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The Brazilian Case Mariza GS Peirano 1 9 SÉRIE ANTROPOLOGIA 110 The anthropology of anthropology: The Brazilian case Mariza G.S. Peirano 1 9 9 1 2 A thesis presented by Mariza Gomes e Souza Peirano to the Departament of Anthropology in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Anthropology, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, June 1981 [OBS: Digitação revisada em outubro de 2009.] 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments Chapter 1: Anthropology in Context A. The reversibility of anthropological knowledge B. Theoretical approach C. Plan of the dissertation Chapter 2: Historical Setting: Social Sciences in the 1930’s A. Education and national identity B. Politics and education in São Paulo C. The early universities’ experience D. Social sciences and the thrust of nationality Chapter 3: The Anthropology that Did Not Take Hold: Florestan Fernandes on the Tupinambá A. The New Theoretical Tendencies B. The Tupinambá C. From Indians to Blacks D. From universalism to holism Chapter 4: Indians and Territorial Integration A. The classification of Indian groups B. Contact as inter-ethnic friction C. From Indians to the expansion frontiers D. The recovery of the Indian Chapter 5: Carnival and Literature: Two Symbols of Nationhood A. Carnival and nationhood B. Candido ― the hidden anthropologist C. The search for the universal Chapter 6: Anthropology and the Ideology of Nationhood A. Universalism and holism in anthropology B. State ideology and nation-building in Brazil C. Final conclusions References Cited Note: Translations are my own whenever the sources are not in English. 4 Acknowledgments I wrote this dissertation on anthropology in Brazil to examine in a deeper way the significance of being a Brazilian and an anthropologist. I tried to take advantage of my distance from Brazil in order to reflect on it. At the same time, I wanted to look at anthropology in general from my Brazilian viewpoint. I here want to thank those who supported and encouraged this exercise. First of all, I am grateful to David Maybury-Lewis, my thesis advisor, for asking difficult and challenging questions, but especially for the confidence he showed in my ability to answer them. I could not have had a greater reward than his growing interest as I wrote the different chapters. Stanley Tambiah has been an intellectual inspiration ever since my years in Brazil and his scholarly example further contributed towards my disposition to introspection. I am grateful for his constant interest and for his insightful comments. My indebtedness to Michael Fischer, my toughest and most encouraging critic, is immense. His intellectual vitality and firm guidance were decisive influences throughout the whole project, and one day I hope to have more answers to his many questions. It was in George Stocking’s seminar that I first thought about this topic, and I am grateful to him for welcoming my unorthodox questions. Among my professors, I also want to thank Nur Yalman, Akos Ostor, and Vincent Crapanzano. The ‘Busch-Batsu,’ the group of fellow thesis writers who started meeting during the summer of 1979, provided weekly support. I want to thank James Ito- Adler, Rafiq Keshavjee, Catherine Lutz and Emily McIntire for reading and commenting on different drafts of this study. Catherine Lutz accepted the job of making my English more readable, and her style greatly improved the original version. I am grateful to Monique Djokic for constant encouragement and criticism. This study owes much to our endless debates on the nature of anthropology, to a point that it is difficult to distinguish many of my ideas from hers. I owe thanks to Luiz Antonio de Castro Santos, with whom I became aware of my appreciation for Brazilian social thought, and whose enthusiasm for this project was so gratifying. Peter Silverwood-Cope helped sharpen my understanding of what it 5 means to be an anthropologist, and I am grateful for his support and encouragement. I want to thank Elisa Pereira Reis, Eustáquio Reis, Joaquim de Andrade, Leslie Blachman, David Gouverneur, Monica de Vasconcelos, Oscar Grauer, and Rogério Werneck, who were the wonderful companions of last year. I am grateful beyond words to Suzanne Repetto for her warm and generous support. I had the rare priviledge to have as ‘informants’ some of the out-standing social scientists in Brazil. I want to thank them for their willingness to go beyond the hierarchy of our social positions and for their acceptance of the curiosity of an apprentice. To Antonio Candido, Roberto Cardoso de Oliveira, Florestan Fernandes, and Darcy Ribeiro, my enormous gratitude for sharing their experiences with me with such openness. I owe them, and Roberto da Matta and Otávio Guilherme Velho as well, my apology for having made them the central examples on which I draw, but I am comfortable in the knowledge that they will have the opportunity to correct my mistakes. Luiz de Castro Faria spent much time teaching me about anthropology in Brazil, and I am grateful to him. I owe thanks also to Egon