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Home , Bidar, Cairo Citadel, Muhammad bin Tughluq

1998 ACSA INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE 339

Urban Space and Social Structure: The Bahrnani ities of , Firuzabad, and

MANU P. SOBTI Georgia Institute of Technology

INTRODUCTION This paper examines relationships between urban space and social structure in three capital cities of the Bahmanis (I347 - 1526 AD) - a pre-Mughal dynasty which had considerable influence on urban developments in the Deccan region of Central . It proposes that in addition to Sultanate, Tughluq, Timurid and antecedents which contributed to the form of the Bahmani capital cities at Gulbarga, Firuzabad and Bidar; there was still another potent caus- ative agent at work - the heterodox Central Asian and Iranian military elite who migrated to these cities in the course of the dynasty's rise. Through their sponsorship and support of new social and religious institutions, such as militant mercenary units and Sufi religious leaders, these so-called "foreign" elite were responsible for resulting tensions between the dynasty, local amirs and zntnindars who financed their campaigns. The physical characteristics of the capital cities reflect these sharp differences, and this paper attempts to create a more comprehensive understanding through their analy- sis. Within the Bahmani city, while on the one hand, there was evidence of a fragmented society organized in a specific hierarchy, with factions wrestling for power, on the other hand, unified efforts created substantial physical artifacts, such as urban infrastructure and monuments. Despite this evidence, social structure and physical Fig. 2. Rise ofthe Bahlnan~Kingdom between 1358 and 148 1 AD, with chief space within the Bahmani city have seldom been perceived as inter- cities marked in bold. connected phenomena, or as cause and effect. The two aspects have been evaluated independently and presented as wholly separate developments, causing connections to be established only with some degree of difficulty.' This paper therefore emphasizes the relation between the urban social milieu and its distinct physical character. While the first part looks at the three urban foundations in terms ol basic layout and physical morphology, the second derives common characteristics from these descriptions, linking them to an inherent, underlying social structure/order. A third substantiates this prelimi- nary analysis with a detailed examination of each aspect of the social h~erarchy.

THE URBAN AND VISUAL CHARACTER OF THE BAHMANI CAPITALS

Founded 111 the ahort span ofa century (I 350 - 1450),the formal and spatial precedents of the Bahmanl c~tyclearly related to contempo- rary urban examples. Foremost anlong these were the prohfic ~ughlu~s,who foinded threecitiesin the elh hi region (~ughlkpbad, Jahan~anahand Firuzabad), and one in the Deccan (Daulatabad). ~hen'thefirst Bahtnani capital at Gulbarga was founded in 1347, Tughluqabad and were at the peak of their prosperity. Fig. I. The Bahmani capitals at Gulbwga, Firuzabad and Bidar in relatlon to Daulatabad, established by in 1327, and the kingdom of Vijaynagara. closest in location to the future Bah~nanicapitals, was a model worth 340 CONSTRUCTING NEW WORLDS

emulating, with its favorable attribures of form, si~eand defense.' On a still-grander scale, the Hahmanis were obviously inspired by the famous Timurid capitals at Samarqand, Shahr-i Sabz and Herat - a symbolic gesture of affiliation to the Timurids after their destruction of in 1398 AD.' Thc urban model hence derived was of a city divided into three concentric zones. The innermost Lone comprised the walled llim or citadel, rising high above the surrounding developments; housing the palace and residential quarters of the arrzir, thc state treasury, arsenals and stores, stables, administrative buildings, and a r~zusnlln space or a . The circumvellated inner city, which held this citadel at its center was next, termed as the qnl'c~or the shuristcm In medieval Barn, Herat, Samarqand and Bukhara, this contained the residential quarters of the ordinary populace, the Friday mosque and the bazaars. Evidence suggests similar patterns in Tughluq cities, though no conclusiveclaims can be made.%t Ram, the Nnhr-iS11nllr andin Sarnarqand, the Joyi-Ar-zizcanal, passed through thedensely- populated shar-is~an..'Beyond lay the bnl~lcior the outer circumvellated city, creating a second line of defense. The Dasarin, located on the peripheries of the Oulntl was composed of garden estates of thc nobility and the amirs. Within this region and beyond it lay agricultural land or hinterland of the city.6 Gulbarga - rirst of the three capitals, was established by Alau'd- din Hasan Bahmani in 1347 AD.'Its sLriking physical characteristics and similarity to features of Tughluq cities, explains its administra- tive and political significance. The city's double-walled circular enclosurecontained a heavily deSended citadel. It was punctuated by semi-circular bastions and surrounded by a wide moat, creating sharp distinction between citadel and the city, its principal gateways situated on the east and west approached by bridges across the moat. Within thesc walls were civic and military structures, the Jarni Mosque, the Baln Hisscrr or magazine8, and the royal btrx~nr- leading to the west gate. East of the fort lay the town, a planned street layout with two cross-axial bazaar streets, lined by arched colonnades on either side and oriented cardinally. Other iinporrant religious and funcrary structures were situated on the Fig. 3. Daulatabad - the second cap~talof Muhammad bin Tughluq (1327 outskirts of the scttlernent." While studies have not determined the AD). nature of walls which enclosed this sllciristan; on the lines of the

