CHAPTER – II

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF TIRUCHIRAPPALLI UNDER COLONIAL RULE

The establishment of the British rule in Tiruchirappalli had a great impact in the economic history Tiruchirappalli region. As agriculture was the major occupation of the people, the British made several efforts to develop it in order to increase the revenue of the government. The experiment of various revenue settlements and the improvement of irrigation system contributed to develop agriculture activities and thereby it provided a source of revenue to the British. However, the British did not give much importance to the progress of the industry in Tiruchirappalli region.

1. Colonial Economic Policy

Colonialism does mean the introduction of capitalist relations of production or capitalist structure into Agriculture, Industry and Trade. It exhibits the character of bourgeois state system, legal and property relations, the development of capitalist mode of production or of productive power. 1 The British East India Company enjoyed a monopoly of British trade with India and the Far East until 1813. At that time the Portuguese, the Dutch, the Danes and the French were also engaged in trading with India. The chief articles of trade were cotton, silk textiles and opium. While the British and the French traded mostly in cotton and silk, the Dutch appears to have specialised in the opium trade with the Far East.2 It is pointed out that while the British gave to India centralised administration, a new

1 Biban Chandra, Essays on Colonialism, Orient Longman Limited, New Delhi, 1999, p.7. 2 Dhires Bhattacharyya, A Concise History of Indian Economy, New Delhi, Vested Solely Publisher, New Delhi, 1980, p. 7. 26 judicial system, a law and order agency and thereby created a favorable framework for the country‟s economic growth, development did not take place. The state apparatus was used in the interest of British industry and against that of the Indian economy.

Agriculture is the largest and most important sector of Indian Economy. About 67 per cent of the people depend upon agriculture and more than 75 per cent live on it in the villages. Those who live outside village in one way or other connected to the village through trade in agriculture products and agro based industrial development. Agriculture has an important role to play in the economic development of any agrarian economy like that of India. Agriculture literally feeds the process of development. It meets the needs for foodgrains on account of increase in population. In addition it supplies raw material for many consumer items like edible oils, sugar, cloth etc. The crux of the problem lies in what constitutes ownership, a difficult issue in most legal system and one leading to endless confusion in India. We have used the term “Land Holder” to the person who had superior rights in the land, generally marked by the liability to pay land revenue.3 As the British extended their rule over South India, with its bewildering variety of land system, they were faced with three sets of problems. Their most urgent need was the land revenue and the high rates charged by their immediate predecessors were very helpful for the British to collect more revenue. In the southern districts the question of „mirasi‟ rights was particularly troubling since the mirasdars claimed that some of the village lands were free of revenue that the uncultivated lands could not be assigned to other without their permission, and that they had rights over the forests, quarries and so forth. The government had no clear policy on these claims in the first half of 19th century. The responsibility fell

3 Dharma Kumar, (ed), The Cambridge Economic History of India, Vol-II, c .1757.c.1970, Orient Longman Limited, New Delhi, 1994, p.208. 27 upon the Collectors and as in many other matters, each Collector, more or less made his own policy.

There also existed the Zamindari system. The word „Zamindar‟ 4 was defined by the Fifth Report as an occupant of land or a land holder5. They acted as revenue collaborators of the British government. The Zamindars were happy with the status acquired through their role in the revenue system and from the recognition that the government accorded to them, whether local chiefs or revenue agents continued to collect the revenue. When the haveli lands belonging to the former Muslim rulers were parceled out into estates and sold to the highest bidder, they also were treated as Zamindars6. The land revenue was fixed in perpetuity, and the Zamindar was made both inheritable and transferable. The uncultivated lands and wastelands were given to the Zamindars free of assessment. They were found in particular every Tamil district, but nearly always in the dry areas, but the estates were most extensive in the Southern most districts. Regarding its difficulties with the zamindari system as merely temporary, the government next went back to contracting out the revenue collection for villages as a whole to middleman, who might be former rent collectors or the leading cultivators of the village or in some cases, speculators with little experience of the revenue system.7 These village lease were initially made to last three or five years.

British also developed road, railways and ports. But these were used for the export of Indian raw materials to England and for the import of British manufactured goods into India. Even the establishment of railways in India was

4 Zamindars was derived from the Persian language laterally Zamin means land, Dar means possessor, an occupant of land or a land holder. 5 Fifth Report, Report of the Affairs of the East India Company, Part 1, Madras, 1812, p.7. 6 Chakravarthi, B.R., A Hand Book on Land Tenures in the Madras residency, Madras, 1924, p.76. 7 Christopher Johan Baker, “Tamil Nadu Estates in the Twentieth Century India”, Economic and Social History Review, XIII No-1, Jan-March, 1976, p.44.

28 done with imported equipments thereby positively preventing the growth of iron and steel industry in the country. Industrial and Commercial Policies were so designed that not only the existing native manufacturing industries were destroyed but also new industries were prevented from coming up. Heavy import duties were imposed on Indian goods exported to Britain and high excise duties were levied on goods manufactured in India.8

2. Agricultural Development i) Irrigation The district is one of the privileged of a few to have the river Cauvery, one of the biggest rivers in South India and its main branch, the Coleroon to traverse through its lands. The other important rivers flowing in the district are the Amaravathi, the Aiyar, the Karavattar, the Mammundiar, the Nandiyar, the Noyyal and the Vellar. The river Cauvery rises on the Western Ghats near Mercarra in Coorg district of the state of Karnataka. The river is said to be named after Kaveri, the daughter of a sage. It is held in high esteem by the people of Tamil Nadu as the nature‟s precious boon. This is referred to as „Dakshina Ganga‟ or Southern Ganges and ArthaGanga „Half Ganga‟ in the Vedic lore and finds mention in many a piece of literature, epics, poems and dramas of this country. The beautiful orchards that live up to its banks, the fertile lands in its basin, which yield good harvest have all been verified by the boards of this land. Over centuries the people in the Cauvery valley have been enjoying its boundary.9

The river drains the eastern slope of Western Ghats and flows to a distance of 792km Eastward finally enters the Bay of Bengal at Kaveripoompattinam or Poompuhar or Puhar in the Nagapattinam district of Tamil Nadu. The river enters

8 Partha Sarathi Gupta., Imperialism and British Labour Movement, SAGE Publications, New Delhi, 1976, p.37. 9 Bhatt, R.C, op.cit., p.1178. 29

Tamil Nadu making a waterfall in Hogenakkal in Dharmapuri district. Three minor tributaries, the Palar, the Chinnar and the Thoppaiyar join the Cauvery near Mettur. Then the river is joined by the rivers Bhavani in periyar district and the Noyyal and the Amaravathi in Tiruchirappalli district. The Cauvery enters Tiruchirappalli district in its North West corner with a name Aganda Cauvery after running for a few kilometers touching the border lines of Nammakkal and Karur taluks. It passes straight through the middle of the district, west to east, dividing into two equal parts. About 16km west of Tiruchirappalli town the river splits into two branches of which the northern takes the name „The Coleroon‟ or Kollidam branch while the Southern retains the name the Cauvery. River Cauvery was causing tremendous havoc in Tiruchirappalli and delta region. Further, for effective management of the water source for agricultural purpose, Karikala, the Chola ruler of the Sangam Age built the historic Grant Anicut at the head of the Cauvery delta in the 2nd century A.D. This structure helps to regulate water level for feeding the delta and releases the surplus flows back into Coleroon. According to “Pattinapallai”, a sangam work, king Karikala was the founder of the capital Kaveripoompattinam and commencd sort of festival known as the first fresher of the Cauvery.10 The „Grand Anicut‟ was subsequently strengthened by a Later or Imperial Chola ruler, Vira Rajendra also called Karikala.11 There were many old and indigenous work carried out by the Imperial Cholas. The important being the „Uyyakoondan‟ Channel (A.D 985-1013) constructed by king Raja Raja. At the head sluice of channel are two inscriptions one of them records repairs done to the channel after a breach. The channel leaves the river Cauvery at a distance of few miles over Tiruchirappalli and flowing through the towns itself and falls into a large tank in the village of Vallavandankottai about 10 miles to the east of Tiruchirappalli. The Cauvery delta is nearly triangular in shape about 125km north-south along the sea which can then take as the base and about 110km from

10 Irrigation in India through the Ages, p.10. 11 Nagarajan, K., Cauvery from Source to Sea, New Delhi, 1975, p.1. 30

Grand Anicut to the sea west to east as the attitude. The historic Grand Anicut is situated in Thanjavur district in the border of Tiruchirappalli district. The Cauvery enters Thanjavur district from the point of Grand Anicut. From the Grand Anicut the Coleroon branch of the river Cauvery, flows towards north – eastern direction skirting of eastern border of Tiruchirappalli and western border of Thanjavur districts and enters South Arcot district away from Venkakkudi of Udaiyarpalayam taluk.

