Europe Without the EU? by Filippo L
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Europe without the EU? by Filippo L. Calciano1, Paolo Paesani2 and Gustavo Piga3 Policy Brief 1 Introduction The aim of this paper is to conduct a simple albeit daring exercise in counterfactual history: we discuss what the consequences for European countries would be, in the midst of the current economic crisis, if the European Union did not exist. The EU is both a monetary union and a political and institutional union, and in this study we consider both aspects. As a monetary union, the EU manages the common currency, the euro, through the actions of the European Central Bank (ECB). As a political union the EU serves many purposes, the most important of which, with respect to the current economic crisis, is to provide a privileged forum to coordinate Member States’ anti-crisis policies. As a matter of fact, since the beginning of the cr isis, European leaders have held numerous European Council meetings as well as preparatory G-8 and G-20 meetings, confirming the urgent need for policy coordination and cooperation both at EU and international level. In this study we pose and answer the following two questions: 1. What would the consequences of the current crisis be for European countries if the euro had not been introduced ten years ago; that is, if European Monetary Union (EMU) had failed? 1 CORE, Université Catholique de Louvain-la-Neuve, and Department of Economics, University of Rome 3, email: fi[email protected]. 2 Department of Economics, University of Rome 2, email: [email protected]. 3 Department of Economics, University of Rome 2, corresponding author, email: [email protected]. Policy Brief 2. What would the consequences of the current crisis be if the EU were not acting as the instrument of coordination for Member States’ responses to the crisis? We are fully aware that the political coordination within the EU is far from perfect. Unlike the United States, where the Federal Government can implement policies that are applied systematically across all 50 states, EU-wide actions reflect compromise among national authorities and Member States keep some freedom not to abide—at least partially—by the directions of the EU. We take this feature of the European integration process fully into account, and many of our findings are based on this reality. We find that if the EU as such had failed to exist, Member States would have needed to deal with the following problems, in addition to the economic situation which they are currently experiencing: The consequences of the lack of a common currency (the euro) • More macroeconomic instability in terms of internal prices and exchange rates. • Substantial ‘flight to quality’ (investors abandoning high yield/high risk assets in favour of safer ones) leading to appreciation of traditionally strong currencies (German mark) and to depreciation of weaker ones (Italian lira, Spanish peseta, Portuguese escudo). With the following consequences: • for strong-currency countries, a larger drop in exports, internal demand, income and employment; • for weak-currency countries, inflation, increases in nominal and real interest rates and more than likely a larger drop in internal demand, income and employment. • No shield effect against the crisis for weaker/smaller countries, thus exacerbating all of their current economic problems. The consequences of the lack of coordination at the EU level of Member States’ anti-crisis policies • The risk of running into the ‘national champion’ dilemma: without EU coordination, Member States would have incentives not to help troubled banks and firms; otherwise they would reveal to the market that the bank/firm is in 2 trouble, thus exacerbating its problems. As a consequence, Member States would not intervene as much as they should to support the economy and above all would not intervene in the right way: only the less efficient banks and firms would be supported. • The risk of ‘negative contagion’: without EU coordination, because of the problem of ‘free riding’, the Member States would not intervene in a timely enough manner to support the economy, and in extreme cases would not Policy Brief intervene at all or would intervene in a protectionist way (i.e., the ‘beggar thy neighbour’ phenomenon). • The risk of diminishing ‘positive contagion’ effects. Positive contagion consists in the EU adopting good policies that have been implemented by some of its Member States to prevent EU-wide competition, and is a consequence of EU integration and policy coordination. • The risk of a possibly total reversal of positive contagion, leading to classic protectionism in the form of barriers to trade and to free movement of production factors. • The risk of failing to set up a new regulatory framework for financial markets. The structure of the paper is as follows. Section 2 briefly discusses the advantages and disadvantages of having a common currency, the euro. This excursus is necessary for us to assess, in Section 3, the possible consequences of the current crisis if the euro had not been introduced. Section 4 studies the consequences of the current crisis in the case of a lack of coordination at the EU level of the anti-crisis policies of Member States. Section 5 concludes with some final remarks. 2. Europe and the Euro This section is devoted to reviewing briefly some of the general advantages and disadvantages of EMU with respect to inflation levels, macroeconomic stability, pan- European trade, financial integration and the fostering of structural reforms in Member States, thereby supplying the necessary background analysis for assessing, in the next section, what would be happening today in times of financial and economic crisis in the absence of the single currency. Mongelli and Vega (2006) and Buti and Gaspar (2008) offer compact overviews of the main advantages of EMU. From an aggregate point of view, Buti and Gaspar (2008) recall that during the first decade under EMU, inflation in the euro area was on average close to but not below 2%, which is the definition of price stability prescribed by the ECB Governing Council. Excluding energy and the price of unprocessed food, the average inflation rate would have been 1.8%. The ECB has maintained wellanchored inflation expectations. The degree of credibility of the ECB is particularly remarkable given that it was at the beginning a new institution without a track record. 3 At the same time, the volatility of real variables like output has also moderated, thus increasing macroeconomic stability. Although average real GDP growth has remained virtually unchanged at slightly more than 2%, during the period since 1999 more than 18 million jobs have been created (much more than in the previous decade). While it would be incorrect to attribute job creation mainly to the euro, the environment of Policy Brief macroeconomic stability and the ensuing labour market reforms in the run-up to EMU contributed to making the labour markets more flexible, supporting competitiveness and ultimately growth. 4 As for the effects on trade, there is broad agreement that the euro has had a positive effect on the euro area, in terms of an increased level of trade integration without trade diversion. As pointed out in a recent ECB report (ECB 2008), estimates of the size of the effect have provided very heterogeneous results, largely due to the adoption of different methodologies for analysis. Economists now seem to have reached consensus that the single currency has boosted the growth of trade among euro area countries by 2 to 3 percentage points on average (Bun and Klassen 2007). Had the single currency not been introduced, this extra growth, largely the consequence of diminishing transaction costs, 5 would not have materialised. 6 Another major advantage of EMU is the acceleration in the process of European financial integration. On the supply side, banks and investors in fixed income markets have become more focused on the characteristics of individual borrowers rather than the nationality of the issuer and have built up expertise to evaluate credit risk (Galati and Tsatsaronis 2003). European equity markets have also been affected by the enhanced ability of investors to build strategies with a pan-European perspective, as prices increasingly reflect risk factors specific to industrial sectors rather than individual countries. Between 1997 and 2005 euro area residents doubled their holdings of equity issued in another euro area country—as a share of their total portfolio of shares issued in their own country and elsewhere in the euro area—to reach 29%. On the other hand, the 4 According to Bernanke (2004), one of the most striking features of the economic landscape over the past twenty years or so has been a substantial decline in macroeconomic volatility. The variability of quarterly growth in real output (as measured by its standard deviation) has declined by half since the mid-1980s, while the variability of quarterly inflation has declined by about two-thirds. Several writers on the topic have dubbed this remarkable decline in the variability of both output and inflation ‘the Great Moderation’. Similar declines in the volatility of output and inflation occurred at about the same time in other major industrial countries, with the recent exception of Japan, a country that has faced a distinctive set of economic problems in the past decade. 5 ‘Transaction cost’ refers to the cost of providing for some good or service through the market rather than having it provided from within the firm. In order to carry out a market transaction it is necessary to discover who it is that one wishes to deal with, to conduct negotiations leading up to an agreement, to draw up the contract, to undertake the inspection needed to make sure that the terms of the contract are being observed and so on.