Fig. 3. The threc-zoned rriodel of the Timurid/Tughluq city, which served as possible inspiration for the Rahmani cities. Fig. 5 Tughluqabatl- early 14th ccntu~y, plan and conjectural street layout. 1998 ACSA INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE 34 1

urban model discussed, it may be presumed that there were not one, rarily swelling up its total population. Significantly therefore, de- but two walls, surrounding this ensemble. spite numerous expeditions against Vijaynagara it was abandoned Gulbarga's function after the foundation of the new capital at after the capital moved to Bidar.IJ Firuzabad by Taju'd-din Firuz in 1397 AD, is presently unclear.1° The Jan~imosque (I406 AD) - the city's most imposing structure Located south, a day's march from the previous capital, it too - was nearly twice the size of its counterparts at Gulbarga or Bidar, possibly consisted of a citadel within a larger walled city, its in fact ranking among the largest in the subcontinent." Michell's dominant center occupied by an elaborate palace enclave with view that a mosque of such grandiose dimensions would have orthogonally-arranged buildings an immense mosque. Here two accommodated the large Bahmani armies when they temporarily cross-axial streets, presumably bazaars, emanated and extended to resided in the city, may be challenged for two obvious reasons. thecitadel gates." Michell argues that this new city servedchiefly as Firstly, the Jami uncomfortably proximity to the royal palace would a rallyingpoint for the sultan's armies en route to make the offensive not permit so public an activity, which needless to say had potential strikes against Vijaynagara, and as a resting point on their return; dangers.lhAs evidence, a concealed staircase connected the palace rather than as a full-fledged capital city.I2Theurban plan and nature domains to the mosque and was used by the sultan at the time of the of monuments however, agree more with 's characterization Friday Kl~utbn."Secondly, the mosque stands within the "elite of the city as a k~khfgcih,a Persian term implying "throne-place" or enclave" of the citadel; while congregational prayer would rather court, in the Trrrikh-i Firis/~fcr."Inferring from the massiveness of have occurred inanother,relatively urbanelocation.Therelbre, in all the city walls and the Jami, the city was intended to acco~nniodate likelihood, this structure served the amirs and the high commanders and defend a sizable population. On the numerous occasions of war, of the sultan, and visiting dignitaries, instead of the common popu- it may have housed the collective armies of the loyal amirs, tempo- lace-on similar lines as the separate within the citadel and the city in Gulbarga and Bidar. Upon Firuz's death in 1422 AD, Shihabu'd-din Ahmed 1 (1422 - 1436 AD) transferred the capital to the city of Bidar.'This dramatic move had deep-rooted motivcs, and as Sherwani writes, three factors influenced his decision. Foremost was his concern for the prevailing atmosphere of intrigue and disloyalty among the arnirs of the old capital, who used sultans as pawns for their own interests. Secondly, was the association of the city with the untimely death of Gesu Daraz, its patron saint and benefactor, within a month of his acces- sion. Finally, was the desire to shift to a relativcly more centralized location, vis a vis an expanded Bahmani territory.l9 The most important ramification ofthis action was to move away from the elite factions who associated with and supported previous emperors.'" The Bidar citadel, positioned on a land promontory, rose above the surrounding plain, and was surrounded by a triple moat hewn out Fig. 6. Gulbarga- the first Bahmani capital (1347 AD, left) and Bidar - the of the outcrop." Within were administrative and religious third capital (1424 AD, right); both showing a distinct citadel located west/ structures organized in a sequence of courts, residences and recep- north-west of the city. tion areas -including the Takl~tMrrlral, the Diwrin-;Am, the Trrrkrisll and Rungin M~il~rrlswithin the royal enclave,"and theSolnlr KIINIII~U mosque. The sheer extent of remains, including military and hydrau- lic structures, indicate that the citadel supported a large population, or was pre-emptively built to acco~nlnodateone if required.?'Sub- stantial walls and defensive galeways enclosed the town and the cross-axial scheme dominated its street layout, highlighted at its intersection by a massive observation tower - the Clzmvbam. Sev- eral prominent structures, including the Khwaja , the Takht-i Kirrnani and the Jarni Mosque, were positioned on the principal north-south avenue of the city. The necropolis of the late Bahmani sultans and that of the later Baridis. were located beyond the boundaries of the city."