The maintenance and repairs of irrigational works are as important as their constructions. The tank, channel, sluice and dams which are built of brick, stone and mortar, required great care in periodical clearing to maintain them in good condition. There was danger to the opening getting choked and consequential damaged to the work itself. These had to be repaired after excessive rainfall which damaged the embankments and maintenance of such beneficial works was considered a meritorious one. Boats were used to remove the silt from the dams. Removal of silt in a tank was made from endowments given specifically for the purposes. For the repair of branches in tank and other accidental damages beyond the control of the villages, money was often obtained from private or state donation and the local administrative bodies like the village assembly are often mentioned as making provision for the maintenance of irrigational works. Fines collected for certain offences were also used for the purposes. The custom of „Kudimaramat‟ was in existence in South India. There were different organizations like that of PunchaVariayam, EriVariayam, ThottaVariayam KashaniVariayam and Ponvariayam for the development of irrigation and agriculture. EriVariayam was to look after the tanks and their maintenance. The Cholas were followed by the Muslims and later by the Nayaks of Madurai who had Tiruchirappalli as their capital city. The district was under different rulers from time to time and the rulers who occupied the seat was busy in expanding their territorial boundaries. So the irrigational system failed to get any due

31 attention of the rulers. In course of time, this state of things attracted the officials‟ attention and engineering of officers were appointed under the title of superintendents of tank repairs to assist the collectors. 12 The department was reorganized in 1819. In 1836 the Madras Presidency was rearranged into number of sub-divisions called taluks. The number of taluks in Tiruchirappalli was eight, each under a civil engineer working under public works chief engineer.

When the British got possession of Tiruchirappalli region, the ancient irrigation works were found scattered all over the region and many of them were still in use. All irrigation works with a few exceptions in Tanjavur and Tiruchirappalli districts were below par the tank lacking inadequate sluices and proper „Calinga Lakhs‟ were until for storage purpose. Sand deposits formed the principal obstruction to the free flow of water in the river by 1800. In 1804 Captain Caldwell, Engineer in the Public Works Department warned against the possible annihilation of the Cauvery as an irrigation systems and the consequent damage caused by rain in Tanjavur. Efforts were made to remove the sand by using manual labour, provision of scouring sluices were approved. But it became expensive and ineffective. In 1828 Sir Arthur Cotton was sent by the East India Company to inquire into the state of rivers and the irrigation system for the purpose of ensuring proper irrigation. He proposed the construction of Upper Anicut. The estimate for this was sanctioned on 31st July 1835 for Rs. 98,383. Sir Arthur Cotton constructed the Upper Anicut in 1836-38 across the Coleroon arm, at the head of Srirangam island which is situated at a distance of about 15km west of Tiruchirappalli. This work was designed to prevent too much flowing down the Coleroon and to pass adequate water into Cauvery. It was a plain Anicut with a body wall and the usual aprans.13 The Grand Anicut structure was built on the left

12 Report of the Public Works Commission, Madras, 1835, p.105 13 Mohanakrishnan, A., Selected Papers on Irrigation, Irrigation Management Training Institute, Tiruchirappalli, 1990, p.82. 32 bank of the River Cauvery to maintain higher flow levels in Cauvery and spill the surplus into Coleroon. The construction of Upper Anicut had the effect of diverting into the Cauvery a good deal of flow which would otherwise have been wasted into Coleroon. This anicut was remodeled under the proposal of Colonel Smart in 1902. After the construction of Upper Anicut, the flow into the Cauvery became smooth and regular and at the same time was no objectionable silt at the head of the Coleroon. Yet it was found that undue amount of water flowing resulted in heavy floods at Grand Anicut.14

Another important step which was taken by the British to regulate the existing irrigation systems in the Cauvery was to construct the Mettur Dam. The Mettur Reservoir storage was meant to stabilize the irrigation system. In 1924, the Madras – Mysore Agreement was concluded for fair division of the river flows between the two states to safeguard the existing irrigation and permitted the formation of two reservoirs one in each state - Krishnarajasagar Reservoir in Mysore and Mettur Reservoir in Madras. On 25 July 1925 Vincent Goschen, the Governor of Madras inaugurated the commencement of the work. The construction had started in the middle of 1928 and went up to middle of 1934.15 Its capacity is 93.5 TMC water. Just prior to the Completion of the Mettur Reservoir, a bed regulator across Cauvery was constructed at Kattalai to improve the conditions of flow in the riverside. Channels of North Bank Canal and South Bank Canal including Kattalai High Level Canal, Uyyakondan Channel and Nangam Channel servings a total ayacut of 76,300 acres.16

The Kattalai bed regulator across the river Aganda Cauvery is situated near Mayanur in Kulithalai taluk. The construction of the Kattalai High Level Canal

14 Ibid., p.165. 15 Ibid., pp. 174-76. 16 Ibid., p.182. 33 was taken place by May 1935. The bed regulator is intended to divert water for irrigation through channels and to provide supply to the South bank of the canal system. Its primary function is to disperse with the Korambu Construction or temporary dams at the head of South bank canal which was found to be necessary during low supplies in the absence of such a bed regulator. The Kattalai bed regulator consists of south scouring sluice, wing, abutments and approaches, bed regulator proper from the South Scouring Sluice to the other bank and north wing. The total length of Kattalai bed regulator is 4225ft., provided with falling shutters of site 12‟.0 X 2‟.0 to a length of 3660ft., The rest 865‟ left end is of masonry weir with raised crest levels coincides with the top of falling shutters at Central portions. 17 This had further advantage of receiving of regulated flow and development of irrigation.

Most of the villages in the wet taluks are irrigated from the Cauvery directly though some are dependent on the Amaravathi, Aiyyar and several small jungle streams. Korambus or temporary dams are annually constructed in the bed of the river to turn the water into those channels. The branch channels were however generally much out of repair being in same places scoured out of considerable depth and in others choked up with sand and deposit. The irrigated area of the upland taluks was very small, as the surface of the soil is generally on too high to admit the waters of the Cauvery and Vellar rivers. The tanks in the upland area are entirely dependent upon local rains.18

Of the irrigated land in the district, 47 per cent was fed from river channels, 22 per cent by tanks and 31 per cent by wells. The most important channels were those under the Cauvery Coleroon, Nanidyar and Amaravathi river system. The

17 Madras State Administration Report (Hereinafter referred to as M.S.A.R.), 1956-57, Madras, 1958, p.86. 18 Hemingway, F.R., Tiruchirappalli District Gaetteers, Madras, 1907, p.148. 34

Aiyar and Karaipothanar and to a less extend, the northern Vellar were also largely used for irrigation. The Cauvery irrigates 103,000 acres, the Coleroon 5,000 acres, the Nandiyar 3,000 acres and the Amaravathi 2400 acres.19 With regards to the taluk levels, Tiruchirappalli taluk is irrigated by the Uyyakondan and Elanda Vattalai Channels, and Ayyan Vaykkal, Peraval Vaykkal and Nattu Vaykkal.

The following statement shows the details of the Tiruchirappalli taluk irrigated by Channels system from river Cauvery during the year 1875-76. Ayakat (Irrigable Area)

Govt. Inam

Extent Assessment Extent Assessment

S.No. irrigated

Name of Channels

Acres CTS Rs. A Acres CTS Rs. A of Villages ofVillages

No. No. 1 Uyyakondan 89 16,45 21 91751 5 2179 25 5336 0 7

2 Elanda Vattalai 7 1919 82 10100 12 7 14 19 8

3 Ayyan Vaykkal 66 9855 43 54136 6 518 21 1983 15

4 Peraval Vaykkal 97 12964 59 48815 10 701 27 1448 12

5 Nattu Vaykkal 15 3335 35 13572 14 123 85 335 9

Total 274 44530 240 218374 47 3528 172 9121 44

19 Ibid., p. 143. 35

The principal tanks in Tiruchirappalli taluk are Kuttappar, Killiyur and Valavandan Kottai. Kuttappar has an ayakat or irrigable area of 498 acres paying a yearly assessment of Rs. 1,562 in 1875-76. Killiyur has an ayakat of 808 acres and assessment value of Rs. 2,039. Valavandan Kottai tank into which the Uyyakondan channel finally flows with ayakat of 654 acres and assessment worth of Rs. 2,150.20

Important channels in the Musiri taluk are Nattu Vaykkal, Strinivasanallur Channal, Tottiyam Periya Vaykkal, Tottiyam Chinna Vayakkal and Sipilaputtur Channel. The following statement shows the villages in Musiri taluk irrigated by the Channels from river Cauvery during the year 1875-76.

Govt.

S. No. of Name of Channels Villages No. Irrigated Extent Assessment

Acres CTS RS. A

1. Nattu Vaykkal 9 1850 97 10915 3

2. Strinivasanallur Channel 2 328 33 2388 14

3. Tottiyam Periya Vaykkal 8 1311 99 8012 9

4. Tottiyam Chinna Vaykkal 12 1562 69 10139 7

5. Sipilaputtur Channel 2 688 83 4528 2

Total 33 5739 381 35982 35

20 Lewis Moore, op.cit., p.5. 36

There are 53 tanks in the Musiri taluk, of which the most important was Jamberi, which had an ayakat of 1147 acres, paying an assessment of Rs.5768 a year. The large irrigation tank in the Turaiyur Zamindari close to the head-quarter village with an ayakat of 386½ cawnies and paying yearly assessment of Rs 3066, during the year 1875-76.21

The principal sources of irrigation in the Kulithalai taluk are the Cauvery, Amaravathi and Mamundi rivers. The important Channels in Kulithalai taluk are Marudur Nattu Vaykkal, Mahadanapuram Vaykkal, Krishnarayapuram Nattu Vaykkal, Kattai Vaykkal and Nangapuram Vaykkal. The statement shows the partriculars regarding the villages irrigated by the principle Channels from river Cauvery during the year 1875-76.

