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Amendments to the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia
AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA Amendments I through XXIX to the Constitution of Serbia Amendments I through XXIX are an integral part of the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia, which shall enter into force on the day of promulgation by the National Assembly. A Constitutional Act shall be passed to implement the Amendments I through XXIX of the Constitution. AMENDMENT I Competences The National Assembly shall: 1. adopt and amend the Constitution, 2. decide on changes concerning the borders of the Republic of Serbia, 3. call for the Republic referendum, 4. ratify international contracts when the obligation of their ratification is stipulated by the Law, 5. decide on war and peace and declare state of war and emergency, 6. supervise the work of security services, 7. enact laws and other general acts within the competence of the Republic of Serbia, 8. give previous approval for the Statute of the autonomous province, 9. adopt defense strategy, 10. adopt development plan and spatial plan, 11. adopt the Budget and financial statement of the Republic of Serbia, upon the proposal of the Government, 12. grant amnesty for criminal offenses. Within its election rights, the National Assembly shall: 1. elect the Government, supervise its work and decide on expiry of the term of office of the Government and ministers, 2. appoint and dismiss judges of the Constitutional Court, 3. appoint and dismiss five members of the High Judicial Council, five members of the High Prosecutorial Council, the Supreme Public Prosecutor of Serbia and public prosecutors, 4. appoint and dismiss the Governor of the National Bank of Serbia and supervise his/her work, 5. -
All Victims Matter. Reconciliation of the Balkan Faiths and Peoples: an Assessment of Recent Progress
Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe Volume 40 Issue 10 Article 2 12-2020 All Victims Matter. Reconciliation of the Balkan Faiths and Peoples: An Assessment of Recent Progress Vjekoslav Perica University of Rijeka, Croatia Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree Part of the Christianity Commons, and the Eastern European Studies Commons Recommended Citation Perica, Vjekoslav (2020) "All Victims Matter. Reconciliation of the Balkan Faiths and Peoples: An Assessment of Recent Progress," Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe: Vol. 40 : Iss. 10 , Article 2. Available at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree/vol40/iss10/2 This Article, Exploration, or Report is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ George Fox University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ George Fox University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ALL VICTIMS MATTER RECONCILIATION OF BALKAN FAITHS AND PEOPLES: AN ASSESSMENT OF RECENT PROGRESS By Vjekoslav Perica Vjekoslav Perica is a Croatian-American historian, author of, among other things, Balkan Idols: Religion and Nationalism in Yugoslav States (Oxford University Press, 2002; Belgrade, 2006). His most recent publication is “Serbian Jerusalem: Inventing a Holy Land in Europe’s Periphery, 1982- 2019,” Chapter IX, in Nadim N. Rouhana and Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, eds. When Politics Are Sacralized: Comparative Perspectives on Religious Claims and Nationalism (Cambridge University Press, 2020). Perica holds a Ph.D. in history from the University of Minnesota Twin Cities, USA. In the 1970s in former Yugoslavia he was a basketball player, and before the war, a jurist and journalist until coming to America in 1991. -
On 16 September 2004 the European Parliament Adopted A
BACKGROUND - on 16 September 2004 the European Parliament adopted a resolution on harassment of minorities in Vojvodina where it, amongst others, "expressed deep concern at the repeated breaches of human rights in the province" and asked the delegation for relations with the countries of South East Europe to be authorised to conduct a fact-finding mission in that province; - the fact-finding mission took place from 28 to 31 January 2005 and the report was made available on 2 March 2005 (original in FR) and 31 March 2005 (translations); its main results were: 1. Vojvodina should remain a model region, because its multiculturalism goes hand in hand with a fairly harmonious cohabitation between the different nationalities living there. In order to preserve this, it is vital to combat attacks of any kind on the roots of each and every one of the region's traditional cultures. 2. It is essential that the province's multi-ethnic character be preserved, particularly in view of any future EU accession of Serbia and Montenegro, since the place of Voïvodina would then be a very special one, both geo-strategically and sociologically. For that reason, all existing forms of rapprochement need to actively supported (Interreg III/a, cooperation with European border regions). 3. The inter-ethnic incidents which plagued Voïvodina over a period of thirteen months appear to be the result of a conjunction of unfavourable factors, which was itself the outcome both of older situations and of more recent, and even highly specific circumstances: changes to the province's demographic make-up, influx of refugees in very difficult economic circumstances, the March 2004 Kosovo crisis, and tense election campaigns. -
