Zeus on Decapolis City Coins: Merely a Local Issue?

ARAM, 23 (2011) 347-365. doi: 10.2143/ARAM.23.0.2959664

ZEUS ON DECAPOLIS CITY COINS: MERELY A LOCAL ISSUE?

Dr. NADINE RIEDL (Berlin)

INTRODUCTION

Bronze coins minted by the cities of the Decapolis are often used as evidence for local deities and sanctuaries. For instance, a paper presented by John D. Wine- land at the ARAM Decapolis conference in 1992 regarding the political structure and Greco-Roman religions of the Decapolis is based to a great extent upon numismatic evidence. In the publication of his paper, Wineland states: “The cities could display on these coins their prominent temples, citizens, and deities.”1 Likewise, the depicitions on local bronze coins served as a major source of information for my doctoral thesis on cults and deities in the Decapolis.2 While some coin motifs occur only in one Decapolis city, there are also representations that were used by several cities during the Roman Imperial period. One of the representations that occurs frequently during the second and third centuries A.D. is the picture of Zeus enthroned within temple architecture. In a comparative study of this coin motif I have attempted to determine whether it does in fact indicate local cults, and furthermore whether it conveys a message that extends beyond its possible local significance. For this purpose, I shall first present examples of the Zeus motif on Decapolis city coins and then pro- ceed to other, comparable coin issues and their historical background, before again returning to the Decapolis cities and to the significance of their Zeus coins and issues with closely related motifs.

THE IMAGE OF ZEUS ON DECAPOLIS CITY COINS

Gadara

In the city of Gadara, Zeus is the most frequent motif on coins produced during the second and third centuries A.D., the first example being issued in 159/160 A.D. with the portrait of Antoninus Pius, and the latest issued during the reign of Gordianus in 239/240 A.D. Apart from that, the city’s highest

1 Wineland 1992, 332. 2 Riedl 2005.

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denomination was reserved for Zeus until the reign of Commodus, when another motif was chosen for the highest denomination.3 The Gadarene coins depict Zeus enthroned in a tetrastyle temple façade, holding a Nike figure (Zeus Nikephoros) or another object such as a globe, thunderbolt, or a bust (Fig. 1).4 Sometimes, an eagle is sitting in front of Zeus. The seated position of Zeus is very similar to that of a marble statuette found on the temple terrace of Gadara.5 Smaller denominations with the obverse portraits of Faustina Maior and Crispina show the bust of Zeus on the reverse; here, the face of the god shows facial features of Marcus Aurelius (Fig. 2).6

Scythopolis

The city of Scythopolis issued similar coins from the reign of Antoninus Pius until that of Gordianus, showing Zeus holding a figure of Nike, sometimes sitting in a temple.7 Variations of this motif can be found in the Decapolis cities of Capitolias, Dion, and Hippos.

Capitolias

Coins minted at Capitolias from 165/166 A.D. onwards until the reign of Elagabalus feature a monumental gateway with two outer towers and six columns flanking the statue of a seated Zeus holding a long sceptre. Above or behind the gateway is a large conical altar on a square base (Fig. 3).8

Dion

At Dion, depictions on coins issued during the reign of Geta and Elagabalus blend “Oriental” and “Classical” iconographical features, the latter of which are known from representations of Zeus. The standing god is wearing a horned kalathos on his head and a long narrow garment known from famous cult stat- ues, such as the Artemis of Ephesos and Jupiter Heliopolitanus (Fig. 4).9 He is flanked by two bull protomes. The bulls and the garment characterise the god

3 See, for instance, Spijkerman 1978, 144–145 no 66. 4 Spijkerman 1978, 136–153 no 31, 35, 36, 46–48, 51, 52, 60, 61, 72, 73, 76 –79, 90, Suppl. I no 72a; Riedl 2005, 402–403 (GA.57 type 1–5). 5 Weber 2002, 395–396 (PL 1) pl. 34; Riedl 2005, 108 (GA.58). 6 Spijkerman 1978, 140–141 no 49; 144–145 no 67; Riedl 2005, 402–403 (GA.57 type 6). 7 Spijkerman 1978, 192–193 no 13. 15; 196 –197 no 30. 31; 200 –201 no 39. 204 –205 no 56; Barkay 2003, 141–143 pl. 9.68 and 219. 8 Spijkerman 1978, 98–99 no 1. 2; 100–102 no 11; 102–103 no 16. 17; 104–107 no 21. 24; Price/Trell 1977, 13 fig. 385. 9 Spijkerman 1978, 118–119 no 6–7; 120–121 no 8, 11–12; Riedl 2005, 377 (DI.3). For the iconography of Jupiter Heliopolitanus: Hajjar 1977–1985.

