspects, the board to community health workers, especially for working successfully with clients administrators.”

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The social workers shared regularly Organisational factors information, including feedback to the referrer Organisational factors comprise the second about details of their social work involvement. key theme and reveal more about the In order to enhance a timely exchange, environments in which social workers social workers used various communication operated. The two identified sub-themes strategies such as computer case notes, ad focused on community needs and providing hoc consultations and formal team meetings. a supportive work environment. Participants from all three groups thought that information sharing would be eased by being located as a team within the same PHCP. Focusing on needs Participants from all three groups had Being a safe social work practitioner a strong desire to purposefully place Being a safe practitioner was of huge importance social workers within PHCPs. Most felt to all social work participants. They felt even that establishing such positions was long more obligated about this aspect as they were overdue. The rationale was manifold. usually the sole social worker within their Participants argued that PHC practices PHCP. The social workers differentiated are contracted to deliver first contact and between professional and personal safety. close to home health care. Such care is The first aspect was linked to accountability, provided to all people over their life course, representing a mechanism to ensure best social without referrals and independently of work practice. They felt accountable towards people’s health concerns and status. Hence, all stakeholders, especially clients and their PHCPs are confronted by an array of issues families, and used diverse strategies. Examples experienced by the accessing population included professional reliability, continuous on a daily basis. Given the nature and evaluation of their social work practice as well the complexity of these health issues, as professional membership and registration. participants wished to offer more holistic The social work participants highlighted the health care to their practice population and crucial access to, and the role of, supervision. identified the need for an additional skilled The aspect of personal safety referred to the profession such as social work to offer such issue of potential threats to their own health, service. The participants also desired a especially when working outside the PHC seamless, preventive and early intervening practice. The social workers identified the PHC provision built on trust and close importance of carefully planned home visits relationships. Many of these professionals in order to ensure that the specific home was had experienced fragmented, delayed and safe to enter (e.g., dogs at the property are uncoordinated care, resulting in adverse restrained if necessary). The participants used health outcomes for especially vulnerable various strategies to ensure their personal populations. Jason, GP, offered this view: safety: informing colleagues about their whereabouts and working together with other The more comprehensive the team is in professionals (such as the women’s refuge). primary care, the more problems they can Lara, social worker in a PHCP, summarised deal with themselves without needing what other social workers also emphasised: to refer anywhere else and the more effective they are because the more you I guess the big thing is to have very good fragment care, the less efficient it is. systems around you. You’ve got to be well supervised, you’ve got to have a Participants preferred the integration of clear vision of what your role is and what social work roles within PHCPs compared its limitations are and a very strong safety to other options such as collaboration via net in place around practice standards and referrals to community social work services, accountability. within and beyond the health sector.

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However, they identified barriers to this Some social workers and the nurse inclusion, especially in smaller PHCPs where participant observed a second challenge, funding and space were concerns. namely issues of equality and power. They observed these issues on various All participant groups agreed that the focus levels: between clients and health needed to be on populations who were most professionals, between professions, and affected by health inequalities (such as Máori within the health care system. Comments people, Pasifika peoples, people living with mainly referred to a “dominant Western high deprivation) or who were vulnerable health care model” which reinforces power due to their age (e.g., children), had high imbalances. Further, the social workers health needs (e.g., people with a mental felt responsible to advocate for their clients, health diagnosis) or were new to the country not only outside but also within, their (migrants and refugees). employing practice, which proved difficult at times. A supportive work environment Wider factors Overall, social work participants felt strongly supported by their PHC practices The final key theme provides the context for which included cultural support. The integrating social workers within PHCPs social workers also appreciated the good as part of the broader health care system in employment conditions offered within Aotearoa New Zealand. Two environmental their various organisations. The access aspects were identified in the data analysis to professional resources, including peer within this theme: challenges related to and external supervision, professional funding concerns and communities’ health development, and payment of professional experiences. membership fees was especially valued. The funding challenge Despite these positive experiences, participants identified two key challenges. All research participants identified funding The first challenge was one of professional as a major, constant challenge regarding the isolation which originated from the fact integration of the social work profession that social work roles within PHCPs are within PHC practices. There was general usually sole positions. Therefore, additional consensus that the government as the skills such as the ability to establish clear funding authority needed to allocate money role boundaries as well as having a strong for initiating and sustaining this integrative professional identity and social work PHC model. However, the participants community links are required. This challenge experienced problems with funding was pro-actively managed by the social formulas and funding “dried up” on a workers and was also minimised due to the regular basis. Given that sustainable change commitment of their PHCPs. Jackie, GP at an and outcomes related to health inequalities urban practice, confirmed the need for this often take time, most participants questioned support: whether any government would commit sufficient resources long term to such an … if you were employing them as a innovative approach, especially in times of practice you would need to provide fiscal restraints. Overall, it was indicated that them with what they need, some paid the social work profession had to provide supervision, paid mentoring and the evidence of its usefulness with respect to respect for listening to their feedback … financial gains rather than to improved they’d need to be … supported within the health care provision. Participants cautioned team. Because being one of one modality that this was a complex task. One participant in a team I think is really hard. shared her observation:

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…this person who I’ve been working due to its extent in Aotearoa New with in the past few weeks who I’ve not Zealand and its health impacts on whole been able to have social work support communities. The social workers reported with, has presented three to four times, that clients frequently experienced multiple, each time seeing a different GP probably interconnected health concerns, either for for more than half an hour, so that’s two themselves, within their families or both. and a half hours of GP time, nothing has actually been addressed about the The consensus among all three participant things she’s coming in with so in terms groups was that social workers were the of time and money I’m sure that it would right profession to support communities in definitely be cost efficient to have more addressing these wider health challenges social workers. (Lisa, PHC nurse in a in the particular host setting of a PHCP; busy urban practice) because communities presented in their own ways to their health care providers. Health and social issues experienced by communities Discussion All participants identified an array of issues Participants from all three groups experienced by communities which covered demonstrated consensus regarding these all aspects of their health (physical, mental, themes despite their diverse backgrounds. emotional, cultural, spiritual, and family) A few, minor, differences were observed. and reflected the social determinants of health. Examples included but were not The social work factors embody the aspects limited to: transport, food insecurity, conflict crucial to the social work profession in at work, unemployment, obesity, terminal general and particularly when working in a illness, disability, depression, grief and PHC practice. Overall, the findings reflected loss, anger, adaption to chronic conditions, international and national professional immigration problems, family conflicts, concerns drawn from the wider health social parenting problems, domestic violence, and work literature. For example, participants child abuse. Other issues observed were emphasised the importance of all difficulties of access to, and engagement stakeholders having a clear understanding with, organisations (e.g., non-attendance of about social work, both social work practice appointments). Anna, Royal New Zealand and its context-specific roles, as these College of General Practitioners (RNZCGP) positions can and do often vary. Such clarity key informant, explained: is important considering that health care systems and its professions are in a constant That’s their whole background. Definitely state of flux (Weld, 2010). money, housing, lack of support, lonely, don’t know where to turn to, stressed to Participants reported further factors which the max and it’s just entirely their living illustrate what makes social work unique, and they’re presenting with physical setting it apart from any other profession symptoms that we can’t treat until we in the PHC team. As outlined, social work sort out their home environment. brings together a particular combination of values, knowledge, approaches and skills. Further, participants reported about Examples include the profession’s theoretical challenges experienced commonly by foundations (Keefe et al., 2009), processes certain populations due to their age or life (Ní Raghallaigh, Allen, Cunniffe, & Quin, transitions. For example, elderly clients faced 2013), relationship and coordination skills issues around independent living, caregiver (which enhance the horizontal and vertical concerns, isolation, and dementia. Poverty integration of care increasingly demanded was of particular concern to participants within health care systems), communication

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skills (Foster & Beddoe, 2012) and Funding concerns and the diverse health professional responsibility to access challenges experienced by communities were appropriate supervision in order to practise of greatest significance. National evidence ethical social work (ANZASW, 2013). Social points to the particular barrier regarding work offers thus a distinctive benefit to an the current PHC funding system (Pullon, integrated PHC team because of their access 2007). Getting the system right is critical in to, and their engagement with, communities order to reflect and facilitate that integrated who are most affected by health inequalities, PHC is delivered by a team of diverse who experience high health needs, or both. health professionals (Workforce Taskforce, This study also shows that social workers 2008). The identified health issues which can be vital to a PHCP due to enhancing communities experienced and presented to quality and coordination of care, increasing PHCPs reflect the international evidence safety, strengthening the workforce as well within health social work (Bikson et al., 2009; as extending the knowledge of their own Coren, Iredale, Rutter, & Bywaters, 2011; profession and key stakeholders. Craig et al., 2016; Gross, Gross, & Eisenstein- Naveh, 1983). Special mention is warranted Encouragingly, all social work participants for the potential for integrated social workers emphasised their overall positive experience to address psychosocial issues in the event in working in PHC practices despite various of terrorism or natural disasters (Gross et al., challenges and recommended this field to 1983). In Aotearoa New Zealand, PHC other social workers. practices played a crucial role in supporting survivors of the Christchurch earthquakes; The organisational and wider factors this support continues today. Overall, the provided the context in which integrated research study highlights that appropriate PHCP social workers operated in. These funding has to be located which requires environments determined whether best explicit understanding about the PHC vision social work practice can be delivered. and a long-term commitment to achieve this The organisational factors referred to the vision by financial decision-makers on all focus on community needs and providing levels. a supportive work environment for social workers. A strong support for purposefully Conclusion positioning social workers in PHCPs was reported. All participants identified the Overall, this study strengthens our social work profession as an asset to PHC understanding of the potential for teams and in particular when the accessing comprehensive, integrated PHC service communities faced significant health and delivery incorporating a social work social inequalities. Such a fit is reiterated in contribution. Some limitations need to be international health literature (Bikson et al., considered. Being a small, exploratory, 2009; Bywaters & Napier, 2009; Dongray, qualitative study, generalisations are 1958; Döbl et al., 2015). Having a supportive, restricted regarding other integrated responsive and secure base within the PHCP PHCP social work positions in Aotearoa is one crucial requirement to make social New Zealand. The focus on a limited number work integration successful, especially if of PHC professions with specific selection employing only one social worker. Evidence criteria does not reflect the professional regarding challenges commonly experienced diversity within the sector and limits by social workers in health care organisations alternative views about this PHC model. The and the importance of supportive work study also excluded other major stakeholders environments can be widely found (Beddoe, such as families and communities. 2013; IFSW, 2012; Kharicha, Iliffe, Levin, Davey, & Fleming, 2005; Lymbery, 2006; This research demonstrates that the Ní Raghallaigh et al., 2013). positioning of social work professionals