Govt.

S. No. of Name of Channels Villages No. Irrigated Extent Assessment

Acres CTS RS. A

1. Marudur Nattu Vaykkal 21 5526 89 37423 14

2. Mahadanapuram Vaykkal 4 945 68 6707 1

3. Krishnarayapuam Nattu Vaykkal 6 1227 30 7353 6

4. Kattai Vaykkal 4 1587 67 3834 7

5. Nangapuram Vaykkal 4 2041 99 10848 14

Total 39 11326 353 66165 42

21 Ibid., p. 4. 37

There are 307 tanks in the taluk, of them two important tanks are Maravannur tank with an ayakat of 378 acres, paying an assessment of Rs 957 per annum, and Sevalur tank with an ayakat of 266 acres, remitting an assessment of Rs 666. Both tanks are in the Manapparai division.22 There were large number of tanks, with considerable size, in this division, would not be used due to silted up and in bad order. Only a small portion of the ayakat under these tanks is, as a rule, cultivated, and of the crops sown a large part is withered every year. The cultivators are a hardy race, but they are miserably poor and have been impoverished by frequent bad seasons. In fact a good season in Manapparai, either for the dry crops or the wet under tanks is a very rare occurrence. Thus the British took special efforts for the development of irrigation through several measures.

(ii) Crop Cultivation As in most of the other districts, the chief irrigated crop in Tiruchirappalli was paddy. By far the largest extent of it was grown in the Tiruchirappalli taluk followed by Musiri, Udaiyarpalayam and Kulithalai. Among the other irrigated crops, plantains were grown chiefly in Tiruchirappalli, and to some extent in all the other taluk except Perambalur and Udaiyarpalayam, Sugar cane on a small area, and a little turmeric and betel. Of paddy there were two main varieties known as Samba or Pishanam and Kar. Samba was the best rice variety grown in the district, and was consumed by all the well-to-do classes. It was sometimes a five and sometimes a six month crop. When it was grown as a single crop it was sown in July and August and harvested in December and January. When cultivated as a second crop, it was sown in October and November and harvested in March and April. Normally it is grown first in seed beds and then transplanted. There were thirteen different kinds of Samba grown in the district. Kar was an inferior variety paddy, and was eaten principally by the lower classes. It was of four kinds, known as Kodaikar, Senduruvai, Venkuruvai and Marikar. Of these the first three were

22 Ibid., p.18. 38 four months crops. It was sown in February and March and harvested in July and August.

Among the dry crops grown in the district, ragi was one of the most popular one. It was a four months crop, and sown in May, June, July and August and harvested in September, October, November or December. It was eaten by all classes in the dry villages, usually in the form of cakes. Cholum was extensively grown all over the dry parts of the district especially in Kulithalai and Musiri taluks. It was a four months crop, and was sown in June or July and harvested in October or November. Other important dry crops which were grown in the district were millet, red-gram, black-gram, Horse-gram and Bengal-gram.

(iii) Revenue System The revenue system in Tiruchirappalli was often changed according in accordance with Political development and other factors. During the rule of the Nawab of Arcot, the entire Tiruchirappalli province was brought the Control of Arunachalam Pillai, the manager of revenues. The revenue was collected in kind from the irrigated areas, and the crops being generally divided between the government and the ryot after a deduction of 5 per cent of the gross produce had been made for cultivation expense. In certain cases, however, the ryots were allowed to take from 55 to 68¾ per cent of the produce. The ryots out of their share paid the fees due to the village servants, which varied from 23 to 28 per cent of the gross produce. In the dry part of the district the land tax was collected in money, the rates in some villages being based upon the nature of the soil. The sale of grain was a strict government monopoly and large profits were earned from it.23

When the Tiruchirappalli province was taken possession of by the English in 1801, it extended for about sixty five miles from the banks of the river Vellar

23 Hemingway, F.R., op.cit., p.132. 39 and Coleroon in the north to the borders of Kallarnadu in the South and about fifty five miles the limits up to Thanjavur in the east and to those of Mysore in the West. This province became a district under the English in 1801 with territorial modifications for the convenience of the revenue administration. The first Collector Wallace took charge of the province of Tiruchirappalli and dependent poligars on 31st July 1801 and continued to serve in the same position till April 1804, when he was appointed as a Commissioner to enquire into the state of affairs in Thanjavur. The proclamation issued by the Government of Madras at the time of transfer was also distributed by the Collector to the inhabitants in all parts of Tiruchirappalli.

The immediate task of the new Government was to introduce a new system of land revenue administration to redress the grievances of the people. The Collector himself issued a proclamation on 4th August 1801 stating that all the jagirdars, talukdars, poligars, kavalgars, ryots, merchants and other inhabitants of the Tiruchirappalli province and the dependent palayams were required to consider themselves there forth subject to authority of the English Company24. Wallace made settlement report for 1801for each village separately based being explained by him in person to the ryots. At the same time, an enquiry was ascertaining how the settlement that had just been introduced would work in particular instances, and relaxing or increasing the demands on the ryots accordingly. The Collector, Wallace could not get particulars regarding the details of the revenue of the previous government so he had taken an average of the gross produce of five years as the basis of the rent. The average produce of each village had to be ascertained by taking into account of difference between the mercal of previous year used in this area and the standard or regulated mercal of Tiruchirappalli. The different amounted to 8 1/3 per cent. The manager received grain in terms of the large

24 Revenue Department Consultation, Letter from the Collector to the Chief Secretary to Government, dt.5th August 1801, pp.1451-1452, Quoted in Lewis Moore, op.cit., p.785. 40 mercal and retailed it by the standard mercal. Half of the gross produce was fixed as the share of the Government. Wallace commuted the payments in kind from the irrigated villages into money rates. Wallace‟s Settlement made change in the rates of assessment charged on dry lands, and as far as possible, he altered none of the established local usages in revenue matters.25 During the fasli 121226 more land was brought under the plough than had ever been cultivated previously. Yet they want of rain, and the later date at which the fresher came down the Cauvery, rendered the exertions of the ryots of little or no avail, and both the wet and dry crops were to a great extent lost. In spite of the unfavorable nature of the season, there was, however, a considerable increase in this year both in the extent of land cultivated and in the revenue. In this year the lands in the wet taluks were measured. However, as the measurement was made entirely by the village Karnams and was not checked by properly trained conveyors, it was almost useless. A charge was also made in the commutation price of grain. The rates being fixed for the four wet taluks for the fasli 1212 as for Kar season 8 ½ Fanams per Kalam of paddy, Pishanam season 9½ Fanams, and Valan, 7 Fanams.27

The year 1803-04 had more favorable fasli one. The crops under the lands irrigated by the Cauvery and Coleroon were universally abundant; while the yield on the dry lands was fair. In his settlement for this year, Wallace gave the following figures to show the extent to which the revenue of the province had increased since it came under English rule 28 . The following detail shows the increase of revenue.

25 Sundarraj.T., op.cit., p.67. 26 Fasli Year was calculated from 1st July to 30th June of next year. For converting the fasli year Into the English year 590 should be added. 27 Lewis Moore, op.cit., p.183. 28 Settlement Report for Fasli (Hereinafter referred to as S.R.F.) 1213, Paragraph 85 and 86 41

Fasli Revenue (In Star Pogodas)29 1210 490,171 Star Pagodas

1211 505,660 Star Pagodas

1212 525,648 Star Pagodas

1213 561,926 Star Pagodas

He stated that although the revenue had increased, material relief was given to the people. The commutation price of grain had been lowered, the rates of assessment in the upland taluks reduced, the revenue paid by each ryot accurately defined, and every possible step was taken to inspire confidence and encourage industry. During this time the existing channels, tanks and sluices had been repaired regularly.