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as the popular storm-god Hadad, who was venerated in Syria for millennia.10 In his left hand the god carries the small figure of a Nike, who is crowning him with a victory wreath. This particular feature is attested for various deities, yet primarily for Zeus or Jupiter. Another coin represents the sanctuary of this god with a flaming altar inside and an eagle in the pediment.11

Hippos

The city coins of Hippos likewise display “classical” and “Near Eastern” iconographical types. One type depicts Zeus and a female consort as Classical- style busts facing each other (Fig. 5).12 In contrast, other coins show a more local variation of the city’s main god, who is wearing a short garment and is standing in a temple.13 On some examples of this coin type, the name of the god is legible: Zeus Arotesios, a name that indicates his role as the god respon- sible for the fertility of the crops and one of the group of gods related to the great Aramaean storm-god Hadad.

THE ZEUS COIN MOTIF OUTSIDE THE DECAPOLIS

Imperial coinage

In the search for the depiction of Zeus on coins outside the Decapolis, we also encounter it in Roman Imperial coinage. From the reign of Domitian, coin reverses depict Zeus/Jupiter with a Nike in his extended right hand (Fig. 6, coin of Hadrian).14 From the very beginning (i.e., the reign of Domitian), the motif seems to have been used the context of wars, victories and peace treaties of the Roman Empire. It is often accompanied by the inscription VICTOR IOVI or IOVI VICTORI. Here, the focus is clearly on the god’s role as the power who brings victory to the Roman army and the emperor. This is also demon- strated by the fact that the Imperial coins never show Zeus in an architectural

10 Green 2003, passim; Schwemer 2007, 120-168; Lipinski 2000, 626–636. 11 Spijkerman 1978, 118–119 no 1–3; Riedl 2005, 377 (DI.4). 12 Spijkerman 1978, 170–171 no 6; 174–175 no 22–23; 178–179 no 40; Riedl 2005, 473 (HI.5, type 2). 13 Spijkerman 1978, 172–173 no 14; 176–177 no 29–31; Riedl 2005, 473 (HI.5 type 1). 14 Cf., for instance, Mattingly II 1966, 362 no 294 pl. 70, 8; 369 no 327; 376 no 362; 380 no 373 pl. 75. 2; 380 no 395; 388 no 406–407 pl. 77. 3 (coins of Domitian, legend: IOVI VICTORI); Mattingly III 1966, 54 no 156; 69 no 264 pl. 14. 2 (Trajan); 281 no 326 pl. 52.16; 324 no 658–659 pl. 59.19; 406 no 1146 pl. 77.6 (Hadrian); Mattingly IV 1968 262 no 1631 (IOVI VIC); 334 no 1991 (Antoninus Pius); 491 no 728 pl. 68.6; 495 no 744 pl. 68.14 (Marcus Aurelius, Lucius Verus); 627 no 1437; 630–631 no 1458–1459; 633–634 no 1470–1473 (Marcus Aurelius).

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context. The focal point is the god’s power as an abstract idea and as a symbol of victory, not a specific sanctuary.15

Other provincial coinage

Going back to the Greek realm of the Roman Empire, the same motif appears frequently on local bronze coins minted by various cities, particularly in Asia Minor. Here, Zeus is one of the gods most frequently represented, usually in the well-known position: seated, with a sceptre in one hand and the figure of Nike in the other.16 Although there are many similarities between the Decapolis coins and the Imperial and western Asia Minor issues, there is no connection between them in terms of a direct influence or interdependence. However, a direct relation seems to exist to coins minted by some cities much closer to the Decapolis, namely in Judaea/Syria Palaestina.

ZEUS ON CITY COINS FROM JUDAEA

The earliest example of these coins was minted in 119/120 A.D. in Tiberias, during the reign of Hadrian. On some issues, Zeus is holding an object – perhaps a globe or a phiale – in his outstretched right hand. The same coin motif was struck under Antoninus Pius and Commodus.17 Another city that issued coins with the picture of Zeus was Aelia Capitolina, the former Jerusalem. Coins with the portrait of Hadrian show Zeus or Iuppiter Capitolinus sitting in a temple and flanked by Iuno/Hera and Minerva/Athena, that is, the Capitoline Triad (Fig. 7).18 The inscription indicates the city’s new status as colonia, granted by Hadrian. Other coins issued during the reign of Hadrian’s successor, Antoninus Pius, depict Zeus alone in his temple, such as the coins from Tiberias, Gadara and Scythopolis.19 The city of Sepphoris, which was re-named Diocaesarea during the reign of Hadrian, issued a series of coins which show either the Capitoline Triad or Zeus, Hera and Minerva/Athena as independent motifs during the reign of Antoninus Pius.20