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within PHCPs is a viable and successfully Craig, S. L., & Muskat, B. (2013). Bouncers, brokers, and glue: The self-described roles of social workers in implemented model in Aotearoa New Zealand, urban hospitals. Health & Social Work, 38, 7–16. although these are limited in numbers at doi.org/10.1093/hsw/hls064 present. Participants described the benefits Creswell, J. W. (2002). Educational research: Planning, of such social work integration and its future conducting and evaluating quantitative and qualitative potential, thus suggesting the need for research. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education. Curry, N., & Ham, C. (2010). Clinical and service integration. greater engagement between the PHC sector The route to improved outcomes. Retrieved from and the social work profession. 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The new social work radicalism

Iain Ferguson University of the West of Scotland

On a cold January morning in 2017, a group Social workers’ involvement in protests of social workers, service users, claimants, against the effects of austerity, the policy psychologists, counselors and others of making the poor pay for bailing out the gathered outside the annual meeting of the banks in 2008, is an increasingly common British Psychological Society (BPS) taking feature of the British political scene. But place that year in Liverpool. Those present the growing political involvement of social represented a wide variety of grassroots workers is far from being confined to the organisations including the Social Work UK, nor is it confined to a single issue. Social Action Network, Psychologists against workers, students and academics in Greece, Austerity and the Mental Health Resistance Slovenia and Australia, as well as the UK, Network (SWAN). They were there to have made a significant contribution to protest the BPS’s involvement in the UK raising the profile of, and providing material government’s use of “psycho-compulsion” support to, the thousands of refugees as a tool for getting people off benefits. crossing their borders seeking to escape, war, Academics Lynn Freidli and Robert Steam oppression and poverty. Social workers as have defined psycho-compulsion as: far afield as Hong Kong and Turkey have been active in the struggles in their countries the imposition of psychological to preserve democratic rights. And social explanations for unemployment, together workers in Boston and other parts of the with mandatory activities intended to USA have been actively involved in the modify beliefs, attitude, disposition or Black Lives Matters movement and in the personality. (Friedli & Steam, 2015) opposition to the racist and sexist policies of Donald Trump. In practice, psycho-compulsion usually means the use of positive psychology It would be wrong to exaggerate either the approaches to encourage an “improved” impact of these activities or the numbers of attitude to finding work. Failure to involve workers actively involved: this is still very oneself in workfare schemes based on these much a minority movement. Nevertheless, approaches can lead to the claimant facing when one considers the radical voices and sanctions—the reduction, or even total networks which have sprung up in so many withdrawal, of benefits for often quite long countries across the globe over the last periods of time. The distress which this can decade, from Brazil to Hong Kong, from cause is evident in the following comments Hungary to New Zealand, we are justified by a respondent in Friedli and Steam’s (2015) in speaking of a “new radicalism” in social study: work.

I am shy and have difficulty speaking Why a new radicalism? Firstly, while the to people and I will not do play acting ideas of the radical social work movement in front of a group of people I am very which flourished in the UK, Canada, AOTEAROA uncomfortable with […] I was told I Australia and the USA during the 1970s NEW ZEALAND SOCIAL would be sanctioned if I didn't take part, never entirely disappeared, in truth radical WORK 29(2), 131–132. so I said I would get up, but I am not social work, and progressive social work speaking […] After that, we had to fill out more generally, was an early casualty of CORRESPONDENCE TO: yet another “benefits of being assertive” the neoliberal era inaugurated by Margaret Iain Ferguson sheet (p.43). Thatcher and Ronald Reagan in the early [email protected]

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1980s. Some of these ideas persisted within primary concerns are with rationing scarce the academy in the shape of feminist social services, controlling “troublesome families” work and anti-racist practice, as well as in and meeting government policy objectives the notion of critical social work, but often in (“what works”). Small wonder then that a much-diluted form. many social workers across the globe have responded to this shrunken, distorted Secondly, while drawing on the lessons and model in the same way as social workers in experiences of earlier radical social work Glasgow, Scotland in 2004 when they called movements, the new movement has emerged a meeting to launch SWAN entitled “I didn’t out of, and been shaped by, a very specific come into social work for this!” phenomenon, namely rising opposition to neoliberal capitalism and the way in which Secondly, neoliberalism is a global project it has re-shaped the world in general and and a global ideology. If one outcome of social work in particular. Thus, an early globalisation has been the creation of the source of dissatisfaction, captured by Chris obscene levels of inequality which have Jones in his seminal study of state social contributed to the Brexit vote in Britain and work in Britain at the turn of the millennium, the election of Trump in the USA, another was the universal imposition of care has been to increase the opportunities to management approaches, to the detriment “globalise resistance,” to make connections not only of community-based methods but between social movement activists in to relationship-based work in general. One different countries. respondent identified what had changed in the following way: So, while the radical social work movement of the 1970s was largely confined to English- Being a care manager is very different speaking countries, already the new from being a social worker as I had movement feels much more international, always thought of it. Care management is linking social work activists from Boston to all about budgets and paperwork and the Tokyo and all points between. In building financial implications for the authority, that movement, journals such as Aotearoa whereas social work is about people. New Zealand Social Work and our own That’s the crucial difference. (Jones, 2001, journal, Critical and Radical Social Work, can p. 553) play an important role: in documenting social movements, highlighting radical That shift towards care management was practice and encouraging theoretical debate. one important element in the creation of It is in such practical grassroots activities what Harris has called “neoliberal social and movements that the hope for, and the work,” based on the three processes of possibility of, a different kind of world—and managerialisation, privatization and a different kind of social work—lies. consumerisation (Harris, 2014). No one could deny the extent to which these processes References have transformed social work practice Friedli, L., & Steam, R. (2015). Positive affect as coercive in many countries, in both the state and strategy: Conditionality, activation and the role of psychology in UK government workfare programmes. the voluntary or NGO sectors. But in two Medical Humanities, 41(1), 40–47. Retrieved from http:// important respects they have also fuelled the mh.bmj.com/content/41/1/40 emergence of the new mood of radicalism Harris, J. (2014). (Against) neoliberal social work. Critical and within social work. Radical Social Work, 2(1), 7–22. Jones, C. (2001). Voices from the front line: State social Firstly, neoliberal social work challenges workers and New Labour. British Journal of Social Work, 31(4), 547–562. the very essence of social work as a value- based, relationship-based profession. In its place it offers a technical occupation whose

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Revitalising radical social work

Linda Briskman Western Sydney University, Australia

The call to radicalise social work is not live and work. Although social workers new. Some of us are “mature” enough to (including myself) are not generally experts remember Bailey and Brake’s 1975 treatise on in the sphere of international relations, we the subject. Radical concepts slip and slide ought to be critical readers of news. Two around the social work agenda in a semi- contemporary examples at the time I write sustainable way. But its enduring presence is are Brexit and the rise of Donald Trump. masked by terms that fit less controversially Brexit signals the demise, in the United into the conservative world order: critical, Kingdom, of internationalism and a return structural, and transformative among them. to nation-state thinking, with border security and national “values” taking primacy over In this comment piece, I argue that we do human security and human rights. With not need to merely revitalise the radical but to Donald Trump we have seen a disaffected name it, proudly and loudly. population attributing blame to migration and even terrorism, and border thinking Contemplating the more “progressive” resonating with pro-Trump supporters tomes in social work, there is frequently within and outside the United States (US). a lament of the times in which we live. Although context and world affairs have We are far from experiencing a peaceful differed across the time span in which I have world and are increasingly witnessing been a social worker, the “Times are Not militaristic responses to human affairs. a-Changin’”, to take a liberty with the words From the western gaze we observe recent of Bob Dylan. dropping of missiles by the United States on Syria and Afghanistan, and threats Social workers are expected to be reflective directed against North Korea. Social workers and reflect we must, not only on our own are among those who have been outraged practice in specialisms and fields. We owe by the pushing away of arriving asylum it to the profession and those we are tasked seekers at sea using techniques of warfare. to assist to reflect on our work within the In Australia, Operation Sovereign Borders current global world order, particularly was used to deter desperate people arriving within western paradigms that permeate by boat to seek asylum on Australian many of the contexts in which we are soil, and to incarcerate those who had the employed, including Australia and Aotearoa fortitude to arrive. These maritime asylum New Zealand. seekers were labelled as a threat, particularly those arriving from Muslim majority Asylum-seeker politics provide an exemplar countries. In the US, we witness Trump’s ban for the radical call, politics that are located on issuing visas to citizens of such countries. within pervasive human rights violating policies in Australia and beyond. From my This phenomenon has escalated with a AOTEAROA 15 years of work and lament in this sphere, demonisation of Islam and of Muslims NEW ZEALAND SOCIAL I frame radicalism as a combination of: beyond asylum seekers. Since the attacks WORK 29(2), 133–136. critical questioning, reflexivity, emotional in the US on 11 September 2001, there response and action that pushes boundaries. has been a steady rise in anti-terrorism measures in many countries. Australia has CORRESPONDENCE TO: Linda Briskman To set the scene more broadly, a few words not experienced a terrorist attack on its L.Briskman@ about the troubling world in which we soil and the increasing raft of legislative westernsydney.edu.au