BAHMANI SOCIETY AND SPACE Foremost among thc complex Bahmani elite were the al-istocracy comprising ofthe royalty and the highest-ranking amirs. Then came the aristocratic Sunni nobility - migrants from occupying positionsofpowcrwithin theadn~inistration.Third,were the"Afaqis" or foreigners who had migrated from Central Asia and Khorasan to work as mercenaries in the armies and a fourth group were the influential Sufis. A fifth group, who did not enjoy similar privileges, were the "commoners," comprising of local Dakhani nobles, some descendants of the migrants to the Deccan in 1327 AD; a substantial population of Abyssanian slaves (the Habshis) and local Hindu znmirzclnrs." Historians divide these social categories into "Old- comers" and "New-comers," differentiating local inhabitants from incoming foreigners.'%Ele versus Commoners proves to be a more flexible and useful category, as it accounts for the shifts in "favored" Fig. 7. Firuzabad -the second capital (1397 AD), showing the urban core. elite sub-groups, which was the imminent result (or cause) of each The btrlad walls surrounding the city have presumably disappeared. ncw sultan's rise to power. Each reign selected a fresh sct of 3.12 CONSTRUCTING NEW WORLDS

bureaucrats from amongst this new elite; replacing the old guard and and Kir-rrzanis, many of them gifted administrators, diplomats and relegating them to the category ofcommoners. This ritual selection intellectuals."While on a macro-scale this influx reflected "cosmo- also applied to the Sufis affiliated to the Sultan. politanism" - one of the foremost aims of the Sultans -on a more A case in point, showing the sultan as a puppet in the hands of the discreet micro-level it meant the gradual creation of an "artificial sur~.oundingelites,"would bethe interactions betwcenFiruz Bahmani urbanelite," who wouldcontinually remain loyal to the ruling house. and Gesu Daraz, who lost the11 friendly overtones after a time, Advantages of loyal support could be wrested more easily from the prompting Firuz to move the capital to Firuzabad-'%md appoint lower eche:ons among the elite, namely the Afaqis, who arrived in Khalifat al-Rahmari as patron-saint of the new city."Firuz bore the significant numbers, and occupied various positions in thc state brunt of Gcsu Dalw's anger, losing sovel-eign legitimacy for his son, armies. Thecomrnoners. in contrast, struggled hard to find breathing ro his brother Shihabu'd-din Ahnled I, who moved the capital to space in the Bahrnani court, contesting for influential positions.'" Bidar."'That all accounts of rivalries between the elite and the The in (1250-1517 AD) provides an commoners, revolved around the three cities in mention, causes one analogous example here, wherein administrative and military aris- to ascribe a largely "ur-banc" bias to their interests." It is my tocracy comprised of Turkish "" or slaves recruited from contention thcrcfore, that capltals shifted and were built anew, more Central Asia and Khorasan." As thecommanding social and military to engage a particular group of elites, and to deliberately sideline elements at the court, thecaliphs were mere instruments in the hands others, than for significant functional or aesthctic purposes. of their superior officers.'"~ a one-generation nobility, their de- The overwhelniing depcndcnce of the Bahrnani sultans on foreign scendants were not allowed to join the military aristocracy, causing immigl-ants for positions of importance, though partly dictated by conflict and unrest. The effort at investing this aristocracy with a circumstances, may be part of a larger design by the aristocracy.'' superior status and segregating them from the remaining urban The capitals abounded in migrant Sismriis, Tcrbr-i;is, Mnzemfr-nr~is classes, also had important physical implications. These included transfer of the Abbasid capital from Baghdad to Samarra, the development of an exclusive residential district, and the use of the citadel as segregated quarters." Finally, relaxed regulations allowed the Mamluks, an upper hand over freemen or non-Mamluks. The Bahmanis and the Mamluka were aware of each other's pres- ence, and there is ample evidence of trade between th~rn.