15 For the victory as a sign of divine charisma, which is bestowed on the emperor by Jupiter, see: Alföldi 1999, 83–116. 16 LIMC VIII.1 1997 s.v. Zeus in peripheria orientali. Zeus in Anatolien, 375–384, in particular 381 no 100–112 (Zeus seated, with Nike and sceptre, on coins) (R. Vollkommer). 17 Kindler 1961, 57 and 87–88 no 7a–b (Hadrian), 59 and 93–94 no 11 a–b (Antoninus Pius), 60–61 and 97 no 13 (Commodus); Hill 1965 8 no 23–28 (119/120 A.D., Hadrian). For the era of Tiberias see Hill xiii–xiv. 18 Meshorer 1989, 21–22 no 1; Hill 1965, 82 no 1 pl. VIII.16. 19 Meshorer 1989, 27 no 18–19. 20 Hill 1965, 4 no 26 pl. I.7 (Caracalla): Zeus in temple.

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In Samaria Sebaste, the motif of the Capitoline Triad inside a temple, a motif already known from Aelia Capitolina, is repeated on coins with portraits of Septimius Severus and Julia Maesa.21 Two other cities that issued coins depicting Zeus are Raphia and Samaria Caesarea. There coins were minted in the third century A.D., showing Zeus either carrying a Nike or with scepter and thunderbolt.22 Zeus alone, not in a temple, enthroned and holding a Victory or a patera (plate), is also depicted on coins from Nicopolis Emmaus in Judaea during the reign of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus.23 During the reign of Elagabalus, Nicopolis also issued coins with the depiction of Zeus in the form of Jupiter Heliopolitanus, similar to the coins minted by Dion.24 Another city that issued coins with representations of Zeus is Samaria- Neapolis; however, there, we have a particularly large variety of different types, all of them referring to the cult of the local Zeus. Coins with obverse portraits of the young Marcus Aurelius, still issued during the reign of Antoninus Pius, show on their reverse the cult statue of the local Zeus or Baal of Neapolis standing, wearing a kalathos, holding a whip and two ears of grain; he is flanked by the foreparts of two bulls (Fig. 8 a. b). The same reverse design appears on coins with the portrait of Lucius Verus.25 At the same time, the city also minted coins with the obverse portrait of the emperor Antoninus Pius and with the “classical” reverse depiction of Zeus flanked by Athena (to the left) and Hera (to the right).26 A third motif with relation to the cult of Zeus appears from the middle of the second to the middle of the third centuries on Neapolis city coins: the depiction of the local sanctuary on Mount Gerizim, comprising its two mountain peaks, the temple, an altar, a long stairway and a colonnade at the foot of the mountain (Fig. 9 a. b). Looking at this repertoire of cities and coin types, the following can be con- cluded: 1. Apart from the Decapolis, the Zeus coin-motif is attested in Imperial coinage from the time of Domitian and in the Greek part of the Roman Empire, in particular in cities in Asia Minor. 2. Somewhat closer to the Decapolis cities, the Zeus motif appears on coins issued by cities in Judaea / Syria Palaestina from the reign of Hadrian until the third century A.D., that is for about one century.

21 Hill 1965, 80–81 no 12 and 15. 22 Raphia: Hill 1965, 172 no 7 pl. XVIII.6 (Severus Alexander, 221/222 A.D.). Samaria/ Caesarea: Hill 1965, 30 no 144 (Traianus Decius), and 38 no 199–201 (Trebonianus Gallus). 23 Hill 1965, 169 no 3 pl. XVII.12 (ca. 161/162 A.D.). 24 Hill 1965, 170 no 5 pl. XVII.13 (221/222 A.D.). 25 For instance: Wien, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Roman Provincial Coinage Online no 9806 [http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/search/9806], and Hill 1965, 56–57 no 72–76. 26 A late example was issued during the reign of Philippus Senior, see Hill 1965, 64 no 122.

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3. There are two main variations: Zeus alone, either sitting in a temple or without a temple; and Zeus as the central figure of the Capitoline Triad. Zeus alone is attested in at least five Palestinian cities, and the Capitoline Triad in four (of eight) cities. Two cities minted coins both with Zeus alone and with the Capitoline Triad, namely Aelia Capitolina and Diocaesarea. 4. Coins with special forms of a male deity are attested in Samaria Neapolis and in Nicopolis Emmaus. Both cities minted coins representing the famous cult image of Zeus Heliopolitanus. In addition, Samaria Neapolis depicted the famous sanctuary on Mount Gerizim on city coins.

THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF THE ZEUS COINS IN JUDAEA

It is a noteworthy circumstance that some of the cities discussed here have names which refer to the cult of Zeus or of the Capitoline Triad as well as to the emperor. Here, two groups can be distinguished: firstly, city names dating back to the early Roman Imperial period, such as Samaria Sebaste (Sebaste being the Greek equivalent for Augustus), and Tiberias; secondly, names invented in the Hadrianic period that are composed of the emperor’s and the god’s name, such as Aelia Capitolina (Aelia being the patronymikon of Hadrian, Capitolina the reference to the Capitoline cult) or Diocaesarea, a combination of Dios (i.e. Zeus) and Caesarea derived from Caesar. It is the second group, the cities with “Hadrianic” names, which points to a specific historical context of the Zeus coins described above. However, the evidence varies depending upon the existence or lack of written sources. The first city to issue coins with Zeus sitting in his temple was Tiberias on the western shore of Lake Tiberias. Some scholars have suggested a connection with a temple of Hadrian mentioned by Epiphanius,27 but we do not know whether this temple already existed in 119/120 A.D; that is, only about two years after Hadrian ascended the throne.28 Furthermore, it is unclear whether there was any connection between the Zeus coin and the Hadrianeion attested by Epiphanius.

While it is quite difficult to reconstruct the historical background of the Tiberias coin of 119/120 A.D. due to a lack of evidence, we have more reliable information on the Hadrianic coins issued for the first time in 130 A.D. by

27 Panarion 30, 12.2: “There was a very large temple in the city already. I think they may have called it the Hadrianeum. The citizens may have been trying to restore this Hadrianeum, which was standing unfinished, for a public bath.” 28 Temples of Hadrian were also built in Western Asia, for instance in Kyzikos in 123 A.D. or in Smyrna, probably in 124 A.D., see Burrell 2002/3, 31–50. For the rivalry of cities in Asia Minor regarding the right to call themselves “neokoros”: Price 1984 passim, in particular 64–65; Birley 1998, 259–260.

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Aelia Capitolina, which show Zeus as the central element of the Capitoline Triad inside a temple. In 129/130 A.D. Hadrian travelled in the Near East; he spent the winter at Gerasa in the Decapolis and arrived in Judaea in 130. His decision to refound Jerusalem as the Roman colony Aelia Capitolina and to establish a temple of Jupiter Capitolinus there is considered the reason, or one of the reasons, for the Bar Kokhba revolt that shook the region between 132 and 135 A.D. and was seen as a threat to the entire Roman Empire.29 The temple of the Capitoline Triad was an important feature of a colony, and therefore the new coin motif chosen for Aelia Capitolina was very fitting. However, already under Antoninus Pius it was Zeus/Jupiter alone who was depicted on Aelia city coins. Obviously, the Triad and Zeus/Jupiter as single figure were interchangeable motifs. Besides, the name Aelia Capitolina itself illustrates the close connection of the emperor with the veneration of the god Zeus/Jupiter. The same applies to the former city of Sepphoris in Galilaea, which was renamed Diocaesarea under Hadrian. The first city coins with the Capitoline Triad were issued during the reign of Hadrian’s successor to the throne, Antoni- nus Pius; on other coins the Capitoline deities Zeus/Jupiter, Athena/Minerva and Hera/Iuno were depicted as single figures. Therefore, it can again be assumed that the Capitoline Triad and Zeus alone were interchangeable motifs. At Samaria Sebaste and its neighbour, Samaria Neapolis, coins with the Capitoline Triad were minted. A temple for the emperor Augustus dedicated by Herodes is attested by Flavius Josephus at Samaria Sebaste. In the third century, Septimius Severus granted the city the status of a Roman colony. However, the coin shown here bears the portrait of Commodus, which makes it difficult to assess its specific meaning: it might relate to a temple of the Capitoline Triad that already existed before the city became a Roman colony. In Samaria Neapolis, a new temple for Zeus Olympios was dedicated in 158 A.D. that had been initiated by Hadrian, probably during his journey through the Near East in 129/130 A.D. The Zeus sanctuary replaced the ancient national sanctuary of the Samaritans on Mount Gerizim. Coins minted in the same year of the temple’s inauguration in 158 A.D. show the sanctuary, while other coins with the portraits of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus as Caesar depict the god in his Near-Eastern form, resembling Iuppiter Heliopolitanus, the local god of Baalbek.30 Together with inscriptions and architectural remains, these coins attest to a Syrian deity who was venerated under the name of Zeus Olympios on Mount Gerizim.31 However, there are also city coins issued by Neapolis with the well-known group of Zeus, Athena and Hera, so the Capi- toline Triad could also be used to represent the cult of Zeus Olympios. Here,

29 Birley 1998, 268–278; Golan 1986, 226–239; Millar 1990, 7–58. 30 Cf. Hajjar 1985, passim. 31 Belayche 2001, 199–209, in particular 206–209.