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measures has received harsh rebuke by is important and constructs of whiteness can experts (for example, Williams, 2011), and provide some leads for ethical engagement. created suffering with over-zealous policing of Muslim youth (Poynting & Briskman, In 2016, I co-edited with Charlotte Williams in press). Social workers know of trauma and Donna McAuliffe, a special edition of and disaffection but are yet to challenge Ethics and Social Welfare on the subject of institutionalised Islamophobia in the moral outrage. Extending the idea of outrage, national narrative and policing practices. I contend that a component of the re- radicalisation project is to be emotional and These trends, with the many others that to push back on the manner in which social are topics of concern to social work, validate work is asked to operate: dispassionate, the call for a radical response. From the rule-bound, technocratic. At the practice most micro perspective of practice, social level, there are systemic obstructions to workers are observers of the harms and invoking outrage. Practitioners are often trauma experienced, not only by people silenced through codes of conduct and fear fleeing war and conflict, but those who of loss of funding. As witnesses to suffering are marginalised by a master narrative of that arises from harsh politics, policies governments and groups within society and practices, insertion of emotion and who portray those not seen as “integrated” radicalisation would go some way toward as unworthy. Social workers also encounter justice. As Stephane Hessel (2011) asserts in individuals who are disaffected, and Time for Outrage, when governments cannot engaging with a wider political lens can be relied upon to defend humanity, it is the foster a radical analysis. role of people, to lead the quest for justice. And going one step further is Nussbaum’s It would be remiss not to mention (2013, p. 3) assertion that “decent societies Indigenous rights. It can be cautiously need to guard against division and hierarchy stated that, in the Indigenous sphere, by cultivating appropriate sentiments of social workers have done somewhat better. sympathy and love.” Even those of us who This is more evident in Aotearoa New work in academia with the freedom it offers Zealand where the Treaty of Waitangi experience constraint. One of the editors of set the foundations for Pākehā/Māori this special edition, Heather Fraser (Fraser relationships. In Australia, there has been & Taylor, 2016), has written about the an acknowledgment statement from the neoliberal university, a trend that mirrors Australian Association of Social Workers trends in wider society. (2004). But this, alongside other public apologies by government and the welfare Social work has a particular responsibility, sector, has not played out in the wellbeing despite imposed limits and self-censoring, of Indigenous peoples. Although there have to radicalise and to speak out loud. We been both rhetorical (and some tangible) are not only rhetorically committed to gains, in relation to economic, social and social justice and human rights and to cultural rights, Indigenous peoples are faring challenging injustices, but we have codified worse than the rest of the population and in these in ethical statements. But what this youth and adult imprisonment, the statistics commitment means remains elusive. As are dire. Although there is more positive social work is largely organisational practice, engagement, we need to ask Indigenous challenge may be merely confined in-house colleagues whether a radical turn is needed. and not to the broader political and social Should social workers be working hand in environment. Here we tend to compromise, hand with the more outspoken Indigenous do “good” often against the odds, fail to leaders rather than focusing on policies that see our potential as practice ethnographers fail in their “metrics” such as Close the Gap (Briskman, 2010) or as human rights social in Australia? Positioning oneself in this quest workers and we learn the art of conformity.

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To be a radical social worker means, not Furthermore, ongoing refugee flows have only reflective questioning and outrage, but led to a number of countries closing their action that may push normative professional borders to the fleeing, including erecting boundaries by organising. This requires a fences. Such practices heightened during the radical shift that builds upon activism that Syrian conflict but were not restricted to it. may be hidden from the public sphere. Yet, there are some better news stories, and social workers can encourage those holding Little has changed since Jim Ife, in 2000, anti-asylum-seeker positions to shed their spoke of how many social workers had an western positioning by asking how it is that interest in international issues by supporting other countries, particularly Middle Eastern Amnesty International, for example, but in countries, take more than their fair share of their role as a private citizen. Activist radical irregular migrants—Jordan, Lebanon and social workers today face the same dilemmas Iran are just three examples. as other professions. In the asylum sphere for example, lawyers are told to stick to the I am taken with Bill Jordan’s (1990) idea of law; health workers to dispensing health isolated acts of banditry. But the courage of and teachers to educating the young people. detention workers to speak out against the In recent years social workers and others odds goes beyond banditry to radical action who worked in immigration detention faced against the power of authorities. One of the legislative barriers. In 2015, the Border Force issues besetting social work in recent years is Act in Australia made it a crime, punishable the increased employment of social workers by two years’ imprisonment, for anyone within offshore immigration detention who engages in work for the Department centres (Nauru and Papua New Guinea), of Immigration to disclose information at the behest of the Australian government. obtained by them in the course of their work Although the Australian Association of (Bradley, 2015). Although the provisions Social Workers has spoken out against were repealed for some professions, this mandatory detention and particularly the was not done for social workers. With a detention of children, this cannot be seen penalty of up to two years’ imprisonment, as radical action but more in line with the it is little wonder that social workers fear majority of asylum-seeker advocates. Social the radical. work has not radically grappled with the ethics of social work employment on sites Asylum seekers where human rights violations are endemic. I turn to discussing the asylum-seeker The tenets of radicalism that I refer to above situation in Australia, with some overview can be readily applied to social workers in of the global. It is in this contentious realm immigration detention settings and, through that I illustrate the potential for radical the courage of speaking out, we see a engagement. My focus is on asylum seekers combination of critical questioning of policies (rather than refugees), those who arrive and expectations of practice, reflection on without formal authorisation, a lawful how practices are oppositional to social work method, and await the bestowing of values and ethics, and emotional responses refugee status. Although Australia is that invoke a sense of shared humanity. particularly malevolent through mandatorily Radical action by Australian social workers detaining asylum seekers and transporting was noticeable in the joining with others in them to offshore camps in Nauru and a heartfelt statement (which was released Papua New Guinea, the politics of detention confidentially in 2013) about what they had practices are regrettably common. witnessed in Nauru detention. Defiance The Global Detention Project has continued for some, including from medical documented existing facilities (see more at professionals, after the Border Force Act was https://www.globaldetentionproject.org/). proclaimed. I have written (with one social

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worker who has disguised her identity) Bailey, R., & Brake, M. (Eds.). (1975). Radical social work. London, UK: Edward Arnold. about what social welfare practice entailed Bradley, M. (2015, July 16). Border Force Act: on Nauru (see Briskman & Doe, 2017). Why do we need these laws? The Drum. Retrieved from http://www.abc.net.au/news/2015-07-16/bradley-border- Rather than whistleblowing being acclaimed force-act:-why-do-we-need-these-laws/6623376 as an honourable act, we see media reports Briskman, L. (2010). Nation. In I. Shaw, B. Briar-Lawson, that reveal how those who speak out against J. Orme, & R. Ruckdeschel (Eds.), Sage handbook of social work research (pp. 351–364). London, UK: Sage dominant views are discredited. For social Publications. workers, power resides in hierarchies in Briskman, L., & Doe, J. (2017). Social work in dark places. practice organisations and even challenge Social Alternatives, 35(4), 73–79. at a micro level is not necessarily rewarded. Briskman, L., Latham, S., & Goddard, C. (2008). Human One powerful, yet unexplored, means of rights overboard: Seeking asylum in Australia. Melbourne, VIC: Scribe. speaking out theoretically and practically Fraser, H., & Taylor, N. (2016). Neoliberalization, universities is to examine one’s own practice against and the public intellectual. London UK: Palgrave “dual loyalty” concepts, which asks for Macmillan. contemplation over where worker loyalties Hessel, S. (2011). Time for outrage. London, UK: Quartet lie: with persons whom we are tasked to assist Books. or with the employing or funding body? Ife, J. (2000, July). Local and global practice: Relocating social work as a human rights profession in the new The Australian Council of Heads of Schools global order. Eileen Younghusband Memorial Lecture, of Social Work dealt with this dilemma IFSW/IASSW Biennial Conference, Montreal, Canada. and undertook the People’s Inquiry into Jordan, B. (1990). Social work in an unjust society. Hemel Detention, which, although seeming radical Hempstead, UK: Harvester Wheatsheaf. and even subversive, entered the mainstream Poynting, S., & Briskman, L. (in press). Black flags, plastic swords and other weapons of mass disruption in by winning an Australian Human Rights Australia. In N. Massoumi, T. Mills, H. Aked, & D. Miller Commission Award (Briskman, Latham, & (Eds.), Islamophobia. London, UK: Pluto Press. Goddard, 2008). This one example of pushing McAuliffe, D., Williams, C., & Briskman, L. (2016). Moral boundaries was prompted, not only by outrage! Social work and social welfare. Ethics and Social Welfare, 10(2), 87–93. social work values and ethics, but revealed Nussbaum, M. (2013). Political emotions: Why love matters a professional stance that refused to collude for justice. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press. with human rights abuses. Williams, G. (2011). A decade of Australian anti-terror laws. Melbourne University Law Review, 35(3): 1161–1176. Conclusion In the space I have left, I reiterate the four principles that, for me, encapsulate the heart of radical social work: critical questioning, reflexivity, emotional response and action that pushes boundaries.

I emphasise the need to join up the dots of the local and the global, and for acting for justice in radical ways. The newly formed Social Workers Without Borders (www. socialworkwithoutborders.net) is one way to connect with others with shared concerns across the globe—proudly and loudly.

References Australian Association of Social Workers. (2004). Acknowledgment Statement to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander People, https://www.aasw.asn.au/ document/item/618

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Competent solidarity: the alternative for professional social work

Alastair Russell Auckland Action Against Poverty, Aotearoa New Zealand

ABSTRACT

There is very little evidence of radical politics within social work and community development in Aotearoa/New Zealand where social workers here are caught in the constricting grasp of professionalism. Community development is strictly confined through funder capture and the “no politics” embargo of the Charities Commission. These realities sit comfortably within the oppressions perpetrated by neoliberalism. Professionalism is not compatible with a fight against the neoliberal status quo. The fight against poverty and its social consequences should be the focus of social work and community development. Within the professional paradigm, social workers have become increasingly irrelevant to the people they work with. An alternative paradigm is needed to make social work relevant. The paradigm shift advocated here is to replace professionalism with competent solidarity.