In June 1805 Tiruchirappalli district was made a sub-division of Thanjavur and placed under the management of the Collector of that district. In August 1805 Tiruchirappalli was again separated from Thanjavur and formed a separate district. Mr. G. E. Travers, the new Collector of Tiruchirappalli district (A.D.1809-15) found that earlier settlement was not suitable and probable to introduce village lease system. From the Collector‟s settlement Report for the following year1810- 11, one can understand that the condition of the land lords in the irrigated portions of the district had become very bad, owing to the continued low price of grain, which had been prevailed for over four years. The commutation price was much higher than the market price and as a result, the ryots had become poorer year by year. They were obliged to part with whatever little personal effects they might have to meet the Government demand. G.E. Travers in his report gave the following explanation of the landlords of the fertile valley of the Cauvery and

29 Star Pogoda was a gold coin circulated in the Carnatic. A star pagoda was exchanged for 3 ½ rupees. 42

Coleroon having become so impoverished. He showed that as a rule, the wetlands were held by Brahmins, who however, took no part in the cultivation of the soil, but left it entirely too prodigal slaves (Pallars). The agreements between the landlords and the Government, was that the latter should take half the produce, commuted into specie at the rate fixed by Wallace in 180130. Of the 50 per cent of the produce left, the landlords had to give between from 25 to 27 per cent to the pallars and the village servants, and they were thus left with from 25 to 23 per cent for their own support. G.E. Travers considered that it was sufficiently large, provided the price of grain prevailing in the market was anything like equal to the commutation price, but stated them when, as had then been the case for three seasons, there was a loss of two or three gold fanams on every Kalam of Paddy, almost the whole of the 25 to 23 per cent of the produce left to the landholder went to make up the loss sustained by him in converting the Government share into specie.31 The result of the Collector‟s representation was that, in order to improve the condition of the landholders, the irrigated portions of the district were leased out for a term of ten years (Faslis 1223-1232) the rent to be paid for each village being fixed at the average collections for the previous twelve years.32

G.E. Travers was succeeded as collector of Tiruchirappalli by G.M. Lushington in March 1815. In the following year there was no change for the better in the condition of the people, and the Board of Revenue, in consequence of petitions that had been presented to them by the leading landholders of the irrigated villages in the district, called on the Collector to report if the amount of rent was the decennial leases had been fixed too high, and if the fall of the price of grain complained of in the petitions, was likely to be permanent or merely

30 S.R.F. 1234, Paragraph 5 31 S.R.F.1220, Paragraph 4 to 8. 32 S.R.F.1223, Paragraph 14. 43 temporary.33 In his reply, Lushington points out that while G.E. Travers had in introducing the decennial settlement, given it as his opinion that its success would depend on whether the market price of grain remained at least as high as seven gold fanams (13a, 3p) per kalam or not the price had, as a matter of fact, fallen to 5 2/16 gold fanams per Kalam.34 He further showed, that if the entire produce for fasli 1225, deducting 27 per cent for the cultivation charges, had been sold at the prices then the current amount realised would have been actually less that the Government demand and that it was, therefore, impossible for the ryots to fulfill their engagements. 35 He accordingly proposed that when the market price fell below seven gold fanams per Kalam, a corresponding reduction should be made in the assessment. The Collector said that on the importation of grain should be prevented, but he hesitated to recommend this retrograde measure, from a doubt, of its finding acceptance with the board.36

In the following year 1816-17 the north-east monsoon almost totally failed, and this disaster, added to murrain among the cattle, increased the poverty of the cultivating classes, and caused a large number of them to leave the district in the hope of bettering their condition elsewhere. In fasli 1227 (1817-18) the settlement taluks of Uttattur and Kurumbalur were abolished, and out of the greater portion of the villages that had been include in them, together with the jaghire of Ranjangudi that had recently been resumed by the Government, consisting of 36 villages, the taluk of Valikandapuram was formed. At this period the district was sub-divided into wet taluks and dry taluks. The wet taluks were Aylur, Vettukatti, Conad and Lalgudi. The dry taluks were Turaiyur, Ariyalur, Valikandapuram and Udaiyarpalayam. In the same year, because of the breach in the Cauvery river, many across of wet land were in undated. A cholera and fever were broke out

33 S.R.F.1225, Paragraph 21. 34 Letter from Collector to Board, dt. 8th September 1814. 35 S.R.F.1225, Paragraph 22. 36 Ibid., Paragraph, 24-27. 44 among the cultivating class and due to this about 8000 people died.37 In the year 1819-20 due to inundations fifty-five villages, chiefly in the Lalgudi Taluk were swept away, and the first crop of Paddy in them was totally lost. The inhabitants of Samayapuram, a village on the Madras trunk road, seven miles north of Tiruchirappalli, had to be carried in boats to that town, as the whole of the intervening country was under water. In Chintamani, one of the suburbs of Tiruchirappalli, not only were the crops utterly lost, but many of the villagers were drowned. As in the previous year, the floods were succeeded by a pestilence. The two following seasons [fasli 1230-1231] were so favorable that the people began to recover rapidly from the state of destitution to which they had been reduced by the disasters of the previous years. However, the district was found to be still so exhausted. These developments forced the Collector to cancel the decennial settlement in A.D. 1821 before the expiry of the proposed ten years period. Besides Lushington while proposed for making the reduction, expressly declared that the assessment in the wet taluks would no longer be calculated according to the description of crop grown, but merely with reference to the class of the land. In the following year 1822 (fasli 1232) these principles were adhered to and they were also adopted by Saunders, who succeeded Lushington as Collector in August 1823, when making the settlement for fasli 1233.38

The New Collector Soundars (1823-26) while introducing new settlement in fasli 1234 (A.D. 1824-25) the old system was reverted and the second crop was again charged and the assessment from that time up to the introduction of the new settlement was levied, both according to the class of the land and the crop raised on it. In Fasli 1236 pattas were for the first time issued by the Collector to each ryot. Up to this it had been the custom for the collector to settle with the headman of each village the amount to be paid by the community, leaving it to the Tahsildar

37 Sundarraj, T., op.cit., p.69. 38 Lewis Moore, op.cit., p.190. 45 and village officers to decide what portion of the total assessment should be borne during the cultivation. Among the many other improvements in the revenue system, introduced during this period, the pay for the Karnams (village officials) were collected from the ryots by the Tahsildar along with ordinary assessment Karnam was paid. The amount to be paid to these officials was entered in the several pattas given to the ryots. Yet the Tahsildar or his subordinates did not collect it. The Karnams were obliged to get their pay as they could from the ryots, and the result was that they were either exposed to vexatious delay in obtaining their fees, or were induced to show some irregular favor to these who paid them promptly.

Several settlements had been introduced in order to make the ryotwari system so effective. Puckle, Deputy Director of Revenue Settlement in Tiruchirappalli, introduced the revised settlement with new techniques in 1858- 59.39 The settlement classification adopted by Puckle was based upon various factors such as irrigation, nearness to market road facilities and the productive power of land. First wet irrigated land was classed into five groups. The lands which got water for eight months in a year and an average distance of twenty miles from Tiruchirappalli belonged to the first group. The central portion of both Conad and Vetticutti were always wet and hence 13 villages of Conad and 14 villages of Vetticutti belonged into first groups of nunja. The other village of the wet taluks which were irrigated directly from the river chinner or were within the three miles of a market town was taken to form the second group. In this connection 67 villages of Conad, 16 villages Vetticutti, 138 villages of Lalgudi and 24 villages of Musiri making up a total of 245 villages came under the second group.40 The Third group consisted of all villages under tank irrigation, such as 23 villages in Conad, 60 villages in Lalgudi, 7 villages in Musiri, 27 villages in

39Ibid., p, 195. 40 Ibid., p. 201. 46

Turaiyur, 14 villages in Ariyalur and 6 villages in Udaiyarpalayam, making up a total of 137 villages. Fourth group comprised 133 villages of the high land of Udaiyarpalayam, 111 in Ariyalur, 101 in Thuraiyur and 76 in Valikandapuram working out of a total of 421 villages. The fifth group consisted of 45 villages in Conad, 22 villages in Vetticutti, 7 villages Lalgudi, 24 villages in Musiri and 32 villages in Manapparai making up a total of 130 villages. In group classification, the first two came under Cauvery irrigation and the other three chiefly under tank irrigation.41

Three groups of Punja land had been ascertained, in the upland tract. The first group had 230 villages in Lalgudi, 55 villages in Musiri, 33 in Manaparai, 190 in Ariyalur, 225 in Udaiyarpalayam and 114 in Turaiyur making up a total of 847 villages. In the first group of villages, water could be obtained at the depth of a few feet. The second group comprised of 39 villages of Ariyalur, 15 villages of Turaiyur and 127 villages of Valikandapuram making up a total of 181 villages. Since these villages were situated far away from the market and other communication facilities, they were placed in the second group. Third group with a total of 231 villages comprised of 157 villages of Conad, 63 villages of Vetticutti, 2 villages of Turaiyur and 9 villages of Valikandapuram.42

Puckle remarked that the settlement operations had tended, to revise rather than to reduce the existing rates of assessment, for that although all those for not irrigated land above Rs. 3-8-0 and those for irrigated above Rs 8 had been reduced to those maximum rates, yet on the other hand, the assessment had been raised in many cases where the land paid a nominal tax. This was however unavoidable as the revenue system of the district was, with some modifications, that of the

41 Ibid., p. 205. 42 Letter from Puckle to H. Newill, dt. 28 October 1860, Papers Relating to Survey and Settlement in Tiruchirappalli, Madras, 1876, p. 107. 47

Mohammedan government, and varying and arbitrary taxation of the former renters of those taluk was till retained. The assessment on dry land had been reduced in every taluk. Puckle was of opinion that the total loss of land revenue for the entire district, consequent on the revision of assessment would not be more than Rs. 50,000. To this might be added Rs. 67,478 the amount of the collection on account of Katali-silavu and grazing tax, thus making the total remission about Rs.1 ¼ lakhs. As a set-off against this reduction there was, in the four northern taluk, 220, 232 acres of cultivable waster, assessed at Rs. 3,12,387 much of which would, no doubt, be taken up then that it could be obtained upon easy terms.43 The greater portion of the Agricultural community will greatly benefit by the revision of assessment, and be induced to extend their cultivation, while in the exceptional cases, where a merely nominal tax had been raised by the classification, it was optional to the ryots to pay the assessment or to give a razinamah for such portion of their lands as they found themselves unable to cultivate.