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we have the best example for the interchangeability of different iconographic patterns for one and the same holy place and deity. The coins, in particular the ones minted by Aelia Capitolina, Diocaesarea and Samaria Neapolis, can be considered as a reflection of Hadrian’s religious policy in the Near East. This policy consisted of advancing the veneration of Zeus Olympios in the eastern half of the Roman Empire. At the same time, Hadrian emphasized the close relationship of the imperial cult with the cult of Zeus (or Jupiter) in a way that exceeded by far the religious policy of his predecessors.32 In Athens, the emperor completed the famous monumental building of the Olympieion between 130 and 132 A.D., which had been begun by the Peisis- tratids in the sixth century B.C. and was continued by Antiochos IV during the second century B.C. Furthermore, Hadrian established the so-called Panhel- lenion, where he was associated with Zeus Olympios and received dedications from numerous cities of the eastern provinces.33 Thus, the emperor enhanced the traditionally close connection between the two cults of Zeus or Jupiter with that of the Roman emperor in a consequent and until then unprecedented way.34 In 128/129 A.D., Hadrian received for the first time the epikleseis “Panhel- lenios” and “Olympios”.35 Even before the inauguration of the Olympieion, Hadrian seems to have pur- sued the same religious policy during his stay in the Near East in 129/130 A.D. In Judaea, Hadrian probably used the establishment of Zeus sanctuaries and the associated integration of the imperial cult in particular for dissolving the primacy of the Jewish culture and religion and for boosting the “pagan”, or, in other words, “Hellenistic”, element in the region. However, as popular as the concept of the Panhellenion was in Greece and Asia Minor, it seemed just as intolerable to many Jews, who saw their monotheistic religion threatened. Finally, the Bar Kokhba revolt that broke out shortly after Hadrian’s visit clearly demonstrates that his concept was anything but successful, at least as far as Jerusalem was concerned.

The origins of Hadrian’s religious policy might possibly stem from a time long before his ascension to power. Since he took office in 116 A.D. as gov- ernor of Syria, he resided in Antioch on the Orontes river until his proclama- tion as emperor. It is likely that it he there became familiar with the religious policy of the Hellenistic ruler Antiochos IV that had been focused on Zeus

32 Kuhlmann 2002. 33 The sanctuary of the Panhellenion in Athens was probably completed as late as 137 A.D., see Benjamin 1963, 60. 34 Willers 1996, 3–17; Willers 1990; Benjamin 1963, 57–86. Kranz 1990, 125–141. 35 Birley 1998, 219–220, 228–229; Birley 2003, 437; Willers 1990, 54. Compare also the numerous altars and dedications to Hadrian as god, for instance, there are more than 170 altars from 50 different cities in Greece and Asia Minor: Beaujeu 1955, 165–166.

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Olympios.36 Even earlier, in 114 A.D., Hadrian accompanied Trajan in the course of the Parthian war to northern Syria where they visited Seleukia in Pieria and Antioch on the Orontes. There Trajan dedicated booty from the Dacian wars to Zeus Kasios, a god venerated on Mount Kasion who was similar in nature to the storm-god Hadad. The dedicational inscription was written by Hadrian: “Trajan, descendant of Aeneas, to Casian Zeus, the ruler on earth to the ruler above, makes offering from the plunder of the Getae.”37 This episode is very revealing, because it shows that as early as 114 A.D. Hadrian applied Trajan’s religious ideology38 – referring to the Roman emperor, the “ruler on earth”, as the equivalent of Jupiter (Zeus), the “ruler above” – to the cult of a Near-Eastern deity resembling (and perhaps even assimilated with) the Semitic storm-god Hadad. In other words, the religious policy that Hadrian implemented later in the eastern realm of the Roman Empire dates back to a time long before he became emperor. After his acces- sion to the throne, he used already-existing local sanctuaries in the Near East that were of supraregional significance, such as the sanctuary of Jupiter Helio- politanus in Baalbek-Heliopolis or the Samaritan Yahweh on Mount Gerizim. These cult centres probably also fostered the close connection between the cult of Zeus and the imperial cult.39

In Palestine, the advancement of the cult of Zeus and its connection with the imperial cult of Hadrian is also attested by the numismatic, archaeological and written evidence from Aelia Capitolina, Diocaesarea, and Samaria Neapolis (and perhaps also from Tiberias). Besides, in the case of the first two cities, the city names alone, which allude to Zeus and the emperor, represent additional evidence. As for the Decapolis city coins and their close resemblance to the Palestinian Zeus coinage, it is more than likely that they were equally closely linked with the important role of Zeus within the imperial religious policy during and after the reign of Hadrian.

THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF THE DECAPOLIS COINS

In the Decapolis, the coins with Zeus in a temple as well as the variations described above appear by the end of the reign of Antoninus Pius at Gadara and Scythopolis; the other cities follow during the reign of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. Thus, in the Decapolis the Zeus motif occurs about four

36 For Hadrian’s imitatio of Antiochos see also Birley 2003, 437. 37 Birley 1998, 68. In 129/130 A.D., Hadrian visited the sanctuary of Zeus Kasios again, which underlines the god’s significance: Birley 1998, 230. 38 Fears 1981, 80–84 (“Traianus ab Iove electus”). 39 See also Kranz 1990 passim.

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decades after its first appearance in Tiberias, but only about two decades after the first issue in Aelia Capitolina and almost simultaneously with the earliest coins minted by Samaria Neapolis. Zeus seems to have played a major role, as he appears continuously on the highest denomination.

As stated at the beginning of this paper, local coin issues are often used as evidence of local deities and sanctuaries, and this of course also applies to the Zeus coins. The archaeological and epigraphical evidence – presented here in a very abbreviated way – confirms this assumption: In Scythopolis, the cult of Zeus Olympios and his connection with the ruler cult is attested by an inscription dated as early as the second century B.C., and dedications to Zeus and Zeus Akraios prove his continued veneration well into the Roman Imperial period.40 At Gadara the situation is slightly less clear. Excavations have uncovered a Hellenistic podium temple upon a large artificial terrace and a Roman podium temple that was annexed to the building complex of the North Theatre.41 Although both temples cannot be directly assigned to a particular deity, the marble statuette of Zeus mentioned above together with a newly discovered yet unpublished inscription indicate a connection of the temple buildings with the cult of Zeus. In contrast, Capitolias and Dion have not provided any archaeological evidence for the existence of local sanctuaries of Zeus thus far, but that might change in the course of time, in particular in Capitolias where excavations are being conducted. However, the names of both cities point to the major impor- tance of Jupiter or Zeus and lead one to assume corresponding sanctuaries. This assumption is supported by the numismatic evidence (see above). Furthermore, the Capitolias and Dion coins feature a very distinct local element, and they resemble other local coinage: in Capitolias, the form of the sanctuary with flanking towers has a close resemblance to the Zeus sanctuary of Neapolis, while Zeus Hadad Nikephoros on the Dion coins can be compared to representations of the local god at Neapolis, Nicopolis Emmaus, and last but not least, the home of Jupiter Heliopolitanus, Baalbek Heliopolis in Lebanon. There the cult statue of Jupiter Heliopolitanus served as a model for numerous representations of local deities that originate in the Aramaean storm-god Hadad, a god who was venerated for his role as guarantor of fertility. Zeus Arotesios, the god venerated in Hippos and depicted on local bronze coins, also seems to belong to this group of local storm gods.42

40 Riedl 2005, 314–317 and 513 (SK.19), 520 (Sk.31.32); Barkay 2003, 142–143. 41 For the Hellenistic sanctuary: Hoffmann 1999, 795–831; for the North Theatre and the Roman podium temple see the contribution by Claudia Bührig in this volume. 42 Riedl 2005, 228–229. For the nature and powers of deities assimilated with Hadad see Hajjar 1985, 205–229.

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Having thus assembled all of the evidence, it becomes obvious that the Decapolis coins contain more than one level of meaning, depending upon the way in which they are read.

Firstly, the motif of Zeus, especially when connected with a Nike, was particularly suited for alluding to the military strength of the Roman Empire and to emphasise the coin-minting city’s loyalty to Rome. This is of major impor- tance, because the minting of local coins frequently took place on the occasion of military campaigns when Roman troops – sometimes even the emperor himself – were present in the region.43 Secondly, the example of Faustina coins minted by Gadara shows that the emperor could be more closely linked with Zeus by blending the emperor’s portrait features with the face of the god: in this case, Zeus shows the facial features of Marcus Aurelius. Thirdly, the city coins refer to the veneration of a local Zeus and to his sanctuary. In this respect, the Decapolis coins differ from Roman Imperial Zeus coinage, while they resemble coins from Aelia Capitolina and other cities in Judaea/Syria Palaestina: the god is usually shown inside a temple façade, which indicates a local temple. By contrast, Zeus/Jupiter on Roman Imperial coins exclusively underlines Rome’s military power without referring to a specific sanctuary.