This extended viewpoint article provides a definition of competent solidarity and considers the implications of competent solidarity in Aotearoa/New Zealand. It will then discuss the problems that emerge within professional social work and apolitical community development. Competent solidarity case studies from within Auckland Action Against Poverty are provided and opportunities for future action are discussed.

KEYWORDS: competent solidarity; radical social work; activism; neoliberalism; welfare

Introduction for their clients. Within social work there is a clear emphasis on working with individuals My thinking around competent solidarity who have a problem, who are deemed to be began with a rejection of professional social dysfunctional. In this context, it is easy to work. Professional social work is taught ignore the need for social change. as if it exists within a political vacuum, largely devoid of class analysis and is There is a need to include explicit critiques incapable of addressing issues of poverty of neoliberal capitalism which link class, and oppression. If social workers live in a poverty, conflict theories and Te Tiriti o world of “consensus,” then there is no need Waitangi to provide a solid basis for a more to choose a side because, in the world of relevant model of social work. In my 30 years consensus, the interests of the rich and the of social work experience, I have found most poor, the coloniser and the colonised are the professional social workers to be risk-averse, same. In this world, the distinction between uncomfortable with conflict and ill-equipped the “professional social worker” and their to work within a world characterised by AOTEAROA “client” makes perfect sense. Over the past conflict. The professional social worker is NEW ZEALAND SOCIAL three years I have supervised 21 students likely to be unwilling to explicitly stand WORK 29(2), 137–144. on placements; of these 21 only two started alongside someone who is differentiated their placements familiar with any conflict from them by being their client. To become CORRESPONDENCE TO: theory. They all had knowledge of strategies a professional social worker there is no Alastair Russell for individual interventions and of therapies prerequisite need to have any clarity of [email protected]

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political purpose. Steve Rogowski (a UK- This separation is exemplified in Ministry based social work academic), in a review of Social Development’s Work and Income of a book, Class Inequality and Community service which is responsible for administering Development, concludes: a complex welfare payment structure within the context of neoliberal welfare … understanding class is central to reform. Its staff consistently talk about their grappling with ever increasing inequality professionalism and their clients. In my and in turn to the theory and practice experience, a toxic culture of harassment, of community development. And… intimidation and punishment is camouflaged community work/development is no by this professional/client rhetoric. The longer in the repertoire of most social reality of the client/professional social workers. (2017, n.p.) worker relationship is similarly camouflaged. Difficulties tend to be located within the That community work and community client rather than within an institutional development are no longer in social work’s structure requiring larger social change. repertoire is a strong indicator that social By contrast, a competent solidarity orientation work is not able to address collective issues. links the experiences of individuals to an Community agencies are characterised by analysis of current social issues and identifies reliance on government contracts which set opportunities for collective action. out what work can be done. In the current environment, it is necessary to develop Solidarity includes the ability and and apply explicitly political strategies. willingness to link the experiences and Competent solidarity is proposed as an political interests of others to your own appropriate mode of practice. experiences and political interests. In this analysis, if others are having their rights Competent solidarity: a defi nition denied, so are you, and accordingly you are significantly more likely to question Competent solidarity entails a consciously and challenge the status quo. Collective politicised method of working with people awareness of oppression informs the to achieve social change and social justice. underlying assumption that political action It has its ideological underpinnings in is needed and will be taken. anti-capitalist conflict analysis. Capitalism is characterised by conflict between employers Auckland Action Against Poverty and the employed, the rich and the poor, (AAAP) the coloniser and the colonised. There is an explicit understanding that neoliberalism AAAP is an explicitly political organisation can lead to the wealth of only a privileged which puts competent solidarity into few. There are opposing sides and a choice is practice. Competence in this context means needed as to whose side you are on. Within having a set of skills, knowledge and social work, individuals are distinct clients. experience which will enable engagement The term client is a clear announcement there with people to address the issues identified is a distinction between that person and the by them. Competence will enhance the professional. The professional is the expert and likelihood of achieving positive outcomes. the client is the recipient of that expertise. AAAP was established in 2010 when it Within this relationship there is no shared became apparent that the government was interest, and a consequent unwillingness by determined to implement neoliberal welfare the professional to take any form of risk. By reform. AAAP has no government contracts contrast, competent solidarity encourages and does not accept funding from any source public dissent and recognises that political which will compromise its political purpose. advocacy is integral to this. There is a shared Since 2012, AAAP has provided benefit interest between all the people involved. advocacy as part of a political strategy

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working alongside people experiencing poverty to support them to access their full and correct entitlements. The advocacy service is staffed by a paid coordinator who is a registered social worker and more than 20 volunteer advocates and, in 2017, they will support over 5000 people.

Most of the people we work with are Máori or Pasifika women. The importance of Te Tiriti o Waitangi and 177 years of capitalist, colonial oppression cannot be dismissed, nor can institutional racism and patriarchy which Figure 1. Hundreds of People Waiting to see an Advocate at the AAAP 2016 are at the core of social work and community Benefit Impact in Mángere development. People come to AAAP because of their current experience of poverty and of the toxic culture which exists within Work and Income. This is their experience of the action. The numbers of people seen and the economic system; it is their experience of high percentage of positive outcomes has being working class which forms the basis of given AAAP the credibility to speak publicly our shared political interest in changing an about the toxic culture of benefit denial. oppressive system. This extends far beyond Further examples of the links between putting a tick on a general election ballot individual benefit advocacy and more paper every three years. obvious political actions will be canvassed in the following discussion, including The practice of competent solidarity requires the Stop the Sanctions campaign and an understanding of continual colonisation exposure of the exploitative alliance in Aotearoa New Zealand. Te Tiriti o between Work and Income and Manpower Waitangi was signed to establish a mutually (a multi-national recruitment company) beneficial relationship between peoples, an which perpetuates the poverty trap of intention at the core of competent solidarity. precarious work. Such relationships are not possible within a society based on the exploitation of the Benefi t advocacy poor by the rich, particularly when the rich are predominantly Pákehá and the poor Benefit advocacy is akin to individual are predominantly Máori. The evidence of casework. Through the formation of institutional racism arising from breaches of a political alliance between advocates Te Tiriti o Waitangi are undeniable (Came, and the people they support, many 2012). The use of competent solidarity opportunities for politicised action arise. involves fighting institutional racism layered AAAP has undertaken significant benefit within economic exploitation. advocacy work in the South Auckland suburbs of Mángere and Clendon; areas Neoliberal welfare reform starts from the which experience disproportionately high false assumptions that unemployment unemployment and poverty. The thousands is caused by the individual faults of of people AAAP benefit advocates supported unemployed people and that work is the in 2016 included over 700 people at a Benefit only pathway out of poverty, whilst ignoring Impact event held at Mángere Work and the realities of low-paid, casual work which Income in April: a three-day exercise where perpetuates a poverty trap. Benefit advocacy volunteer advocates supported people to is part of a continuum of political advocacy access their benefit entitlements (Figure 1). and is often the beginning of wider political The people supported in this way obtained

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(AAAP) has started helping beneficiaries there get what they are entitled to—but their presence has caused a stir. “The staff of the Ministry of Social Development are intimidated by the behavior of the crowd here,” police told Newshub.

Last Friday police were called and people were threatened with trespass notices.

“They were telling us our mere presence was intimidating Work and Income staff and I find that bizarre,” AAAP advocacy coordinator Alastair Russell said.

Figure 2. People Lined up Outside Clendon Work and Income getting Advocacy “We are here getting people what they from AAAP with Police Present (28 October 2016) are entitled to—if that’s intimidation, then we are intimidating them and we will do that unapologetically.”

over $850,000 in supplementary assistance Beneficiaries Newshub spoke to say the including Food Grants, advances for beds, group have been a lifesaver, and that’s fridges and washing machines. The need and why so many turn up. desperation was undeniable. This was the second Benefit Impact held at Mángere. In The people at Clendon saw AAAP advocates August 2014, we supported 540 people and, stand with them in the face of police even by increasing our capacity by over 30% intimidation (Figure 2). in 2016, we could not meet the need created by neoliberal welfare reform, turning away Stop the Sanctions campaign hundreds of people. Information gained through benefit In October 2016, we began a weekly presence advocacy leads to greater understanding on Fridays at Clendon Work and Income of the oppression people experience and (WINZ) and have been supporting 65 people generates actions that challenge the status each Friday. We chose Clendon because of quo. At the 2016 Benefit Impact, it was the number of people telling us about the apparent that there were significant numbers extremely toxic culture of benefit entitlement of sole-parent women who were having denial which existed there. Every Friday money deducted from their benefit there is a queue of predominately Máori and because the father of at least one of Pasifika people. The most common reason their children was not legally named. they have come is to get a Food Grant so An on-going sanction of $28 per week they can feed themselves and their children. per child is imposed. After a month, police were called and they tried to scare us off with threats of trespass. There are over 13,000 parents with this Here is an excerpt from a relevant Newshub sanction in place and over 17,000 children article (McRae, 2016): affected: 97.7% of the parents are women and 52.8% are Máori (Ministry of Social Every Friday morning there’s been an Development, 2016). This sanction is punitive, unusually long line outside the Clendon racist and sexist. The idea behind the sanction Work and Income office. That’s because is that by punishing women, men will be Auckland Action Against Poverty made to be financially responsible for their

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children; Inland Revenue will be able to pursue the fathers for weekly Child Support payments. There are many reasons why a woman cannot name a child’s father including simply not knowing who the father is, fear of violence, or the child coming from rape or incest. Each of these reasons should exclude the woman from the sanction, but this does not stop the sanction from being imposed.