The commutation prices were fixed after considering the prices of the previous years. Puckles had taken into account the price-list of 20 years from 1845-64. The commutation rate was based upon three averages of six particular standard averages. First for the period between fasli 1221 to 1262, second from 1262 to 1268 and the third 1268 to 1211. The results obtained were annas 9-4, annas 14-3 and annas 10-8 per Harris callum respectively. But finally, rates were fixed with reference to the average town price prior to fasli 1263, deducting certain arbitary per centages for the cost of carriage from the interior. The resulting rates of commutation for paddy were Rs. 66-10-8, cholam 100-00, cambu 83-5-4, ragi 83-5-4, varagu 50-0-0 per Madras Garce.44

43 Ibid., p.112. 44 Ibid., p.115. 48

The share of the Government as proposed by the Puckles settlement was one half of the net or one third of the gross produce. Apart from this he wanted an overall reduction of thirteen per cent on wet and eleven per cent on dry lands. The Home Government decided that one half of the net produce was the share of the Government. The rates thus worked out ranged from Rs.9-4-0 to Rs.1 for wet lands and from Rs. 3-8-0 to four annas for dry lands. The average assessment per acre on dry land was annas 14 and wet land was Rs. 4-4-0. The Board fixed a 1/3 rd addition to the first crop in the case of irrigated double-crop lands and 1/4th for the tank irrigated land. The garden lands were highly revenue. The duration of the settlement was fixed for thirty years.45 In spite of introducing different types of settlements the grievances of the landlords and problems connected with the revenue affairs were not settled. Hence government decided to go for a new system called in Ryotwari system. Ryotwari Settlement was a kind of land and fiscal control in which the government directly collected the revenue from the ryots without intermediaries at a fixed rate for a term of thirty years. Tiruchirappalli was the first district in the Madras Presidency to introduce ryotwari settlement in 1865. The thirty years period was expired in 1895 and the resettlement way introduced in the same year. Subsequently second resettlement was introduced in A.D. 1924. The survey of 1861 in Tiruchirappalli lacked accuracy. Yet the new survey exposed that, there were 87245 acres of cultivated land which had escaped the assessment. The revenue settlement survey did not extend to Zamindari (or) other estates. The survey charges were collected from the ryots along with the assessment. The total area of ryotwari of Tiruchirappalli according the new survey was 2580 square miles. Only the ryotwari area was affected by the ryotwari settlements.

45 Revenue Department (Mis), G.O.577, 5th April, 1864, p.9.

49

In 1895, following the expiry of the period of land revenue settlement adopted by Puckles, steps were taken for the re-settlement. Except for special reasons, no general classification of soils, a fresh calculation of grain-outturns, cultivation expenses and allowances for vicissitudes of seasons were considered at the time of the resettlement. As resettlement was based on the variations in price levels over a period of years, it was necessary to determine the extent to which such variations occurred subsequent to the introduction of the expiring settlement. Between 1865 and 1895, the prices of food grains had increased unprecedently. When compared with the commutation rates of Thanjavur, the assessment was very low in Tiruchirappalli. Moreover the much needed reclassification of the irrigation sources and the inclusion of garden lands as dry lands were some of the factors which led to the resettlement.

The whole of the deltaic tract was reclassified on the lines adopted for similar lands in the Thanjavur District. The soil was divided into three main series namely alluvial, rear and red ferruginous. Irrigation sources were divided into three classes. The channels from the Cauvery were placed in the first class, those from Coleroon in the second class and the Amaravathi and Nandiyar river channels were placed in the third class. Of the 345 minor channels, 216 were placed in the first, 114 were the second and 15 were in the third class. A revision of the wet ayacut was undertaken. The Olaperi lands were ordered to be transferred and considered on par with wet lands of the deltaic tract. The transfer from wet to dry amounted to some 300 acres and dry to wet nearly 4400 acres.46 In the settlement in 1865, Olaperi lands were treated under permanently improved dry. For the purpose of assessment all the dry villages in the deltaic tract were put under one group.

46 Revenue Department (Mis), G.O. No. 200, p. 9. 50

The commutation rates fixed by the resettlement were for Paddy Rs. 124, cumbu Rs. 136, ragi Rs. 134 and varagu Rs. 87 per Madras garce. The rates of assessment per acre ranged from annas eight to Rs. seven for dry lands and from Rs. three to fourteen for wet lands. As per the resettlement, there was an increase of 30 per cent over the stipulated 18 ¾ per cent. The Board and the Government viewed that the assessment was very high because of the very low assessment of the previous settlement.47

The second and last resettlement of Tiruchirappalli was conducted in 1924- 25. The following are the chief features of the second resettlement. In the 1895, resettlement there was no reclassification. The second resettlement adopted five classes of sources of irrigation in the case of wet land of Kadarambam or upland on the basis of the individual capacity of the sources.48 But none of the sources were placed in the first class, because in the flood of 1924. The best sources were silted due to flood. The second class consisted of the sources which supplied water for eight months and upwards. The third class consisted of the sources which supplied water for five to eight months. The fourth class supplied water for five to three months. The fifth class comprised minor sources which afforded a supply for less than three months.

There was no general reclassification of sources in the Nirarambam or irrigated land except that the classification of five sources. Because of the flood of 1924, five sources had been tendered second class from the first. Accordingly a reduction of Rs. 15674 was allowed. On the basis of the supply of water, the wet ayacuts in the Kadarambam were reclassified. An extent of 672.77 acres of permanent double crop was transferred to single wet crop. An extent of acres 34-

47 Hemmingway, F.R., op.cit., p.229. 48 Five Sources of irrigation were: 1. Marudur Nattu Vaikkal 2. Mahadanapuram Vaikal 3. Elandavaytalai Channel, 4. Puduvaytalai, and 5. Ramavaytalai Channel. 51

40 permanent double crop was made into compound double crop. Further, an extent of 1151.39 acres of single crop was transferred to permanent double crop. In addition to this extend of 161.46 acres of compound double crop was transferred to single wet crop. Following this extend of 970.45 acres of double crop compounded at ordinary rates was placed as double crop as favorable rates.49The extent of dry land transferred to wet land was 9409. 35 acres and the extent of wet transferred to dry were 1104.24 acres. Lands irrigated solely from doravu wells were registered as dry. The area under doravu wells according to resettlement was 678.46 acres and the assessment was Rs. 415-4-0. As per the settlement of 1925 there were twenty eight money rates to the dry groupings. The highest rate was Rs.5.15 and the lowest was three annas. Special rates were imposed on dry land where it was possible to get water.50

The trend of the extension in cultivation was not proportional to the first settlement. The assessment area at the time of the introduction of the settlement in 1895 was 1024144 acres and towards the close of the resettlement period in 1924 it was 1130983 acres. New areas brought under cultivation within the interior period of thirty years had only been 106839 acres whereas in the first settlement period the expansion was by 245000 acres. The reasons attributed to this pattern of development were high assessment and reduction of holdings as a result of the construction of road and railway lines.

The last resettlement had been conducted during 1924-25. Under this settlement, the peramboke lands which were assessed and pattas were given amounted to 10358.10 acres. The average assessment for dry was Rs 3-12 per acre and for wet was Rs.8-8. The increase in dry assessment seemed high. The overall

49 Revenue Department (Mis), G.O. No. 373, dt 28th Feb 1927, p.6. 50 Lewis Moore, op.cit., p.487. 52 increase under dry lands was twelve per cent and wet lands 18 ¾ per cent51. At the opening of the last resettlement the area of cultivation was 113098352 acres and in 1947 it was 1395191 acres.53 The growth of the area of the assessment during the span of twenty two years was the result of the opening of the Mettur Dam in 1934 and the New Kattalai High Level channel. Development of the irrigation facilities had brought ten areas under the plough.