LETTER to G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS
LETTER TO G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS We write to call for urgent action to address the global education emergency triggered by Covid-19. With over 1 billion children still out of school because of the lockdown, there is now a real and present danger that the public health crisis will create a COVID generation who lose out on schooling and whose opportunities are permanently damaged. While the more fortunate have had access to alternatives, the world’s poorest children have been locked out of learning, denied internet access, and with the loss of free school meals - once a lifeline for 300 million boys and girls – hunger has grown. An immediate concern, as we bring the lockdown to an end, is the fate of an estimated 30 million children who according to UNESCO may never return to school. For these, the world’s least advantaged children, education is often the only escape from poverty - a route that is in danger of closing. Many of these children are adolescent girls for whom being in school is the best defence against forced marriage and the best hope for a life of expanded opportunity. Many more are young children who risk being forced into exploitative and dangerous labour. And because education is linked to progress in virtually every area of human development – from child survival to maternal health, gender equality, job creation and inclusive economic growth – the education emergency will undermine the prospects for achieving all our 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and potentially set back progress on gender equity by years. -
Congressional Record—Senate S8456
S8456 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE July 17, 1998 like, in the morning business segment, support the Marriage Tax Elimination Act as for his suggestion so we can accommo- or perhaps the opening segment of the one step in the right direction. The current date the needs of our colleagues. tax code, while it still exists, should be used appropriations bill, to be able to dis- f patch that business and let whoever as a vehicle to promote social responsibility. It certainly should not be used in a punitive wants to talk, do it until they are ex- SENSE OF CONGRESS REGARDING manner toward the preeminent institution of THE CULPABILITY OF SLOBODAN hausted. marriage and family. You are speaking of a subject of some MILOSEVIC FOR WAR CRIMES How better could you describe it than importance, I admit that. I am sympa- Mr. D’AMATO. Mr. President, I ask that? ‘‘It certainly should not be used thetic to the issue you are raising. I unanimous consent that the Foreign in a punitive manner toward the pre- hope that you perhaps would allow us Relations Committee be discharged eminent institution of marriage and to do the things we would like to do in from further consideration of S. Con. family.’’ preparation to get the bill to the floor. Res. 105, and, further, that the Senate They go on to state: Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, re- proceed to its immediate consider- taining the floor, I am going to proceed We welcome the Marriage Tax Elimination ation. on forward with a discussion of the Act introduced today by representatives Dave McIntosh and Jerry Weller. -
Constitutional Rights and Freedoms of National Minorities: the Experience of Serbia
Opción, Año 35, Especial No.23 (2019): 1433-1446 ISSN 1012-1587/ISSNe: 2477-9385 Constitutional rights and freedoms of national minorities: The Experience of Serbia Konstantin A. Polovchenko MGIMO University, Moscow [email protected] Abstract The method of case study allowed a comprehensive review of the institution for the protection of the rights of national minorities in the system of constitutional rights and freedoms in Serbia. As a result, more than a third of the constitutional text is devoted to the regulation of the institution for the protection of rights and freedoms. The author concluded that the Republic of Serbia has created a reliable mechanism for protecting the national minorities’ rights meeting the highest international standards; the Serbian legal system ensures sustainable development of its citizens. Keywords: Constitutional, Principles, Court, Legal, Minority. Derechos y libertades constitucionales de las minorías nacionales: La experiencia de Serbia Resumen El método de estudio de caso permitió una revisión exhaustiva de la institución para la protección de los derechos de las minorías nacionales en el sistema de derechos y libertades constitucionales en Serbia. Como resultado, más de un tercio del texto constitucional está dedicado a la regulación de la institución para la protección de los derechos y libertades. El autor llegó a la conclusión de que la República de Serbia ha creado un mecanismo confiable para proteger los derechos de las minorías nacionales que cumplen con los más altos estándares internacionales; El sistema jurídico serbio garantiza el desarrollo sostenible de sus ciudadanos. Palabras clave: Constitucional, Principios, Corte, Legal, Minoría. Recibido: 18-02-2019 Aceptado: 22-06-2019 1434 Konstantin A. -