To coincide with the Social Security Legislation Rewrite Bill, AAAP began the Stop the Sanctions campaign which is aimed at removing the sanction provisions contained within the re-write of the Social Security Bill (Figure 3). Pamphlets providing Figure 3. AAAP Members at the Launch of ‘Stop the Sanctions’ Campaign in Grey background information were distributed, Lynn Community Centre (15 September 2016) community organisations provided support, submissions were made to the parliamentary Social Welfare Select Committee, political parties were lobbied, and a media campaign employment and can also impose stand- gained high-profile, national coverage. downs of 13 weeks if someone voluntarily leaves a job. Work and Income also have At the time of writing we have the support contracts with recruitment companies to of 60 MPs in a parliament of 121 members. get people off the benefit. Unemployed Advocates working with sole mothers have people effectively have no choice but to identified a clear pattern of institutional agree to short-term work which keeps racism and patriarchy in the economic them in poverty whilst making money for punishment of women and their children. recruitment companies. These companies Whilst this campaign continues, AAAP receive payments from Work and Income advocates are supporting women to have and further fees from their client firms. these sanctions stopped and to get Work and Income to re-pay money stolen from them. In a recent instance, the precarious work chain began at a Work and Income office The state, precarious work and the where unemployed people were summoned to meet with a case manager who told them poverty trap to sign a contract with Manpower, a multi- The Precariat, The New Dangerous Class national recruitment company, or face a (Standing, 2014) details the emergence of a benefit sanction. Manpower hired out the new class of people who live a precarious workers to Concentrix, a multinational call life in the neoliberal economic world. One centre operator. Concentrix then hired out feature of this is their tenuous links to the workers to Spark. The workers can be paid work. Employers, with backing from dismissed or the work can simply stop without governments, demand a flexible workforce any notice or compensation. This involves who will work when needed and workers two multi-national companies profiting from have no rights to guaranteed hours or poverty and a large tele-communications certainty of on-going employment. company exploiting workers who are easily replaced by going back to the Work and Income have the power to sanction beginning of this exploitative chain at (reduce benefit payments by 50% or 100%) Work and Income. This is a poverty trap someone who does not accept an offer of for the workers.

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We wrote to Manpower telling them of our concerns. Manpower’s response included an assurance that the contract we were concerned about was given by mistake. A different contract was supposed to have been used. TV3 news (Newshub) was contacted and a reporter asked for time to do background research including sending a reporter in to Manpower pretending to be looking for work. Subsequently that reporter was provided with the same contract that had been originally given to John.

Six weeks after our arrest for trespass, a group of workers who had all signed the same Manpower contract contacted AAAP. These workers had seen our protest action on TV and contacted us after being told there was no more work for them Figure 4. AAAP Members Supporting the Occupation of the Manpower offices in two weeks before Christmas. They had all Auckland CBD (3 November 2016) been threatened with benefit sanctions by a case manager when presented with the Manpower contract. This contract was also the same as the one supposedly mistakenly On Thursday, 3 November 2016, eight of given to John. us locked ourselves in at the Manpower office in central Auckland in a protest Nine people who had lost their Manpower action that gained national media coverage jobs came to the AAAP office the following (Figure 4). day. A TV3 Newshub reporter interviewed some of the workers and the AAAP This action began when a man, John (a spokesperson (Barraclough, Redstall, & pseudonym), contacted a AAAP benefit Hollingworth, 2016). A Work and Income advocate to discuss a Manpower contract manager gave an assurance that none of the he had refused to sign, despite pressure people who had lost their jobs would face to do so. He had been summoned to the any form of standdown or sanction. I went Work and Income office and met with a with a group of these now unemployed case manager and someone from Manpower. workers to the nearest Work and Income John was concerned that many other people office to support them to get Food Grants had succumbed to the threat of benefit and other immediate assistance. sanction and had signed this contract. Many of those people subsequently contacted After this second media wave, we met AAAP. John met with us and a lawyer from with the manager of Manpower Group, First Union. The lawyer provided a legal Australasia, and secured a written assurance opinion indicating numerous breaches of that Manpower will no longer go into the Employment Relations Act 2000 and Work and Income offices to get people to the Holidays Act 2003 within the terms sign contracts. First Union and AAAP also of the contract. A further document attached have a further meeting scheduled with to the contract permitted Manpower to the Recruitment and Consulting Services ask about John’s political beliefs, union Association (an umbrella organisation for affiliations, sexual preferences and sexual recruitment companies in Australia and practices. New Zealand) in June 2017. John’s courage

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and integrity in bringing this issue to AAAP Being able to address the most immediate generated a series of actions and contacts financial needs of the people they are with exploited workers who wanted to working with is a fundamental issue of engage in political actions to expose the credibility but this topic is neglected within actions of Work and Income and Manpower. social work education and consequently, Common interests were identified and acted social work practice. Many people come to upon, resulting in a multi-national company AAAP because their social worker has not changing its practice. This is a significant been able to support their right and need victory. to access social welfare payments. In 2016, over 300 people attended benefit advocacy Benefit advocacy work with individuals training run by AAAP; approximately half is inherently political within a competent of these people were social workers. This solidarity frame and has come to be linked to should be mandatory. a range of other strategies for political action. Competent solidarity involves working For those currently employed as social with people to address their personal workers, my immediate recommendation is circumstances and the ability and willingness join your union, demonstrate solidarity with to move on to take risks, maximise social the people you are working with and pursue change to address wider social justice issues. shared political interests. Union meetings provide an opportunity to discuss social Options for the development of justice issues relevant to your workplace. competent solidarity As a union member, you have protections when your employer, who is likely to be one AAAP is distinct from other not-for-profit of the first agents of social control you will groups because we have a clear political encounter, begins to tell you to adhere to the analysis and use competent solidarity as professional status quo aligned system they the basis for all our work, providing an operate within. illustration of an alternative to neoliberal service delivery in social work. Social workers The ANZASW code of ethics requires need to be able to link the experiences of the members to: “move from the private troubles people they work with to the systemic causes they encounter with clients … inform society of the oppression, identify who the oppressor at large about social injustice, and inform is, how oppression happens and to act to and enable social workers to effectively carry challenge that oppression. Thus changing out their role and function” (ANZASW, the interactions between social workers 2007, p. 8). This highlights the imperative and the people they work with to become to collectivise individual experiences to one of shared political interest—competent understand wider social issues. Carrying out solidarity. a role or function where the private troubles and public issues are those of the client and In December 2016, the International not those of the social worker falls far short Association of Schools of Social Work of the collective action provided within a and the International Federation of Social competent solidarity framework. Workers released a Proposal for the Creation of a Committee in Defense of Social Workers— The ANZASW code of ethics portrays the Human Rights Defenders (Ioakimidis & Hall, confusion within social work. Aspirations 2016). Internationally, social workers are for social justice are thwarted by a imprisoned, tortured and killed because of professionalism which sees people as being their acts of solidarity. Acts of solidarity in clients seeking personal self-actualisation. Aotearoa/New Zealand are considerably In a world where people experience the less personally dangerous but are still oppression of neoliberal capitalism there essential. is no room for confused social workers,

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distanced and separated from the people they are working with. It has been argued here that professional social work as a model of practice needs to be challenged and ultimately left behind as part of the baggage of neoliberalism. There is no better time than now to choose to be on the side of the oppressed. Take some well-considered risks and Stand Up, Speak Out, Fight Back.

References Aotearoa New Zealand Association of Social Workers. (2007). Code of ethics. Wellington, NZ: Author. Barraclough, B., Redstall, S., & Hollingworth, A. (2016, December 13). Recruitment company Manpower accused of worker exploitation. Newshub. Retrieved from http://www.newshub.co.nz/home/money/2016/12/ recruitment-company-manpower-accused-of-worker- exploitation.html Came, H. (2012). Institutional racism and the dynamics of privilege in public health (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Waikato, Hamilton, New Zealand. Ioakimidis, V., & Hall, N. (2016). Proposal for the creation of a Committee in Defense of Social Workers—Human Rights Defenders. Retrieved from https://www.academia. edu/30638008/Proposal_for_the_creation_of_a_ Committee_in_Defence_of_Social_Workers_Human_ Rights_Defenders Ministry of Social Development. (2016, May 10). Information relating to reductions of the rates of benefits for sole parents under Section 70a of the Social Security Act. [Obtained under the Official Information Act 1982. Request to the Ministry of Social Development]. McRae, T. (2016, November 25). Police called on beneficiaries seeking entitlements. Newshub. Retrieved from http://www.newshub.co.nz/home/ new-zealand/2016/11/police-called-on-group-helping- beneficiaries-get-entitlements.html Rogowski, S. (2017, January 2). Untitled. Rebel social work. Retrieved from https://www.facebook.com/groups/ rebelsocialwork/ Standing, G. (2014). The Precariat: The new dangerous class. London, UK: Bloomsbury.

