THE ROLE AND IMAGE OF WILDERNESS AND THE ABORIGINE IN SELECTED ONTARIAN SHIELD CAMPS A Thesis Submitted to the Cornmittee on Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of Arts TRENT UNIVERSITY Peterborough, Ontario, Canada c Copyright by HEATHER DUNLOP 1997 CANADIAN HERITAGE AND DEVELOPMENT STUDIES M.A. Program May 1998 National Library Bibliothèque nationale 1*1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington OtiawaON KlAûN4 Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant a la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fkom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. The Role and Image of Wilderness and the Aborigine in Selected Ontarian Shield Camps Heather Dunlop The significance of wilderness to the Canadian mind is accepted, if somewhat ill-defined. Likewise, Ontarian youth camps on the Canadian Shield have generally viewed their wild landscapes as an essential partner in their venture, but have rarely explored this association. In con junction with camp beliefs about and perceptions of wiId lands. an image developed of a healthy and virtuous denizen of those lands - the Indian. This thesis investigates this three-sided alliance through an historical perspective that is informed by relevant socio- political thought, related literary and artistic endeavours and the criticism associated with them, and writings on cross- cultural interplay. Eighteen camps were examined through individual site visits, interviews with current/former Directors and others whose thoughts are pertinent, and archiva1 research. This study explains the dynamic that brought camps, wilderness and the Indian together, revealing how this interaction evolved, and finally seeks a sense of direction for this relationship. There are a number of people without whom this thesis could not have taken shape nor teached conclusion. Firstly, 1 am most grateful to Bruce Hodgins, rny thesis supervisor, who accompanied me throughout this journey . His unwavering support was a constant reminder of a shared vision and enthusiasm for this project. His knowledge and candour were of critical importance to both the process and the product. Also, 1 must thank him and his wife Carol for welcoming me so warmly into their midst, be it at home or in a canoe. To my thesis committee, John Wadland and Bernadine Dodge, 1 extend my heartfelt thanks for their insightful comments which helped refine and redirect my thoughts, as well as for their assistance with format and their acceptance of my irregular pace . 1 am greatly indebted to the selected camps who so hospitably opened their doors to me, sharing their world and their obvious pleasure within it. Camp Directors, senior staff and nwnerous individuals who are or have been associated with these camps graciously agreed to discuss their thoughts and experiences. They al1 willingly and candidly answered my many questions, taking the time and expending the energy to fully respond to any and al1 queries. The camps are Ahmek/Wapomeo, iii Gay Venture, Glen Bernard, Kandalore, Keewaydin, Kilcoo, Langskib/Northwaters, Pine Crest, Ponacka, Quin-mo-Lac, Tawingo, Wabikon, Wabun, Wanakita, Wanapitei, White Pine and Temagami (closed in 1971). The staff of the Trent University Archives proved most helpful and accommodating in my efforts to sif t through the vast array of materials available on the camps. 1 would also like to thank the International Camping Congress who invited me to speak about aboriginal content in camps at the Kumbayah Conference in March 1994. It was a privilege for me to do so. Finally, words cannot express the gratitude and appreciation 1 feel toward my husband, Terry Qui~ey,and our daughter Kaley who uncomplainingly went about 1ife around, if not without, me. Their unceasing words of support, hugs and srniles were the most effective meanç of keeping things in perspective over the course of this research. For the purposes of this thesis, 1 feel it necessary to commence with a clarification in order to prevent any confusion. 1 will use such terms as Indian, Native, Amerindian, Aborigine, Indigenous Peoples, North American Indian, and First Nations Peoples to designate the original inhabitants of North America. Some of these terms (such as Indian) have developed derogatory connotations in some people's eyes; others (such as Native) seem vague, implying anyone born in North America. However, 1 will use them as they are referred to within the camping community past and present, interspersed with my persona1 preferences. Furthermore, in contrast to Amerindians, 1 will f requently refer to the large heterogeneouç grouping of other Canadians. 