In 1946, the Madras Government appointed a special officer to investigate the problems of the ryots in the ryotwari areas. As a result, the Government ordered the cancellation of the percentage of enhancement imposed during settlement after 1914. Tiruchirappalli was not a rich district of the Madras Presidency. The people were generally poor. The average holding of the ryot‟s proportion to the population from 1900 to 1947 was 5.48 dry and 0.85 wet. There were 53 patta holders in Tiruchirappalli who paid the assessment of over Rs. 1000 per annum. The area cultivated by them was 49997 acres. The average acres possessed by a pattadar were 944 acres. The district was also not very fertile compared to Thanjavur and South Arcot. In 1920, 1/5th of the total arable area was under paddy cultivation and in 1947; it was 1/4th of the arable area. Twenty per cent of the paddy produced was from Lalgudi taluk.54

The rigid revenue policy of the government and its coercive method of collection continued throughout the 19th century as well as in the early 20th century leading to agitation in 1890 and 1920 in Tiruchirappalli. In 1933 Tiruchirappalli landowners association demanded remission of land revenue because there was a great fall in price of grain during the depression year. Yet, the government was

51 Hemmingway, F.R., op.cit., p.222. 52 Revenue Department (Mis), G.O. No. 373, dt 28th Feb 1927, p.11. 53 Report of the Special Officer on Land Tenures in the Ryotwari Areas of the Madras Presidency, Madras, 1951, pp. 166-67. 54 Ibid., p. 170. 53 unwilling to heed their demand. The policy of colonial government to extract a heavy land tax with the application of coercive methods led to the ryots to fall into a debt trap.

In certain cases remission had been made. Remission fell under two categories, „Casual‟ and „Fixed‟ remissions were all owned in case of withering of crops (shavi) due to water shortage or blight. Under casual remission peasants were allowed remission of land revenue if they raised only dry crops due to non- availability of water in lands that came under wet assessment. This type of remission was called as „Tiruva-Kame‟ (Reduction of Revenue). Again under „Fast-Kam‟ (Crop-deficiency) remission was allowed when one crop failed in a land assessment for two crops. Remission was permitted in case of a land in question was taken for public purpose or washed away by river.

Under fixed remission the converted lands on elevated –plains and lands cultivated by lift irrigation received remission. In an attempt to encourage plantations, groves and topes were allowed to claim tax remission for a period of twenty years. Under „Dasabandham‟ remission were allowed for carrying out construction works or repair of tanks, wells and channels and the wastelands when brought under cultivation.

3. Industry Tiruchirappalli, traversed by the river Cauvery from West to East, has been a traditional agricultural district. The most important local industries were weaving and manufacture of cigars. Cigar was almost entirely confined to Tiruchirappalli town where from a large quantam of cigars was sent to all parts of India. The tobacco used was chiefly imported from Dindigul, as the local growth was coarse and inferior.

54

Iron was manufactured in one or two villages in the north Musiri taluk. A shell marble was set up in Perambalur taluk, of which the tops of tables, paper weights and similar ornaments were made. Pottery materials, including pipe clay and gypsum were common in the district55. Pottery units were scattered all over the district. Basket making, mat making, bricks and tiles manufacturing were carried out as in other parts of the state. Building stone and stone useful for road metalling, limestone and late rite minerals were available and mineral based industries sprang up for exploiting these economic value products. The weaving of pure silk fabrics was rare in this district. The large numbers of silk clothe was worn by the women of the richer classes.

Valuable cloths of various kinds made of mixed silk and cotton were woven on a large scale. Perhaps the most profitable of those were the silk and cotton tartans (Kailies) for Muslims made by the Pattunulkarans in several places. About 900 persons of this caste were employed in this industry in the Tiruchirappalli fort, some 250 or 300 in the suburb of Uraiyur. Uraiyur was a great center of cotton trade. About one hundred of them were at pudukkotai, some 30 at Illupur and about half a dozen at Ariyalur56. These tartans were very popular among Muslims men who used them for waists-clothes, and they were also cut up and made into tight-fitting, bodies by Hindu women. Among the tartans, produced in Ariyalur was especially widely used for the latter purpose. They were also exported in considerable quantities. The Pudukkottai and Illupur Products were exported to Rangoon, and that the Tiruchirappalli variety transported to various large Mohammodan centres. The weaving industry was in a flourishing condition, though the profits of the weavers were said to be less. A large number of weavers of various castes are employed in making cotton cloths for Hindus, which contained more or less silk. Some 250 households live by the manufacture of

55 Maclean, C.D., Manual of Administration in Madras Presidency, Vol. I, Madras, 1885, p.361. 56 Nilakanda Sastri.K.A. , op.cit., p.142. 55 men‟s cloths of this character at Jayamkondacholapuram and Manamedu [Musiri taluk] and about 100 was in Uraiyur, Namakkal, Tattaiyyangarpetti and Pudukkottai. The best were woven in a few villages of the Tiruchirappalli and Udaiyarpalayam taluks, the weaving of these fabrics and the profits from the industry were said to be on the decrease.57

A considerable manufacture of cotton carpets was carried on in the district. They were largely made in the jail at Tiruchirappalli. Further the Vellalans and Padiyachis were engaged in weaving them at Ranjangudi in Perambalur taluk, and Madura in the Udaiyarpalayam taluk. Two Pattunullkaran families were at Uraiyur engaged in weaving. Sometimes they were made in the factory at Karur. They were of simple designs, usually straight stripes of different colours and were made in the ordinary upright loom. Comparing to Karur carpets, the Udaiyarpalayam carpets, were more ornamental and larger. They were called sadir (dancing) Carpets, having the length of 20 or 25 feet and 9 or 10 feet broad. The industry was on the decline, attributed by the weavers to the competition of jail-made carpets.58

A large number of mats, either of plaited cocoanut leaves or woven out of Korai grass, were made in many villages in the low lands of the district. The cocoanut mats were made by most of the poor classes, and were for screens or for that ching. The Korai mats were mostly used for sleeping on. The chief centre of the industry was in Uraiyur. The chief caste employed in it were the Odakkarans (also called Guha Vellalan‟s of Ramas boatman) but at Uraiyur the talungu pandaramas are also largely engaged in manufacture of Korai mats.59

57 Hemmingway,F.R., op.cit., pp.157-59. 58 Ibid., p.165. 59 Ibid., p.173. 56

Metal vessels for household use were made in a few places and on a small scale. 50 Kammalar families at Tiruchirappalli manufactured brass vessels and 30 at Sirukambur. The brass-workers of Aranarai and Olappadi also manufactured vessels from an alloy of four parts of lead to one of the copper usually called bell metal. Srikambur had a sizable number of bell-metal smiths. Copper vessels were made in a few shops owned by Goanese merchants in Tiruchirappalli and Karur. The black smiths of Nammakkal taluk manufactured leads made vessels. A good deal of ornamental metal work was done in the district. Bell metal tops for bullock‟s horns were made at Vengampatti. The fancy silversmith of Uraiyur in Tiruchirappalli manufactured fancy silver articles of many kinds. Each vessel generally required being caste in three portions that were afterwards welled together. The industry was very small and fifteen to twenty men were employed in the Uraiyur silver work.

The native jewels made by the gold smith were of the kind usually found in the south. Some 40 or 50 Marakkayans in Tiruchirappalli however imported rubies from Burma and Madras, polished them locally and sometimes set them in jewellery and re-exported them to Singapore, Penang and Colombu, as well as to the neighbouring districts of Madras Presidency. Oil-pressing industries are quite numerous in this district Gingelly and castor oil is made everywhere in the district and margosa oil industry thrived largely in the uplands. Groundnut oil was manufactured to small extent in a number of places, especially in the Udaiyarpalayam taluk60, Illupai oil was made in small quantities. It is curious that no coconut oil was pressed in the lowlands though cocoanut cultivation was common. It seems that the people had distaste for it and the raw material was consequently exported to be utilized elsewhere. Some well-known centre for the oil industry was Manachanallur in the Tiruchirappalli taluk, where some 200

60 Lande, G.C., op.cit., p. 521.

57 persons crushed castor oil and vengampatti and Telungapatti in Kulithalai taluk, where about half that number were similarly employed. Margo oil was prepared by the 100 households in Thogamalai in the Kulithalai taluk. The people employed in oil pressing were invariably by caste. Bullocks were employed in oil pressing. The oil crushed was mostly consumed in the district. But the factories in Tiruchirappalli, exported a fair amount of groundnut and castor oil to markets in Tanjavur and Madurai. Margo oil manufactured at Kulithalai was exported to Colomb. The crushed wastes of groundnut and Castro seeds were made into cakes and exported to Colombo and South Arcot as manure. No oil seemed to be imported into the district except the Kerosine and some Illupai oil for making soap61.

Tannery industry was flourishing in Tiruchirappalli region. Two tanners employing some 250 workmen were at work in Tiruchirappalli town, and a smaller one at Srirangam. These tan the skins of sheep and goats. The skins were soaked in chunam and water for a week, the hair then scraped off and the skins were returned to the mixture for another five days. They were then soaked in a solution of „Avaram‟ for a week, cleaned and returned to the solution for another week. They were finally soaked with gingelly oil and scarped with a metal plate to make them soft. The skins of the sheep and goats were exported to England and the skins of the cattle to the neighboring district to be used for shoe making, picottah bags, saddles, etc. The latter were also largely used locally for those purposes62.