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Australia’s welfare wars: The players, the politics and the ideologies

Philip Mendes (3rd ed.) 2017 UNSW Press, Sydney, NSW ISBN 978-174223-4786, pp. 416, paperback, NZD64.99

he second half of the title provides welfare state (including discussions on some very transparent clues to the neoliberalism and on globalisation and Tways in which Mendes goes about their impact on welfare state changes), the his work of reviewing developments and Australian political parties and the welfare changes in Australia’s welfare state over state and interest groups (including ACOSS, the last three decades; decades which various contributors to the debate and a brief have seen the strengthening of neoliberal discussion on the role of faith communities). and managerial frameworks throughout Australia and much of the developed (and Throughout the book, there is a thorough indeed developing) world. The back cover and thoughtful mixture of analysis, and pp. vii–viii provide six core questions commentary and reflection, drawing on which are the basis of the book. Paraphrased, both evidence and data from a diverse range these questions are about: the failure of of sources and on a solid understanding of government policies to address structural the literature and research on the politics issues of poverty and unemployment; the of welfare change. The writing style is impact of economic globalisation on welfare lucid and the flow of the discussion and state thinking; the convergence of political debate is clear and easy to follow. In short, views among the major political parties (with the book is an interesting, informative and the exception of the Greens); the influences thought-provoking read. The author’s social of lobbying and interest groups; the reasons democratic and participatory approach is for the rise of poverty and inequality and the clear throughout (and quite explicit) but does lack of concern about this issue on the part not “get in the road” in the discussion. of politicians; and why do governments fail to consult with users and communities on What a pity there is no comparable volume welfare issues. for this country because my intuitive sense is that the analysis would follow similar The brief for this extended review was to lines, with one notable difference, which use the review to reflect on experiences I will return to below. On many, many in Aotearoa New Zealand in the light of occasions I found myself reading a sentence Mendes’ discussion about Australia. I will or paragraph and substituting the relevant do that shortly, but the review needs to Aotearoa New Zealand institution and begin with a brief outline of the book’s reflecting that the sentence or paragraph coverage. I make no claims to being an would hold equally well for this country. expert on the details of the development of The four examples below will illustrate; Australia’s welfare state over the time period it would have been possible to provide a here. Suffice to say, Mendes chronicles key number of others. aspects of this clearly and concisely, with appropriate attention to the details around • Australian government policies are the specific changes. The three sections of based on motivating and disciplining the book cover the context of the Australian welfare recipients and reintegrating

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them with mainstream social values and Turning to the local comparison, I noted morality (p. 9). above that there is one important difference • Neoliberal ideas of small government, which an equivalent Aotearoa New Zealand free markets and limited social study would need to attend to, namely the expenditure have provided the contribution of Māori and the role of Te Tiriti ideological inspiration for cuts to the in shaping various aspects of the reforms on welfare state (p. 17). this side of the Tasman. In various places • Work was assumed (by the social Mendes notes the significance of the changes security review) to provide major health, for Aboriginal and Torres Strait peoples (see, social and economic benefits for both the for example, pp. 236 et seq.). Those changes individual and the wider community. are clearly significant and, equally, it is There was little reference to addressing significant that Aboriginal and Torres Strait the financial needs of long-term income peoples had no meaningful role in shaping security recipients (pp. 42–43). or influencing those changes. • Probably the strongest factor contributing to retrenchment is the A comparable review here would need domination of individualistic values and to examine the role of a diverse range beliefs. Poverty and disadvantage are of tangata whenua interests in shaping increasingly constructed as matters of various dimensions of the Aotearoa New private individual choice and behaviour Zealand changes, in some instances with rather than as collective moral and social some important impacts and, in others, responsibilities (p. 332). with little or no impact. Moreover, it would be inappropriate to assume that there is a A central part of his thesis is that the simple totality about those interests—the welfare state needs to be sustained, albeit different interests will be as important as the with some important differences from its common interest. Any discussion of the role historical form. It “represents a significant of tangata whenua would need to explore gain for poor and working class people in both activist and academic contributions the struggle for a fair distribution of wealth to the changes and the challenges to those and income” (p. 5). The neoliberal revolution changes. Significantly, a review would note is, he argues, a reversion to the 19th century. that Māori have borne the brunt of the effects Neoliberal values have won the day because with very high poverty and unemployment the rich and powerful have more resources, rates and higher rates among the homeless, have engaged effectively with global for example. interests and have used a set of strategies and articulated ideas and proposals which A brief Aotearoa New Zealand story have been taken up by the media while much of the Left has been undecided While it is not possible in the context of this about its approach to the welfare state. review to undertake a comparable analysis Importantly, the media have close of the Aotearoa New Zealand experiences, connections with powerful economic it is possible to indicate some of the issues interests and, in some instances, are owned which such a review might explore and some by them. Does this not sound very like of the information we currently have. We Aotearoa New Zealand ?: know, for example, that poverty (especially “Typically, they [think tanks] publish child poverty) and inequality have increased simplistic but innovative and accessible significantly over the last three decades. We arguments in non-refereed pseudo-academic know too, that housing access, affordability journals which are then easily reshaped and quality are much more difficult and that as opinion pieces in daily newspapers public provision has declined significantly, or repeated by sympathetic newspaper particularly in relation to access to state columnists or talkback radio hosts” (p. 86). housing. We also know that there have been

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significant changes to social security (now tanks, right-wing political interests and key known as income support). Rates have been personnel in shaping the new directions and cut (and never restored), there has been a guiding the war effort. Here too, there are significant shift from rights to responsibilities very interesting and significant parallels in and a fundamental change in the framework New Zealand’s experiences. The work of for social security with paid work being the the Business Roundtable (and its current dominant motif. Moreover, the approach has reincarnation in the New Zealand Initiative) become more punitive, with recipients being and associated economic and political subject to a range of requirements as to their interests, influences and related think tanks behaviour and sanctions surrounding non- is an obvious starting point for examination compliance with those requirements. In a as they have pursued their agenda of broad sense, many of the directional changes economic and political liberalisation. As in which Mendes identifies in the directions of Australia, there have been other voices such Australia’s welfare provision, coverage and as those concerned with child poverty, the access and the attendant neoliberal framing trade union movement, some social service are echoed very loudly in this country. practitioners and leaders and a small number of academics (Jane Kelsey is a good example) In the light of the current focus and whose work and activities have been based debate in this country, it is timely to note around (and produced challenges to) “the Mendes’ references in chapter four to the new normal.” However, as in Mendes’ idea of social investment as a basis for examination of the Australian experiences, reshaping and redeveloping the welfare even a cursory review indicates that the state. It is not, however, the neoliberal and Aotearoa New Zealand changes have been conservative social investment as we know dominated by neoliberal economic and that term in this country, far from it. “Social political interests, to the detriment of the investment”, he notes, “refers to productive poor and powerless. future-oriented forms of social spending that promote inclusion of all citizens In more recent times, the role of key in the social and economic mainstream individuals such as Paula Rebstock in both rather than merely repair the short-term the social security reforms and the changes damage experienced by groups suffering to care and protection of children (through disadvantage” (p. 119). That, he argues, the Expert Panel) would provide a very has to be accompanied by a much more interesting investigation, especially when participatory reformed welfare state “based placed alongside her background with the on a genuine partnership between the state, Commerce Commission and her current welfare consumers and the community” role as Chair of the Accident Compensation (p. 4). This is the very antithesis of the Corporation Board. As in the Australian welfare state changes in this country and story, alternative views and directions of the approach adopted to social investment have been systematically ignored and/ here. Mendes talks of the approach of or sidelined. The work of the Alternative one of the right-wing critics to child Welfare Working Group and Child Youth protection—social work practice should, and Family’s Workload and Casework the critic argues, “return to … prompt and review provide good examples. The role of permanent removal of abused and neglected other key figures (including, but not limited children from their parents” (p. 82). Does this to, ministers of the Crown) in the welfare not sound scarily like the vulnerable children changes of the 1990s and subsequently and approach to social investment? the more recent raft of changes would be an important part of the New Zealand story. One of the significant areas of focus in Australia’s Welfare Wars is Mendes’ In his examination of “contributors to the discussion of the role of right-wing think debate” (ch. 9), Mendes has an interesting

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discussion on the contribution of social concerns can be reconciled and synthesised workers and social work associations. While to good effect in social action campaigns” noting the ethical basis of policy action as a (p. 275). This is an important rejoinder for legitimate core part of social work practice, social workers in Aotearoa as we engage Mendes goes on to observe that AASW and struggle with a range of changes in seems: “to have had only minimal impact on health and social services in areas such as policy debates” (p. 270). This he attributes the care and protection of children, provision to lack of adequate preparation in education of mental health services and services for programmes for undertaking such action, the people with disabilities—to name but three role of public sector employment in limiting examples. The interesting question is how opportunities for speaking out, the lack of we respond to that challenge—what kind of social work leadership profile in the media social work/social worker will we be, and and in the wider public and uncertainty become? among AASW as to who it represents. Might these factors also be significant in Aotearoa? The ultimate question in any book review is: The two case studies he uses to discuss the does this work warrant reading? The answer influence of social work lead him to note here is an unreserved “yes”—and reflect on that: “narrower professional social work the issues and questions for understanding identity and broader social justice advocacy welfare changes in your country as you do so.

Reviewed by Mike O’Brien University of Auckland

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Expanding the conversation: International Indigenous social workers’ insights into the use of Indigenist knowledge and theory in practice

Christine Fejo-King and Peter Mataira (Eds.) 2015 Magpie Goose Publishing, ACT: Australia ISBN 978-0-9922814-6-5, paperback, NZD53.41 (AUD49.50)

he Indigenous social work The next two chapters engage with economic conversation has indeed expanded aspects of Indigenous social and community Twith this collection by Indigenous work. The case for social entrepreneurship social workers writing from different within social work core curricula is places across the globe. It is a conversation argued by Peter Mataira in Chapter Two. which, on the one hand, is grounded in Social entrepreneurship is shown to be a local Indigenist knowing, being and doing means by which Indigenous communities and on the other, engages with global achieve economic justice and improve dynamics, movements and implications. their health and wellbeing. Three levels As stated on the book’s cover, this is “the of entrepreneurship are discussed: tribal, first time an international Indigenous social heritage and individual/family. Building work book has been written where all the on this discussion, a social entrepreneurship contributors, editors, and the publisher, are curriculum outline is usefully provided. In First Nation’s social workers.” The collection Chapter Three, Christine Fejo-King reflects draws together selected papers from the on various projects undertaken by the 3rd International Indigenous Voices in National Coalition of Aboriginal and Torres Social Work Conference, held in Australia Strait Islander Social Workers Association in in 2015. Warning against the “colonisation Australia, to show how self-determination of knowledge,” the introduction articulates and empowerment can be achieved how the book is to be used, namely “to practically for Indigenous organisations, support anti-racist practice, to challenge families and communities through all forms of injustice, to inspire open community development and financial dialogue and mutual understanding and independence. to benefit the Indigenous peoples of the world” (p. 3). Gail Baikie’s chapter focuses on Decolonizing Critical Reflection, a technique used “to The book comprises seven substantive unearth both Euro-Western and Indigenous chapters, with introduction and conclusion assumptions, values, beliefs and perspectives sections. Hillary Weaver’s chapter leads and to enable practitioners to make more with an examination of differences and informed choices that are culturally safe and intersections between Indigenous ways and contribute in micro ways to the decolonizing social work and, with particular reference to agenda of Indigenous nations” (p. 105). A list the Medicine Wheel, shows “how we can not of decolonising critical reflection questions only build on our commonalities but work to makes this a user-friendly resource for make our differences synergistic rather than application by practitioners, supervisors and antagonistic” (p. 8). educators alike.