Schaden, Simon Schwartzman, and Roberto Kant de Lima, for data which would otherwise have been difficult to obtain. I want to acknowledge the influence of Julio Cezar Melatti’s work on my own, however different our approaches may be. Roberto Cardoso de Oliveira and Roberto da Matta were always encouraging. From my parents I learned that creativity and discipline should not be mutually exclusive. This study is an exercise in that direction, and I am grateful to them for their continuous support. Finally, and especially, I am grateful to my son Henrique, who saw me through this whole project, and whose impatience was the best stimulus I could have had. 6 CHAPTER ONE Anthropology in Context ... class-explanation of the social beliefs and ideals implicit in sociological theory is no longer sufficient in the twentieth century. In this period we must also take account of the development of national ideals transcending social classes in order to understand the ideological aspects of sociological theories. Elias, 1978a: 241-2 It is often accepted that anthropological questions have changed over time. One can trace developments in the study of kinship, magic, religion, social organization, and symbolism, in both the sequence of themes and the internal elaborations through which each of these themes went in the past hundred years. However accepted the idea of historical change in anthropology may be, and however we may take for granted the variability over time of scientific problems in general, little attention has been paid to the way in which anthropological problems vary across socio-cultural contexts. The scientific reality of today is neither the scientific reality of yesterday nor will it be the scientific reality of tomorrow, but does it not change also in different contexts? The assertion that “Anthropology sees everything as culturally bound ... everything but itself”1 is a good statement of this state of affairs. This study seeks to explore the variability of anthropological questions in different socio-cultural contexts, using the Brazilian case as its object of inquiry. A comparative approach is implicit, although other examples will only occasionally be brought into the text. I start from the premise that 1) the anthropologist's thought is embedded in his own socio-cultural configuration and 2) given that anthropology’s development coincided with the formation of the European nation-states, the ideology of nationhood is a powerful parameter for the characterization of the social sciences in any particular country. 1 McGrane, 1976:162. 7 The development of anthropology may be of interest to both historians of science and anthropologists themselves. Historians of anthropology generally start with the idea that anthropology is a science, and their questions revolve around the kind of science anthropology is and how it has developed. Recent studies distinguish two approaches:2 one, which is called “traditional,” has as its main objective the classifying of the scientists of the past according to whether, and to what extent, they had antecipated the present state of the discipline. The other, the “new historiography of the sciences,” focuses on the intersection between history, epistemology, and the sciences. The latter approach questions whether the history of science should concentrate on specific works themselves ― the theoretical and experimental problems as defined by the scientific community ― or whether it should also consider the influence of technological, socio-economic, institutional and political factors. Also of interest to the “new historiography” is the question of whether there is a continuous development of knowledge from common sense to science, or whether science should be seen as an epistemological eruption in a particular historical period.3 Contrary to the general tendency among the historians of the discipline, anthropologists generally ask different questions. Self-reflection is their main concern, and this self-reflection originates in large part from their own work. This is especially true for those dealing with conceptual systems such as religion, symbolism, or language.4 Here the problem can be posed as follows: if we study other conceptual systems ― be they religion, mythology, or rituals ― as systems of knowledge, why not look at anthropology itself with the same perspective? This recent trend in the discipline tries to respond to the challenging proposition that “primitive” beliefs cannot be understood by comparing them with science, as had been done in the past. Rather, anthropological interpretation of “primitive” beliefs should serve as models for understanding “science.”5 Whether or not anthropology is in fact a science is not the main point here; anthropology is one among several systems of knowledge, on a par with religion, philosophy, and art. 6 The quest for scientificity is also dismissed and replaced by an increased interest in the nature of anthropology vis-à-vis the totality of ideas and values common to a society or current in a given social group.
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