~"he Mamluks demonstrate how a socially-favored class, such as the Bahmani Afnqis, were instrumental in initiating social and physical changes in the Bahmani capitals. Back in the Deccan, the elite-cornlnoner rift widened over the issue of religious ideology-namely, heterodoxy versus orthodoxy. The majority of migrant Afciqis are believed to be Shias, creating confrontation with thestaunch groupofSunni Dtrklznnisand HLIDSII~S, escalating factional strife.'" Bidar's conditions were particularly conducive to the whims of the numerous Afkqis. Ahmed Shah Bahmani (1422-36 AD) - with pronounced Shiite affinities -con- verted to Shi'ism before 1430 AD due to the strong influences ofthe renowned Kirmani saint, Nirnat Ullah of Mahan. He also had a mission sent to request admittance into his spiritual circle; and accordingly, first his grandson, Mir Nur Alla. and later his son Halil Ulla took up permanent residence in the Dec~an."'~ These Shia leanings of the rulers and populace, whether in terms of faith or convenience, caused conflicts within members of the elite gentry. MahmuclGawan, chief rninisterofShamsu'd-din Muhammad Bahmani (1463-1482 AD), a Persian nobleman from Gilan, distin- guished himself as an able administrator and good soldier for the Bahrnani empire at this point in time.'" Scholars are divided whether he was Sunni or Shia, since it would make vital difference in the way he held position in Bahmani society." Merklinger's view of him as an ardent Sunni, seems more logical when one reconstructs an image of his migration to India to escape the uncomfortable socio-political atmosphere created by the emerging Turkish Baba class and their heterodox learnings, after the ascension of Gunaid to the head of the growing Safavid Sufi order in 1448 AD."' Apparently, a few years alier his arrival at Bidar, a sirnilar situation stemming from the liberal religious atmosphere caused him grave concern, causing him to employ the one institution he knew could possibly reform the situation - the four- madrasa4-'- thereby effectively trying to re- educate the Muslin~sof the Deccan. The Madrasa Gawan at Bidar, was therefore conceived as a propaganda platforms Ihr the Sunni faith, to counteract the Shiite heresy so prevalent in the state owing to the growing influx of the Afirqis and attitudes of the Sultan. Not surprisingly, Gawan's proximity and admiration for the Tirnurid world, caused him to adopt a familiar model for the institution.'" Fig. 8. Bidar-city planshowi~igcl-oss-axialstrcct~ntersectionand CIILIW~III.~, From the location of this prominent structure at the center of Jnnii Mosque and Mndrasa Mnhlnud Cawan at the center of the dense Bidar, near the Chawbal-a, some conjectures may be made regarding .sll~lI.;~~~l~l. the intent of such an institution; and the audience it was aimed it. 1998 ACSA INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE 343

These were presumably the Afaqis and their descendants, many of streets and squares in the city. Conversely. the latter process, whom could be now educated to reject the heterodox faith in favor initiated by the general urban populace, gave intrinsic character to of Sunniism. The other would be the future ulernas, whose efforts the residential sectors. would dictate the sway of SunniIShiaconflict. The third and possibly the most important motive behind the madrasa's location at the urban crossroads should be read as an effort by Gawan to win the NOTES support of the "commoner" class in the city, who wcre still at arms with the elite. This would have obviously made his position as prime minister more secure, and may have made a difference in the conspiracy involving his unfortunate death in 148 1 AD at the hands of the rival amir~.'~