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Chapters Five and Six both have a child and Relevant history and policy is reviewed family focus. Jan Erik Henrikson elaborates and the argument is made for multi- on a cultural contextual network diagram layered partnerships in which the voices of tool, which draws on the lavvu– a Sami Indigenous peoples are heard. term for pyramidal tent—as a metaphor for network mapping which “encourages Overall, this collection makes an important naming and reflecting on culture, identity and statement and a contribution. Having, local context” (p. 122). Next, in Chapter Six, as a backdrop, the updated international Moana Eruera and Leland Ruwhiu discuss definition of social work’s inclusion tapu and mana as two Indigenous protective of Indigenous knowledges alongside and developmental theoretical constructs. scientific knowledge, this collection walks The narrative style, as well as the explicit use into and occupies that space between of female (mareikura) and male (whatukura) Indigenous knowing, being, doing and the perspectives, give strength to the delivery of profession and discipline of social work the messages in this chapter about working as it has evolved to date. The collection as with mokopuna and whānau Māori. a whole speaks of a holistic approach to social work which embraces Indigenous In Chapter Seven, Kerry Arabena presents cultural strengths in the pursuit of social a discussion of Western and Indigenous justice and wellbeing for Indigenous and knowledge construction for the health and non-Indigenous groups alike. Let the wellbeing of First Peoples in Australia. conversation continue.

Reviewed by Tracie Mafile’o Massey University, Aotearoa New Zealand

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Blinded by science: The social implications of epigenetics and neuroscience

David Wastell and Susan White, 2017 Policy Press, Bristol UK ISBN 978-1-4473-2234-4, pp. 299, pp. NZD44.00

he aim of this important book is to develop scientific interventions to treat develop a much wider understanding social problems. It seems to me that there Tof how the new biologies of is a complex set of circular processes where neuroscience and epigenetics are being ideological trends (discourses) reflect and invoked in the current welfare discourse maintain policy makers’ inclinations, the in western countries. The back-cover blurb science is then applied to create evidence presents the focus in simple terms: the that then confirms the beliefs of the policy book “draws attention to the ways that the makers (or policy-led evidence). But the uncertainties of the original science are lost powerful will insist that it’s the science that in their translation into the everyday world tells them what should be done. Wastell and of practice and policy.” Space in a review White quote from Khan (2010, p. 311): does not allow for a detailed summary of the detailed and complex scholarship in this Science is not an anthropomorphic being, book so I will focus on some core aspects and it does not “tell” anything. Scientific data hopefully encourage readers to read it for has no meaning until one interprets it and themselves. The publishers have helpfully such interpretations are inevitably packed made this book available in several different with qualitative judgements. formats. Essentially, the argument in the book is I was very pleased to see the publication that the invocation of neuroscience and of Blinded by Science after following the epigenetics in social policy is far from neutral authors’ scholarship on this topic for several and is following a trend that began in the years (Wastell, White, & Lorek, 2013; 20th century with the intensification of both White & Wastell, 2015). Like many social the public and state gaze on parenting, workers, I had been influenced by the hype particularly in early childhood. If one of “the brains” by attending a public lecture follows the presentation of childhood in (see Beddoe, 2017 for my blog post on this public discourse over the last seven decades experience). It was some years later that the or so, children are increasing characterised work of Susan White, a professor of social as vulnerable and in constant need of state work at the University of Sheffield and surveillance. In the risk society (Beck, 1992), David Wastell, a cognitive neuroscientist, children are fragile entities to be micro- now emeritus professor at the University of managed by newly intensified parental Nottingham, introduced me to the rapidly citizens, charged with ensuring that little developing critique of the unquestioning Timothy and Amanda grow up to be acceptance of neuroscience in social policy. productive and avoid becoming a costly As always, social policy influences what drain on the taxpayer. happens in social work as policy is distilled down to procedure, then practice. But Wastell and White begin this book with a very social policy doesn’t emerge from a neutral useful overview of the links between biology “laboratory” where ideology-free experts and the drive for “human improvement.”

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They assert that this is not an ideologically impact of the explosion of brain science neutral trend because, “Rather than in mainstream government policy. Early challenging orthodoxies, both neuroscience intervention, they argue, is driven by a myth and epigenetics are presently being co-opted that the impairment of the infant brain is to support old moral arguments” (p. 7). These responsible for “madness, badness and all moral arguments are ancient—the comforting manner of vexing social problems” (p. 89), ethos of capitalist conservatism—that the even poverty itself. poor have moral deficits and are poor because of these, rather than because of the greed This chapter takes the reader carefully and corruption of the rich. So it is inevitable through the reverse journey from policy that the development of persuasive new analysis to evidence to practice. These science can be harnessed to the ideological sentences succinctly summarise their review: project of welfare cuts and micro-targeting the deprived and disadvantaged with Finding evidence for policy can be programmes designed to fix them. The focus something of a fishing expedition. is firmly fixed on individuals and families, Persuasion, not accuracy is the primary rather than structural problems: “Prevention criterion at work. The evidence has been and targeting are prominent motifs in an interpreted as consistent with a particular increasingly residual and conditional welfare form of received wisdom and hence little settlement, providing a natural slot for argumentation is required to make it technologies which can tease out individual work rhetorically. (p. 108) susceptibilities” (p. 7). After exploring the science behind many The second chapter of the book provides a claims of the irreversibility of childhood very good overview of how knowledge is neglect (with the lurid and misleading brain made. The authors make a distinction between imagery I discussed in Beddoe (2017)), “journal science” which is often couched Wastell and White state that “science has been carefully as tentative, requiring further testing; selectively used to grant epistemic authority and “handbook science” where knowledge to the cause of early intervention” (p. 108). is codified and simplified for consumption by those closer to the target population: It is chapters 5 and 6 which form the section practitioners, who lack the time (and, it is I would set as required reading for every social assumed, expertise?) to interrogate the research worker in children and families social work: it that is said to underpin the interventions the addresses the really sharp end of this particular lean state will pay for. In addition, the authors stick. Where the early intervention policy point out much of the evidence is based on based on poor reading of complex science animal studies and the researchers themselves hits child protection (see also Featherstone, may caution generalisation or application to Morris, & White, 2013). Read these chapters if human populations. you read nothing else this year.

The chapter “Blaming the brain” reviews Wastell and White, using the example various attempts, throughout history, to find of strong state advocacy of early non- biological explanations of mental illness and, consensual adoption in England and Wales, in particular, examines the current focus on demonstrate the pernicious manipulation genetic explanations of autism and ADHD. of policy by lobbyists for the “early years” The authors simply infer from their review brigade. Scraping away all of the jargon that in spite of recent research few “killer and scientism, the argument boils down to insights” have emerged (p. 89). favouring a precautionary approach over a proportional approach. So, on the chance Part two of the book shifts our focus to that less than optimal parenting (defined by policy. Its stated aim is to explore the whom?) might produce irreversible brain

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damage and welfare dependent criminals, Aotearoa. Having mentioned the variable we will go more quickly to permanent impacts in the international arena and the removal. The disproportionality is, of course, challenges of evaluating them, they conclude that the damage caused by very, very severe with this question: neglect has been observed in a vanishingly small number of extreme cases. Social policy What happens then if we stop treating is thus made by boosting tentative science FGCs as interventions in need of and spinning it in conveniently palatable evaluation to judge their efficacy and metaphors to persuade politicians (who, cost-effectiveness? What happens if we it has to be said, are often proud of saying treat them instead as the democratic right “give me one page or I won't read it”), to of citizens—which is indeed the case in support what is essentially a moral crusade. New Zealand? (p. 147)

Remove the child, just in case. Throw cash Imagine if we had policy makers who would at programmes that focus on early years for listen to research that has found no evidence those deemed at risk but never, ever look at for the claims made by those with vested trying to fix the pernicious effects of poverty, interests, for example about lazy, drug- oppression and social exclusion. addled kiwi workers or “multigenerational worklessness.” Imagine if critical social policy studies and poverty research were As Wastell and White point out, the role of used to influence governments. There would prevention science is to root out disease and be no justification for not immediately dysfunction early. The effects of troublesome instigating a universal basic income. social problems like poverty, racism and other forms of social exclusion are recast References as problems of dysfunctional parents who Beck, U. (1992). Risk society: Towards a new modernity. must be targeted for interventions or have London, UK: Sage. their vulnerable children removed. Early Beddoe, L. (2017, January 4). Brains, biology and tests for intervention is politically popular as it future burdenhood [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://www.reimaginingsocialwork.nz/2017/01/brains- seems innocuous and supportive. And biology-and-tests-for-future-burdenhood-misguided- of course, it can be if it is voluntary and blind-faith-in-science/ collaborative, emphasising relationship Crossley, S. (2015). Realising the (troubled) family: Crafting building and planning with families at the the neoliberal state. Families, Relationships and Societies, 5(2), 263–279. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/ forefront. But sadly, solutions tend to be top- 204674315X14326465757666 down-imposed and such programmes may Featherstone, B., Morris, K., & White, S. (2013). A marriage reconfigure relationships between the state made in hell: Early intervention meets child protection. and families (see, for example, McKendrick, British Journal of Social Work. doi:10.1093/bjsw/bct052 2016; Crossley, 2015). Khan, F. (2010). Preserving human potential as freedom: A framework for regulating epigenetic harms. Health Matrix: Journal of Law-Medicine, 20(2), 259–323. In conclusion, this book provides a wealth McKendrick, D. (2016). Crafting the society of control: of information and helpful analysis. There Exploring Scottish child welfare policy in a neoliberal is much more that I could comment on but context. Aotearoa New Zealand Social Work, 28(3), 37–46. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.11157/anzswj-vol28iss3id242 I would strongly recommend that readers Wastell, D., White, S., & Lorek, A. (2013). The child’s buy this book and share with colleagues. timeframe: A neuro scientific perspective. London UK: I will finish with an interesting note on an 14 Gray's Inn Square issue of great relevance to social workers in White, S., & Wastell, D. (2015). The rise and rise of Aotearoa New Zealand. Wastell and White prevention science in UK family welfare: Surveillance gets under the skin. Families, Relationships and make reference to family group conferences, Societies. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/20467431 acknowledging their birthplace here in 5X14479283041843