The similarities and the chronological relation of the Decapolis and the Palestinian coins show that the former might have been influenced by the latter ones. Perhaps the Decapolis cities wished to emphasise the existence of their local Zeus sanctuaries because of the situation in Aelia Capitolina and other cities, where the cult of Zeus was established or at least furthered by Hadrian. They were aware of the fact that Zeus was best suited to address the power of Rome and thus to display their own affiliation with and loyalty to the Roman Empire. Moreover, the local cult of Hadad, identified with Zeus, could easily be integrated into this concept: Thus, the Dion coins show that the iden- tification of Zeus and the Aramaean god Hadad was also furthered by two of Hadad’s traditional main functions: he was a dispenser of royal power and a war-god who supported the ruler on his military campaigns and granted him victory. Therefore, Hadad could easily be identified with Zeus or Jupiter, who played the same role in the Graeco-Roman pantheon. Both Zeus and Hadad could at the same time allude to a local cult and to the Roman Empire’s military power, so we have two messages in one coin picture. Therefore, the local Zeus of Dion, as representative of the citizens, could side with the Roman emperor and his army by carrying a Nike in his hand, which demonstrates at the same time the interchangeability of Near-Eastern and classical iconographic

43 Ziegler 1993. See also Ziegler 103, for instance, regarding the minting of coins in connection with the Parthian wars between 159/160 and 166/167.

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elements. Furthermore, the example of Zeus Kasios and the dedicatory inscription written by Hadrian shows that not only the inhabitants of the Greek East but also the Roman emperor could address a Near Eastern Hadad-like deity as “ruler above”, comparing him to Zeus or Jupiter.

The foundation of a temple of Zeus in Aelia Capitolina by Hadrian and his general religious policy in the Near East enforced the political significance of this god, and the cities were very well aware of this; thus, Zeus and his cult was indeed more than a local issue. It is very likely that the Decapolis coins attest to the existence of a Near-Eastern “Panhellenion” with Zeus and the emperor as central figures, formed on the model of the famous Athenian institution that was officially established in 132 A.D.44 About three decades later, when Gadara and Scythopolis began to issue coins with the depiction of Zeus in his temple, the motif had by no means lost its significance. On the contrary, in view of the ongoing military campaigns against the Parthians during the reign of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus and in view of the presence of Roman troops as well as the emperor Lucius Verus himself, the coin motif was particularly suited for establishing connections between the coin-minting cities, their polis cults and local deities, the universal concept of Zeus, the veneration of the Roman emperor, and finally, the power of both Zeus as well as assimilated local Near Eastern gods such as Hadad to bestow victory on the ruler of the Roman Empire.

CATALOGUE OF COIN PICTURES

Fig. 1. Gadara. 159/160 A.D. Obverse: Laureate-headed bust of Antoninus Pius wearing cuirass. AUT KAIS ANTWNEINOS SEB EUS. Reverse: Zeus, seated left in tetrastyle temple, holding an uncertain object (a staff or the figure of a Nike) and a long sceptre. Inscription in pediment and around the temple: PO GADAR I A A G K SU GKS. Bronze. 21.38 g. 30 mm. Die-axis 12. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France 288. RPC Online no 6659 [http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/6659/]. Fig. 2. Gadara. 180–182 A.D. Obverse: Draped bust of Crispina. KRISPINA SEBASTJ. Reverse: Head of Zeus, assimilated to portrait of Marcus Aurelius, wearing diadem, r. GADAREWN GMS. Bronze. 5.87 g. 20 mm. Die-axis 12. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France 1965/790 (ex coll. Henry Seyrig). RPC Online no 6690 [http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/6690/].