At several places in the district good shoes and other leather articles were made. The shoes of Tiruchirappalli, which were made of leather dyed red or

61 Hemmingway,F.R., op.cit., p.165. 62 Franics, W., Imperial Gazetteers of India, Provincial Series, USHA Publications, New Delhi, 1985, p.178. 58 scarlet were well known through a large part of the Madras Presidency, and those of Udaiyarpalaiyam and of Sendamanagalam and Nallipalaiyam have also a fair local representation. At the latter three places only a few Chakkiliyans were engaged in this industry but in Tiruchirappalli about 300 Chakkiliyan‟s and ten Muchis were employed63.

In the middle of the eighteenth century, South India had several industries such as rural economy spinning, wearing and dying; processing agricultural commodities such as sugar and vegetable oils; the making of pots and metal utensils and simple agricultural implements and leather manufacturing. These industries, which catered to the needs of the villagers, were generally highly dispersed, but there were a few luxury industries supplying export demand and the needs of the small upper class like silks, jewellery, musical instruments, furniture and so forth. There were potentialities for industrial advance. A substantial merchant community was flourishing by textiles, shipping industry and mineral resources, especially iron ore, which gave rise to a widespread iron mining and smelting industry and some steel manufactures. The other mineral resources included lead, copper and diamond mines.

The textile industry was the most important measured by labour absorption and output rate. Domestic production met nearly all local requirements, whether for the coarse cloth used by the bulk of the population or the finer cottons and silks used by the uppear class. Trade with other parts of India was relatively unimportant, but export abroad was substantial. The orgainzation of the industry was complex. Weavers belonged to particular specialized castes, did many of the ancillary works, like dying and printing and so on. The handlooms and the spinning wheel, producing their regular myriads of spinners and weavers, were the

63Tiruchirappalli Municipality Centenary Celebrations Souvenir 1866-1966, Tiruchirappalli, 1966, p.121. 59 pivots of the structure of society from immemorial times. Europe received the admirable textures of Indian labours, sending for them her precious metals and furnishing there by her material to the goldsmith. Craftsmen lost their patrons, who had been giving them material help and encouragement to improve their skils.64

From 1814 onwards, the policy of the British government was to adopt measures, which would facilitate the export of their Indian raw material to Britain required by the British industry. The importance of India to England in the first half of the century laid in the fact that India supplied some of the essential raw material such as hides oil, dyes, jute and cotton, required for the developing industries in England. At the same time India offered a growing market for British made iron and cotton. Colonial Economic Policy was detrimental to the development of Indian industries. Yet, in 1818 the first modern industrial factory was set up in India. In 1830 same attempts were made to introduce modern methods of iron smelting by an Englishman who established his work in Madras. But these early attempts invariably came to grief due to lack of capital and enterprise. Domestic capital was not yet prepared to seek profits in modern manufacturing but preferred the easier and less uncertain returns from commerce and land holding65. The Commercial policies of the East Indian company were not particularly helpful for the industrial capitalists, foreign or Indian, seeking to introduce new manufacturing methods into India. During the years of Great Depression, India‟s imports as well as exports declined. England abandoned the gold standard in 1933. This resulted in phenomenal rise in the price of gold and heavy export from India.

64 Dutt,R.C., The Economic History of India, Vol. II, Director of Publication, Govt. of India, New Delhi, 1960, p.182. 65 Dhires Bhattacharyya, op.cit., p.106. 60

4. Trade and Transport Tiruchirappalli town was an important center of trade. All surplus produce, were brought to the market, where there were wholesalers and retailers for all commodities. The common practice in ancient days, was the barter system, by which, ones surplus goods were exchanged for the goods and services required by him. Gradually marketing became more and more organized with the improvement in transport services. Commodities began to move from surplus to deficit areas. Merchants to render the service of buying at some places and selling at others came into existence. Soon trading centres were sprung, which in turn became urbanised. Marketing functions became specialised. Assembling of commodities in central markets came about. Simultaneously, progressive science ushered in the machine age. Industries depending on agricultural raw materials like cotton and oil seeds were started. These raw materials were converted into consumer goods 66 . The ryots, who started as a subsistence farmer found opportunities to increase his income from the land by substituting commercial crops for food crops. Increase in commercial crops and their large turnover led to the erection of produce exchange.

The “Shandies” are of ancient origin and were a social commitment of the village system, which were found wherever there was a need for the exchange of surplus commodities. These places of exchange became gradually fixed and people gathered in the same place for buying and selling. These village shandies helped a good deal in the sale of produce in the village and the village weekly markets became places of brisk trade. The following were the important trading centres for retail sales and for the disposal of surplus stocks to the wholesalers.

66 Krishnaswami, Rural Problems in Madras, Government of Madras, 1947, p.313.

61

S.No Centre Name of the Commodity

1 Alangudi Groundnut, Paddy and Cashew nut

2 Keeranur Groundnut, Paddy and Cashew nut

3 Thuraiyur Groundnut, Gingelly and Cotton

4 Manaparai Groundnut, Gingelly and Cotton

5 Karur Tabacco, Groundnut, Chillies

6 Ariyalur Chillies and Groundnut

7 Lalgudi Paddy, Blackgram, Greengram

8 Manachanallur Rice

9 Thottiyam Paddy and Chillies

10 Thathiyangar Petti Chillies

In Tiruchirappalli district, there were four large markets located at Ariyalur, Jayamkondam, Tiruchirappalli and Karur. Among the four, Ariyalur market was the largest one having a capacity of handling 600 tons per day. There were 12 medium markets. Works were carried out by the municipality to construct a market, situated on a portion of the reclaimed moat of the south of the fort in Tiruchirappalli town. It was commenced in 1867 and completed in the following year. The total expenditure incurred in this work up to the year 1874 was over Rs.20, 000 and an average income up to that date was Rs. 3,924 and that for the year previous to that remained as high as Rs. 4752 or over 20 per cent, on the

62 expenditure. Since 1874 considerable improvements had been made in the market. It had been enlarged to almost double its original size at a cost of Rs. 2,807; the portion thus added being used as a grain market and by petty vendors. Butcher‟s stalls had been constructed at a cost of Rs. 2,422 and a terrace, containing additional shops, had been erected outside the old portion of the building on which a sum of Rs. 1631 had been expended. The income derived from the market considerably increased in consequence of these extensions, and in 1876-77 it was leased out for Rs. 7,222. At a distance of a few hundred yards from the fort market another one had been constructed in which straw and firewood were sold. There were also two smaller markets, one in Uraiyur and one in Marsackpetta near the Cantonment for the convenience of the inhabitants of those of the town.67

During the pre –independence period, the F.P.S system of weights and measures was in vogue. Madras measures like vallam, marakkal, etc., were under use. The Pound system was adopted for weighment. The above F.P.S system that was not uniformly accepted as international system of measure led to series of malpractices that hampered the national economy68.

3 toolahs =1 Palam

8 Pallams =1 „Cutcha‟ seer

5 cutcha seers =1 Madras „Visae‟

25 Pallams =1 „pucka‟ seer

8 „pucka‟ seers =1 toolahs(15.41b)

52 toolahs =1 cardy(493.1b)

67 Lewis Moore, op.cit., p.280. 68 Maclean, C.D., op.cit., pp.518-19. 63

In Woraiyur, the „Pucka‟ seer was 27½ Palams or 82½ toolahs and the toolah was 5½ Madras Visai or 660 toolahs or 17 lb. Grains were measured with measures of different size. The different measures and their equivalents are given below.

1 Pady - 116 Rupees Weight.

1 Half Pady - 58 Rupees Weight.

1 Vullam or Half Mercal - 2 Puddies

1 Mercal - 4 Puddies

1 Cullum - 12 Mercal.

For measuring liquids, Rs. and grain measures were used. Ghee was sold in retail in the bazaars in seers of 75 Rs. weights. In town the grain measure was used by the people for selling ghee in the houses. The wholesale measure for ghee was the „Pothy‟ of 105 seers, sub-divided into 8 pots or chatties and each pot into 4 chemboos. The wholesale measure for oil was the „Pody‟ of 120 seers sub-divided into 6 andams.69

Tolls were collected at 26 places on the roads. The District Board annually leased the right to collect them. The Tiruchirappalli and Srirangam Municipal Councils, did not levy tolls on vehicles and animals entering their limits, but the District Board out of the tolls collected in Tiruchirappalli paid the council two- fifths of the net amount collected and in the case of Srirangam, it paid 15 per cent.

69 Ibid., 64

In Karur, the six gates at the municipal boundaries were controlled by the municipality and one third of the net receipts were paid to the District Board70.

Head load was the earliest mode of transport of commodities to the markets. Carts drawn by bullocks and horses were later introduced for transportation of goods. In the district, as there was no bridge or culvert across the rivers or streams which used to be in spate during rainy season, travelling was bound to be slow and at the same time tedious. Travelling was usually made in short stages about 20 to 30km. a day, either at nights or in cool mornings and evenings. For instance, a journey from Triuchirappalli to Pudukkottai, a distance of about 50km. involved three or four broken stages. The uneven rough roads caused damages to vehicles which made the journey the most inconvenient. This was added with the perils arising from robbers, who infested the principal highway. There were several notorious spots where the general travellers and merchants were frequently waylaid and robbed. As a result, carts used to go in piles, strengthen their fleet, the men equipping themselves with all sorts of available weapons to safeguard their life and belongings71.