Reviewed by Liz Beddoe University of Auckland

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The Alternative

Lisa Nandy MP, Caroline Lucas MP and Chris Bowers (Eds.) 2016 Biteback Publishing, London, UK ISBN 978-1-78590-049-5, pp. 368, ebook, NZD30.00

or decades, social workers have values, ideas and politics; Section Two witnessed the fallout of the neoliberal considers how to effect cooperation across Fexperiment, including runaway the progressive spectrum. The decision inequality, poverty, and compromised health to dedicate an entire section to unpicking and education systems. While the difficulty of progressive values was wise, given the term operating in this environment has intensified progressive is often bandied about or conflated focus within social work on critical and with the Left, but also because the exploration radical practice, greater gains demand State- has rendered the book a valuable resource level rethinks of social and economic policy. for those seeking a considered articulation Yet, political momentum for such radical of contemporary progressive ideals. Section reconfiguration is often lacking. One might be Two’s candid evaluation of both the forgiven for wondering: “whatever happened opportunities and difficulties of collaboration to progressive politics?” adds a healthy dose of realism to the book’s enterprise, allowing it to overcome any In this context, The Alternative, an edited accusation of wishful idealism. collection from the United Kingdom (UK), comes not a moment too soon. Compiled Contributions come from an impressive during the soul-searching following the array of individuals, making The Alternative Conservative Party’s resounding 2015 electoral a treasure trove of thought-provoking, success, The Alternative seeks to initiate creative ideas, although arguably at the cost conversation about reviving progressive of a more unified message (evidently not all politics in the UK, and the mechanics of contributors sing from the same progressive building a new, progressive vision for the song sheet). Understandably, given the book’s country. The core provocation of the book’s editors, chapters from politicians (both former editors—Labour MP, Lisa Nandy; Green MP, and current) abound—from parliamentary Caroline Lucas; and former Liberal Democrat candidates, MPs, and Members of the House Councillor and Parliamentary candidate, Chris of Lords, to the leader of the Danish Bowers—is that UK progressives (whether in progressive party, The Alternative (Uffe Westminster or not) should shelve “tribalism” Elbæk). The book also includes third-sector and in-fighting (p. xxi) in order to work campaigners (Katie Ghose of the Electoral together, because cooperation offers the best Reform Society, Siân Berry and Stephen Joseph hope of ousting the Conservatives (in the of the Campaign for Better Transport, short term) and implementing a progressive and Carys Afoko of SumOfUs), unionists programme (in the long term). They also urge (Frances O’Grady), commentators (Yasmin progressives to start proactively defining Alibhai-Brown and Zoe Williams), and themselves by what they believe in and stand academics and representatives of institutes for, not just by who or what they disagree with, (Andrew Simms, Jonathan Rowson, John and to reconnect with disenchanted grassroots Curtice, Indra Adnan), among others. political activists. With some exceptions, chapters adopt a boots-on-the-ground/informed-commentator Structurally, the book has two sections. perspective, drawing insights from the Section One explores progressives’ shared contributors’ cumulative years of practical

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experience rather than extensive referencing. basic income. Guided by her anti-poverty This approach may disappoint readers seeking research, Lister also sounds a warning to greater theoretical grounding, although they anyone working with people on low incomes may enjoy Rowson’s in-depth, semi-spiritual about stigmatising language and social deconstruction of the notion progressive. discourse, and calls for “a culture of human rights” to replace the current “culture of The Alternative targets political, policy institutionalised suspicion” (p. 35). and activist circles, so relevance to social workers is indirect. Yet, its broad thematic Finally, Norman Lamb and Steve Reed’s sweep—covering topics as wide-ranging as searing assessment of UK public services social security, planning, migration, political would propel any public servant to critically cooperation, housing, public services, climate reflect on their own practice and institutional change, foreign policy, communications context. Indeed, Lamb and Reed’s analysis and political correctness—particularly in of the defects in bureaucratic, top-down Section One, offers something for everyone. approaches resonates with oft-made Furthermore, its outside-the-box thinking observations in social work literature. is both inspirational and semi-instructional Their practical proposals for ensuring we for anyone interested in lateral and radical “unleash the vitality of people working in thinking. Evidently, contributions are public services and the insight of those who UK-focused, rendering certain aspects less use them” (p. 46) offer food for thought, useful for a New Zealand audience—most including mutualised services (for both obviously, the recurring case for a proportional service users and staff), and individualised representation system for UK national budgets permitting service users to decide elections. However, other chapters could how to spend money allocated to them. have been written for New Zealand, such as Berry and Joseph’s excellent contribution The Alternative went to publication a on planning policy that advocates, inter week after the Brexit referendum result, a alia, greater proximity between people and massive blow to progressives in the UK and services, more effective public transport worldwide. The editors note that this timing systems, and housing developments that foster underscores the “urgency and timeliness” real communities rather than upholding “a of the book’s message (p. vii). However, syndrome now deep in the national psyche it also meant contributors sidestepped the about housing as an investment” (p. 78). disillusioned anger plaguing progressives in the aftermath of both Brexit and Trump’s Other applicable chapters include those election as President of the United States by David Boyle, Jonathan Edwards or Zoe of America. While the activities of protest Williams, which advocate horizontal politics, and reaction following these events are devolved power, and/or recognition of understandable and necessary, they must not local, community-based activities. These detract from the positive, proactive task of chapters demonstrate the latent assets and reimagining politics, society and economics. strengths in communities that are often In this climate, The Alternative’s greatest under-supported—communities in which offering—its self-professed and well-realised social workers often work. Meanwhile, Ruth tone of optimism—bolsters its openness Lister’s chapter on social security analyses to imagine and identify creative, credible, alternative mechanisms for achieving progressive ideas. This sentiment should poverty prevention and social distribution, hearten and motivate anyone passionate including more inclusive contributory about critical, radical change, and the forging social insurance systems or a universal of more ambitiously progressive society.

Reviewed by Hannah Blumhardt Independent researcher, New Zealand

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Practising critical refl ection to develop emancipatory change

Christine Morley, 2014 Ashgate Publishing, Surrey, United Kingdom; Burlington, VT, USA ISBN 978-1-409-462583, pp. 243, hardback, NZD260.00

selected this book from a pile available social myths about sexual assault which for review attracted by the title which constitutes a well-structured literature Iincluded “critical reflection” and search of this topic. The opportunities and “emancipatory change” as, that time, limitations therein for challenge and change I was working in the social work education are then considered via structural change field and was also looking to retrieve my and law reform as the sites for change social justice mojo. I thought I could learn suggested by feminist perspectives. Here something useful to apply to the variety of Morley suggests that this macro and system social work roles I had then and into the focus can lead to a “lack of sense of agency in future—and I certainly did. practitioners to challenge [the legal systems] oppressive processes and practice” (p. 6). This work has a clearly articulated Morley then turns to the opportunities theoretical base in critical reflection offered by critical postmodernism to examine (postmodern feminism) building on the opportunities for change at more immediate work of Jan Fook (2012) and others. This and interpersonal levels through the is the underpinning perspective as well as examination of dominant discourses, rather forming the research framework within than the systems that could contribute to this which the stories of six counsellors/ “sense of powerlessness” but which could advocates for victims/survivors of sexual also provide for possibilities to envision assault practising in Australia are introduced change. Again, this is a well-constructed and developed using a questioning chapter about theoretical ideas—I think I framework facilitating deconstruction understood postmodernism a little more and and reconstruction of the narrative. it allowed me to see possibilities for my own This is done to demonstrate and apply practice. the tools of this understanding of critical reflection to find opportunities for The subsequent chapters present the emancipatory change at the interpersonal stories of the research subjects through the level of practice. discussion of a self-selected critical incident with each participant facilitated to “unearth” The book is structured like a thesis but there their own assumptions and discourses and are some chapters that some practitioners therefore find creative responses through use could find useful without reading the entire of deconstruction (and then reconstruction) work. Although the book begins with a focus questions developed from Fook (2012). on the inadequacies of the Australian legal Some of these stories and their discourses system, its personnel and processes, the were quite relatable to my own experiences analysis could have parallels in Aotearoa as a practitioner. Morley then presents New Zealand. The next chapter focuses on findings using themes which demonstrate summarising the implications from previous the possibilities for change. The book finishes research on victim/survivors’ experience of on a hopeful note concluding that, even in secondary victimisation and the damaging “oppressive” contexts, workers can envisage

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power and alternative responses and that However, as it is research for academic critical reflection can assist practitioners to purposes, it is not an easy read but connect with their sense of agency. worth persisting with. The author herself acknowledges that different people will This work would be useful to educators “read and engage with this work from to explore critical reflection and the their own perspectives” (p. 207). From application of critical postmodern theory. my perspective, it has led me to consider Practitioners could find the literature what is meant by “critical reflection” and search on survivors’ stories useful as well confirmed that interpersonal work can be a as considering the counsellors’/advocates’ site for emancipatory change built on critical stories and possible parallels to their reflection as presented in this work and practice as a start to “unsettle” their own others. Just what the author intended. thinking. Supervisors could use this work to consider how to utilise deconstruction and Reference reconstruction processes in their work with Fook, J. (2012). Social work: A critical approach (2nd ed.). practitioners. London, UK: Sage.

Reviewed by Shelley Crawford External supervisor; Competency co-ordinator ANZASW

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