44 For the Athenian Panhellenion, see Willers 1990, 97–98, and Willers 1996, 3–17.

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Fig. 3. Capitolias. 161–169 A.D. Obverse: Laureate-headed bust of Marcus Aurelius wearing paludamentum and cuirass, r. AUT KAIS M AUR ANTWNEINOS. Reverse: Monumental gateway with two outer towers and six columns schematically enclosing statue of Zeus seated, l., extend- ing hand, holding long sceptre; above/behind large concal altar on square base. KAPITWLIEWN (IER) ASU AUT QZ. Bronze. 22.42 g. 33 mm. Die-axis 12. London, British Museum 1970-9-5-1. RPC Online no 6552 [http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/6552/]. Fig. 4. Dion. 207/208 A.D. Obverse: Bust of Geta, bare-headed, wearing paludamentum and cuirass, r. P CEP – GETAC. Reverse: Standing god in the attire of Jupiter Heliopolitanus, carrying Nike figure, r. DEIH-NWN [W as w]. 12.80 g. 24–27 mm. Die-axis 12. Münzkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Photographer: Lutz-Jürgen Lübke. Object no 18216414. Acc. 1921/263. [http://www.smb.museum/ikmk/] (search for object no). Fig. 5. Hippos. 138–161 A.D. Obverse: Laureate-headed bust of Antoninus Pius, wearing paludamentum and cuirass, r. AUT[OKR K]UR – ANT- WNEINOC. Reverse: Busts of Zeus and goddess, facing each other. ANTIO TW PR [I]P [T]JC IER K AC[ULOU] [W as w]. Bronze. 21.43 g, 28 mm. Die-axis 12. Münzkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Photographer: Lutz-Jürgen Lübke. Object no 18216412. Acc. 1852/10106. [http://www.smb.museum/ikmk/] (search for object no). Fig. 6. Rome. Ca. 118–128 A.D. Obverse: Laureate bust of Hadrian, l. IMP CAESAR TRAI-ANVS HADRIANVS AVG. Reverse: Jupiter seated l., carrying Victoria on his right hand, sceptre in left arm. PONT MAX TR – POT COS III. Silver, 8 denarii. 25.75 g. 35 mm. Die-axis 6. Münzkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Photographer: Reinhard Saczewski. Object no 18205035. Acc. 1875/288. [http://www.smb.museum/ikmk/] (search for object no). Fig. 7. Aelia Capitolina. 130–138 A.D. Obverse: Laureate bust of Hadrian, r. IMP CAES TRAI – HADRIANO [AVG P P]. Reverse: Temple façade with seated Jupiter in the centre, flanked by standing Minerva and Iuno. COL – AEL. Bronze. 16.85 g. 26 mm. Die-axis 12. Münzkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Photographer: Lutz-Jürgen Lübke. Object no 18202844. Acc. 1906. [http://www.smb.museum/ikmk/] (search for object no). Fig. 8a. Neapolis. 160–161 A.D. Obverse: Bare head of Marcus Aurelius, r. AURJLIOC KAICAR – [EUCEB C]EB UIOC. Reverse: Cult statue of god of Neapolis as Zeus Heliopolites, standing, facing, wearing kalathos, holding whip and two ears of corn, between two foreparts

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of bulls. FL NEACPOLE – CURIAC PALAISTINJC. Bronze. 10.10 g. 25 mm. Die-axis 12. Münzkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. Photographer: Reinhard Saczewski. Object no 18216417. Acc. 1906 Löbbecke. [http://www.smb.museum/ikmk/] (searc for object no). Fig. 8b. Neapolis. 138–161 A.D. Obverse: Bare head of Marcus Aurelius, r. AURJLIOS KAISAR EUSEB SEB U(IOS). Reverse: Cult statue of god of Neapolis as Zeus Heliopolites, standing, facing, wearing kalathos, holding whip and two ears of corn, between two foreparts of bulls. FL NEAS POLE(WS) SURI(AS) PALESTI(NJS) ET PJ. Bronze. 9.51 g. 24 mm. Die-axis 12. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France 154. RPC Online no 6326 [http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/6330/] Fig. 9a. Neapolis. 138–161 A.D. Obverse: Laureate head of Antoninus Pius, r. AUTOK KAISAR ANTWNINOS SEBAS EUSE. Reverse. Mount Gerizim with two peaks, between, ravine with sloping roadway, l. peak with temple in perspective and steep stairway with shrines attached, r. peak with shrine on top and trees at base; before Mount Gerizim, colonnade. FL NEAS POLEWS SURIAS PALAISTI[N]JS. Bronze. 25.66 g. 35 mm. Die-axis 12. London, British Museum 6326. RPC Online no 6326 [http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/6326/]. Fig. 9b. Neapolis. 138–161 A.D. Obverse: Neapolis. Obverse: Laureate head of Antoninus Pius wearing cuirass and paludamentum, r. AUTOK KAISAR ANTWNINOS SEB EUSB. Reverse: Mount Gerizim with two peaks, between, ravine with sloping roadway, l. peak with temple in perspective, another building and steep stairway with shrines attached, r. peak with shrine on top and trees at base. FL NEAS POLE. Bronze. 28.44 g. 35 mm. Die-axis 12. Paris, Bibliothèqe nationale de France (coll. Chandon de Briailles 1012). RPC Online, temporary number 9100. [http://rpc.ashmus.ox.ac.uk/coins/ 9100/].

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Fig. 1.

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Fig. 5.

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Fig. 8a.

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Fig. 8b.

Fig. 9a.

Fig. 9b.

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