Constitutional Provisions on the Prosecution Service in Council of Europe Member States
Strasbourg, 3 October 2008 CDL-JD(2008)003* Study No. 494/2008 Engl. only EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS ON THE PROSECUTION SERVICE IN COUNCIL OF EUROPE MEMBER STATES *This document has been classified restricted on the date of issue. Unless the Venice Commission decides otherwise, it will be declassified a year after its issue according to the rules set up in Resolution CM/Res(2001)6 on access to Council of Europe documents. This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL-JD(2008)003 - 2 - Table of contents I. Introduction ................................................................................................................... 5 II. Overview according to ‘legal families’............................................................................ 5 III. Conclusions............................................................................................................... 6 IV. Common Law system................................................................................................ 7 A. Appointment, incompatibilities, transfers, detachements, promotion, retirement and dissmisal ........................................................................................................................... 7 1. Cyprus................................................................................................................... 7 2. Malta .................................................................................................................... -
The National Councils of National Minorities in Serbia
The national councils of national minorities in Serbia Katinka Beretka* and István Gergő Székely** January 2016 Recommended citation: Beretka Katinka and Székely István Gergő, “The national councils of national minorities in the Republic of Serbia”, Online Compendium Autonomy Arraignments in the World, January 2016, at www.world-autonomies.info. © 2016 Autonomy Arrangements in the World Content 1. Essential Facts and Figures 2. Autonomy in the Context of the State Structure 3. Establishment and Implementation of Autonomy 4. Legal Basis of Autonomy 5. Autonomous Institutions 6. Autonomous Powers 7. Financial Arrangements 8. Intergovernmental Relations 9. Inter-group Relations within the Autonomous Entity (not applicable) 10. Membership, “Quasi-citizenship” and Special Rights 11. General Assessment and Outlook Bibliography 2016 © Autonomy Arrangements in the World Project 1. Essential Facts and Figures 1 Serbia is located in the center of the Balkans, being an everyday subject of world news from the beginning of the 1990s, often due to ethnicity-related issues, ranging from civil war and secession to autonomy arrangements meant to accommodate ethnocultural diversity. Although according to the 2011 census almost 20% of the total population of the state (without Kosovo) belong to a minority group (see Table 1), in Serbia there are no officially recognized or unrecognized minorities. There is neither an exact enumeration of minority groups, nor clear principles to be followed about how a minority should be recognized. While the absence of precise regulations may be regarded as problematic, the approach of Serbia to the minority question can also be interpreted as being rather liberal, which may have resulted from the intention to protect ethnic Serb refugees who have become minorities abroad, including in the former Yugoslav member states. -
The Milošević Switch from Communism to Nationalism As State Policy by Julija Bogoeva FICHL Policy Brief Series No
POLICY BRIEF SERIES From Lies to Crimes: The Milošević Switch from Communism to Nationalism as State Policy By Julija Bogoeva FICHL Policy Brief Series No. 19 (2014) Being 70 years old, with a world war in between, Yugo- always kills. That is why it is repeatedly used. So how slavia1 needed more historical time to develop political did Slobodan Milošević2 do it? pluralism, a rational and efficient economic system, sta- ble democratic institutions and a democratic culture. 1. Adopting the Nationalist Programme – Death to That could have opened up the full potential of its won- Yugoslavia derfully diverse people who, in the process, would, ide- The 1991–1995 fratricidal, genocidal war in Yugoslavia ally, mature from subjects to citizens, socially conscious, flew in the face of Europe’s conviction that something responsible and active for the common good. Represent- had been learned from its difficult, bloody past. Is com- ing the polar opposite, nationalists and hard-line com- munism to blame? Or nationalism? Or are they, paradox- munists could not let that happen. The deliberately ically, so related at their core that nationalism, with its whipped up nationalism of the largest nation, the Serbs, destructive nature, automatically replaces communism? brought to the fore the nationalism of the other nations, Does it lead to violence, and even to the commission of and tore the country apart in a brutal war for territorial crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide? expansion and domination. In Europe. At the end of the By the 1990s, Yugoslavia’s specific communist sys- th 20 century. To any person of today, educated, liberal- tem3 had also exhausted itself, no longer capable of gen- minded and brought up in the spirit of humanism, that erating growth. -