1 struggle to find an appropriate label for this group. "White Canadiansn and "Euro-Canadiansn deny the multiracial feality of the Canadian demographic mosaic. "Immigrantf'or "Settler" Canadians belies the existence of long-established families whose Canadian roots go back over numerous generations. "Non-Nativet1 con jures up a negat ive juxtaposition. 1 am left with the wide-sweeping, all- inclusive term: Canadian. However, this group encompasses the aforementioned Amerindians. Faced with an apparently irresolvable dilemma, and based purely on convenience, 1 choose to use "Canadian" (or in the same light f'Americant')to denote those whom 1 present here in contrast to the Aborigine. 1 underline that this does not in any way represent a view of Natives as a group outside the general Canadian populace, but merely an attempt to clearly distinguish between the two main groups I propose to discuss. TABLE OF CONTENTS CBAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION CHAPTER TWO: ROUGBING IT IN THE BUSH CHAPTER THREE: SNAPSHOTS OF THE CAMPS CHAPTER FOUR: PLAYING INDIAN CHAPTER FIVE : CONCLUDING THOUGHTS O APPENDZX ONE O O APPENDIX TWO O O APPENDIX THREE O BIBLIOGRAPHY . - aiAE'TER ONE: INTRODUCTION Just the thought of camp con jures up many images in the mind' s eye. Although each particular individual's representation may be unique in its details, it is surprising to note the many similarities that colour camp experience for one and all. Being active in the outdoors. A sense of time standing still or of time losing some of its significance or the stress related to it . Roughing it . A closer contact with nature and its rhythms. Drifting listlessly downstream or gliding smoothly across the surface of the water in a canoe. Drawing in the midday heat from the hard granite rock or settling comfortably on the damp softness of a pine-needled forest floor. Straining up a ridge under a carefully balanced canoe. Revelling in the water's silky touch that soothes and invigorates at the end of the day. Picking up the monotonous buzzing of insects that filters in and out of the mind's awareness in spite of its continuous presence. Backpaddling, bracing or ferrying in response to a challenging set of rapids. Being startled by a windgust's rustling through the trees that seems to revexberate with force due to its unexpectedness and the ensuing silence. Paddling hard to counteract the wind's effect. Catching the sudden flash of a fish out of the corner of the eye and confirming the apparent illusion through its tell-tale trail of ripples. Being humbled before the spectacle of the night sky and awed by its breadth and history. Sreathing in the lushness of the bush through a fine mist of tain. Sniffing at the moist decaying humus by the edge of a swamp. Tasting the juicy ecstasy of blueberries after stumbling upon a patch along the portage. Cheerfully chewing through the crunchy grit that nature added to a sandwich as a reminder of its presence. Feeling attuned to that natural landscape as well as to one's inner self. Developing a sense of comfort with the bush and a sense of place within it. And wondering how those who experienced 'here ' bef ore you felt , smelled, touched, tasted, and saw those same things and how they responded to them. These are the sensory recollections that seem to permeate just about everyone' s memory of camp. Being seduced by wild nature appears to be one of the common threads running through the camp fabric. Perhaps one could even statethat this seduction is a defining pattern of the camp cloth. Indeed, many camps include 'environmental awareness' or 'educationl within their mission statements, and most Shield camps hail the canoe trip as the ultimate wilderness experience, the centrepiece of their programs. But what exactly does so general a mandate entai1 with regard to wild landscapes? More specif ically, how do camps present and use wild nature? To what ends? How signif icant is that use perceived to be? What kinds of relationships with wild landscapes do they promote? What means do they use to promote their chosen wilderness ethic? How has this developed over time? Why did camps initially choose a wild-like setting? And why do they attempt to maintain that wild flavour, or at least a semblance of it, even today when much of their surroundings has been developed for cottaging, travel and tourism, or forest industries? Historically, other images have also been connected to wilderness-oriented camps.