The head load carriers when fatigued, rested their head loads on stone bars called „Sumaithangikal‟, erected with the two up right pillars on which was rested horizontally a plank like stone bar to a height of about 1 to 1½ meters. To this, the head load was shifted from the head till the carrier feels afresh to continue his journey. Tradition has it that these stones were erected in memory of pregnant women who died while delivery72. For the people, goods carts were a source of cheap conveyance. Till the 1850‟s the transport of the common people among the villages was bullock carts, used for transporting goods like grains, manure, sand,

70 Hemingway, F.R., op.cit., p.181. 71 Velmani, K.S.K ., op.cit., p.764. 72 Maclean, C.D., op.cit., p.365. 65 vegetables etc. The horses were also used to carry the loads such as war and provisions.

In Tiruchirappalli district, the District Chamber of Commerce was established on 5 October 1929. Members, tradesmen, shop owners, etc, having certificate of registration under TNGST Act. Persons connected with trade and commerce having income tax of permanent account numbers, bankers, fabricators, manufactures, industrialists, having license under State or Central Government and registered professionals connected with trade or commerce were qualified to become members of this organisation. The members of the chamber of commerce were mainly dealing with paddy, rice, pulses, food grain, gold and silver ornaments, jewellery, artificial diamonds, readymade garments, saris, men‟s wear, electric goods and innumerable goods of varying items. These items were either procured within the state or from other states. While some goods and previsions were marketed within the state, some items were exported to other states.

As the company‟s Indian trade declined, if gradually passed into the hands of private merchants to whom it was first opened in 1813. During sixteen years after the date, the company‟s trade averaged; 882,718 annually, while private trade averaged £5,451,452 annually. The private trade was therefore three times as great as the Company‟s trade and the private traders thus proved that they were themselves fitter to carry on the trade with India. The process of the extinction of Indian manufactures went on, under the new arrangements.

The first import of British cotton twist into India was occurred in 1823. The quantity of import in 1824 was 121,100 lbs and in 1828 it increased to 4,000,000 lbs. India‟s imports and exports during the period 1874 to 191468.

68 Evidence taken before the Common‟s Committee, 1832., Vol-II Appendix-5. 66

Years Imports (Annual Exports (Annual Average Average Rupees.in crore) Rupees.in crore) 1874-1879 38.36 60.32

1879-1884 50.16 79.08

1884-1889 61.51 88.64

1889-1894 70.78 104.99

1894-1899 73.67 107.53

1899-1904 84.68 124.92

1904-1909 119.85 165.44

1909-1914 151.67 224.23

India‟s imports and exports 1919-1930 (Rupees. in crore)

Years Imports Exports Total Balance 1919-20 221.70 336.00 557.70 (+) 114.30

1920-21 347.56 267.76 615.32 (-) 79.80

1921-22 282.59 248.65 531.24 (-) 33.94

1922-23 246.19 316.07 562.26 (+) 69.88

1924-25 253.37 400.27 653.61 (+) 146.87

1925-30 249.71 318.99 568.70 (+) 69.28

67

During the years of Great Depression, India‟s imports as well as exports declined. England abandoned the Gold standard in 1933. This resulted in phenomenal rise in the price of gold and heavy export of gold from India. Most of the countries affected by the Great Depression with declining prices of agricultural and manufactured goods and rising unemployment, resorted to restrictions on international trade such as traffic quota-fixation exchange controls and so on which brought about further decline in world trade and therefore also in India‟s foreign trade. Steep fall in India‟s exports from Rs.568.60 crores in 1929-30 to Rs.267.51 crores in 1933-34 was mainly due to disastrous decline in agricultural prices in India and decline in foreign demand for those commodities because of the declining Industrial production in the European countries73.

India‟s imports and exports (1939-45) (Rupees.in.crores)

Year Imports Exports Total 1939-40 164.76 213.57 378.33

1940-41 156.72 198.69 355.41

1941-42 172.86 252.88 425.74

1942-43 110.39 194.70 305.09

1943-44 119.05 209.99 329.04

1944-45 200.99 227.07 428.06

73 Romesh Dutt, op.cit., p. 106.

68

Fails to fully reflect the dislocation caused by world war-II as also changes in the composition of imports and exports. But it is clear that imports fell much more steeply than exports as European countries were pre-occupied with war and diverted their maximum resources to the production of war materials. India‟s exports were maintained at a fairly high level by channeling India‟s trade to allied countries for helping them to prosecute war with maximum possible efficiency. Tiruchirappalli district also had a major role in the export of the product and utilization of the imported things.

When the East India Company began to extend its, authority further to the city of Madras, it felt the need for good roads to facilitate fast movements of their troops and provision. This caused it to pay more attention to develop roads that they lay connecting strategic places. A number of bridges and culverts were built over the rivers and canals. By abolishing the transit duties, which they earlier imposed, the East India Company facilitated free movement of commodities of trade. Large number of pack bullocks was replaced by carts. A great extension of roads in the presidency took place in the second half of the 19 century. In 1819, the East India Company divided its territories in the Madras Presidency into three divisions, each under the charge of a civil engineer, for the purpose of improving communication facilities. Road construction of the whole presidency was placed under the Inspector General of Civil Estimates.

As the workload increased the presidency was divided into eight Maramath divisions in 1838, each under the charge of a civil engineer. The Engineering Department was established in 1785, which had jurisdiction over roads and other means of communications in the cantonments. Till the abolition of the Engineering Department in 1858, it along with the Maramath Department and the Board of Revenue had shared the work of improving and maintaining the communications of the presidency until 1858. Before this, in 1851 the Court of Directors in

69

England appointed a public works commission based on the need for public works, which gradually was converted into a Public Works Department in the year 1858. This department caused improvement in roads throughout the presidency including Tiruchirappalli district. A good road was laid from Tiruchirappalli to Thanjavur that was opened for traffic in 1849. It was only during this period that the Southern Trunk Road was laid. Then, the interest of the East India Company was to move their troops along these roads. Tiruchirappalli was, ever then, an important centre being the centrifugal point and, hence had many roads radiating from there.

The Local Fund Board of Tiruchirappalli circle maintained 25 roads during this period. It was at this time that the government enticed interest in the development of roads. The idea was mooted out in 1927 when the council of state pointed out the need to develop the roads in India. As a result, the Government of India appointed a committee to go into the question. To bring the villages into more contact with the towns and to facilitate trade, the committee expressed an imperative need for road development in all state in India. In 1933 Vipan was appointed as special officer to prepare an exhaustive scheme of road development.74 In this report, submitted in 1935, he pointed out several drawbacks in the system then in existence and the constraints and burdens with which the District Board had to function. The District Board had no sufficient funds especially after the abolition of tolls, nor did it receive sufficient financial help from the government. Hence, it would not pay adequate attention to roads. Increase in motor traffic warranted better maintenance of marketing roads. The unbalance in the road system could be corrected only when the important roads were classified into trunk roads and marketing roads and adequate grants were forth coming from the government for their maintenance.

74 Vipan, A Scheme of Road Development for the Madras Presidency, Madras, 1938, p.5. 70

In the early days, number of small-unabridged streams which crossed the roads, were hindering the movement of traffic, especially during rainy seasons. Ferry service was in operation till the middle of the century, in a number of places to cross the Cauvery and Coleroon rivers. As developments to roads were made, new bridges had to be constructed for the smooth flow of traffic75.

Tiruchirappalli is well served by the mainline of the Southern Railway‟s, a branch of which runs from Tiruchirappalli to Erode. While the former is a meter gauge line, the latter is a broad guage line. The former enters the district from the east about 24km. from Tiruchirappalli junction, and afterwards runs for 56km. through the district on its way to Dindigul and Madurai. The first line constructed by the former Great Southern Indian Railway Company was the one running from Nagapattinam to Erode through Tiruchirappalli. The line was extended up to Karur in July 1866 and as far as Erode in 1868. The meter gauge line from Tiruchirappalli to Madurai was opened for traffic in September 1875, as part of the new main line from Madras to Tuticorin. Along with the extension of the line from Tiruchirappalli to Tuticorin in the south, the line was further extended from Thanjavur to Madras in the north and completed by the end of 1878.

Though Tiruchirappalli produced agriculture based industrial products such as cotton, silk and sugar cane, the colonial government did not give much importance to the development of local industries. Inspite, Tiruchirappalli had huge mineral resources, they were not used for the industrial growth. Regarding the economic policy of the British in Tiruchirappalli is concerned it gave importance for the improvement of the irrigation system for increasing the production of paddy and other grains required to meet the needs of the local

75 Ibid,

71 people and the military. The British also introduced several revenue settlements in Tiruchirappalli region in order to collect more revenue to meet their expenses. They development roads and railways and built bridges across the river Cauvery and Coleroon for the movement of their military and the goods. Hence the colonial economic policy of the British was primarily to generate more income to consolidate their power.

72