UNDP RS NARS and Indepen
The National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia Serbia AND INDEPENDENT BODIES SERBIA THE REPUBLIC OF OF ASSEMBLY NATIONAL NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA AND INDEPENDENT BODIES 253 NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA AND INDEPENDENT BODIES NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA AND INDEPENDENT BODIES Materials from the Conference ”National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia and Independent Bodies” Belgrade, 26-27 November 2009 and an Overview of the Examples of International Practice Olivera PURIĆ UNDP Deputy Resident Representative a.i. Edited by Boris ČAMERNIK, Jelena MANIĆ and Biljana LEDENIČAN The following have participated: Velibor POPOVIĆ, Maja ŠTERNIĆ, Jelena MACURA MARINKOVIĆ Translated by: Novica PETROVIĆ Isidora VLASAK English text revised by: Charles ROBERTSON Design and layout Branislav STANKOVIĆ Copy editing Jasmina SELMANOVIĆ Printing Stylos, Novi Sad Number of copies 150 in English language and 350 in Serbian language For the publisher United Nations Development Programme, Country Office Serbia Internacionalnih brigada 69, 11000 Beograd, +381 11 2040400, www.undp.org.rs ISBN – 978-86-7728-125-0 The views expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the United Nations and the United Nations Development Programme. Acknowledgement We would like to thank all those whose hard work has made this publication possible. We are particularly grateful for the guidance and support of the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia, above all from the Cabinet of the Speaker and the Secretariat. A special debt of gratitude is owed to the representatives of the independent regulatory bodies; the Commissioner for Information of Public Importance and Personal Data Protection, the State Audit Institution, the Ombudsman of the Republic of Serbia and the Anti-corruption Agency. -
The Role of Presidents in Croatia and Serbia, 1990-2015
The Role of Presidents in Croatia and Serbia, 1990-2015 By: Mislav Ilija Vulić Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Zsolt Enyedi CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary (2015) Abstract Both Croatia and Serbia introduced a semi-presidential system of government in 1990. In Croatia this choice was motivated by a need to have a decisive and efficient decision- making institution in light of the upcoming instability and war. In Serbia introduction of semi- presidentialism was motivated primarily by the need of Slobodan Milošević to be legitimized as a national leader. Croatian semi-presidentialism in 1990s was of a presidential- parliamentary subtype because the President had autonomous power to appoint and dismiss the Government. Serbian semi-presidentialism was of a premier-presidential subtype because the Government was accountable solely to the Assembly. In both countries tendencies towards authoritarianism emerged. The death of Franjo Tuđman and the resignation of Slobodan Milošević ended the authoritarian rule but the two countries diverged in how they dealt with the institutional framework of semi-presidentialism. In Croatia the Constitution was amended immediately after the change of government. In Serbia it remains the same even today with only minor alterations. The present system of government in Croatia can be characterized as parliamentary while system of government in Serbia can be characterized as semi-presidential. The key difference does not emerge from constitutional powers but from the fact that Croatian President is forbidden to be a member of the political party or its president, while in Serbia this possibility exists, and can be used to position the President as a central figure in the political system. -
Centralisation of Serbia, 1987-1990
UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) The unfinished trial of Slobodan Milošević: Justice lost, history told Vrkić, N. Publication date 2015 Document Version Final published version Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Vrkić, N. (2015). The unfinished trial of Slobodan Milošević: Justice lost, history told. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:28 Sep 2021 It was never in the spirit of the Serbian and Montenegrin nation to bow before adversity, to demobilise when they need to fight, to demoralize when times are tough. Slobodan Milošević, Speech at Kosovo Polje, 24 April 1987 Chapter IV: Centralisation of Serbia, 1987-1990 This chapter will explore the goal to centralise Serbia by describing the methods Milošević used to revoke the autonomy of the two autonomous provinces in Serbia, as well as analysing the extent to which the grievances of Kosovo Serbs were instrumentalised in order to politically mobilise Serbs and justify and legitimise changes to the status of Kosovo and Vojvodina.