INTERPRETING PHYSICAL SPACE IN TERMS OF ' Readings include %. A. Desni. "Architecture: The Bahrnunis." in Hi~ror:). SOCIAL STRUCTURE ofrlre ih'eclievol Decc~trrr,Vol. ii, eds. H. K. Sherwani and P. M. Joshi Physical similarities and repetitive patterns of spatially-organized (: 1974). pp. 229 - 304; G. Yazdani, Bidttr-: Its Hi.sror-T trrrd illonrrrtlerlrs (London: Oxfc~rdUniversity Press, 1947); Geol-ge Micliell areas begin toemerge from thesedescriptions, and certain inferences and Richard Earon, Firrr:trbtrtl: Ptiltrc~eCirx of rlrr Dec.c.trrr (Oxford: regarding the involvement of different social strata and societal Oxford University Press, 1992); E. Schotten Merklinger, "Thz Madrasa hierarchies at the urban scale may be made. Accordingly, the first of Mahniud Gawan In Bidar," in KDO, XI . Heft I - 2 (1976 - 77): 145 - common feature is a distinct citadel in relation to the overall city. 57. Besides visual appeal and awe that impressive walls inspired, the J. Burton-Page, "Daulatabad, Islamic Heritage of the Deccan," in Mtrrg, functional standpoints of fortilkation were important. The prevail- ed. George Michell, Vol. 3713 (1987): 16 - 25. M. S. Mate, "Daulatabad: ing sense of insecurity, first perceived in the Tughluq attempts to An Archeological Interpretation," in CII'I, Vol. 47/48 (1988 - 89): 207 - fortify their cities - particularly heightened after the sack of Delhi in 13. 1398 by Timur - may have effected the Bahmani city." In Timurid ' George Michell, "Firumbad: Palace City ofthe Bahnmis," in Islrrr~rtrtrtl Ir~drcrt~Regiorrs, eds. A. L. Dallapiccola and S. Z. Lallemant (Stuttgart: times, dispersed aristocratic estates existed outside the dense Franz Steiner Verlag, 1993). pp. 185 - 9 1. shnrisrarzs, giving a dispersed character to the city." The dense, ' Mate, "Daulatabad," in CRI: 207 - 13. built-up nature of the Bahmani inner city on the contrary, and the ' Heinz Gaube, Inrrriarl Ciries (New York: New York Unwersity, 1978). significant absence of garden estates on its peripheries, could be pp. 106 - 8; V.A. Lavrov, G~trtlosrr-oirel'rloltrKrrl'trrrti 31-edrrei'A:ii construed as the return of the elite to the walled city. The royal (Moscow: Gosudarstvennoe Irdatelstvo, 1950). pp. 98 - 167. enclaves hencecreated within thecitadel andalong the main avenues ' Gaube, Irtrrritrrr C'iries, pp. I04 - 6, 1 12; G. Le Strange. The Lmds oj'the or at the cross-roads, came to be physically differentiated from the Gurerrr Culi~~lriite(Canibridgc: 1905). pp. 285 -6.289 - 90; A. Jenkinson, rest of the city, developing their own set of walls. and infrastructure Eurly Voyrges urrd Trcr~.el.rto Rrr.rsio rmd Pr~n~iri(London. 1886). p. 83. of institutions. The contrasting morphology of the citadel and royal ' H.K. Sherwani. The Utrhrrrrrrri.r iftlrr flecurr~(New Delhi: Munshlram Manoha-la1 Publishers, I985), pp. 34 - 52. enclaves from general neighborhoods is compelling evidence of the "Sidney Toy, The Forrviecl Cities (fItzdici (London: Heinernann. 1965), divide between the elite and the general populace. The intersecting pp. 21 -6. Substantiated by Sherwani-quotingFirishta, Tor-ikh-iFirishrir cross-axial streets of the city were the second common feature. 1 (Lucknow: Nawal Kishore, 1864-65). p. 290; H.K. Sherwani, Usually the important urban bazaars, controlled by the wealthy "Muhammad I: Organizer ofthe Bahmani Kingdom," in JIH, Vol. 2 113 urban bourgeoisie, most were laid by the sultans themselves, with a (1942): 178. view to economic profit. This very act of delineating two precisely ' J. Burton-Page, "Bahrnanis," in Erlcy'/ol~trrtirtrtj'lsltrrrr, 2nd ed., ed. H. aligned streets in an otherwise accretive urban matrix, and creating A. R. Gibb et. al. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1960 - [1995]), pp. 925 - 6; E. an important urban junction, is clue to the immense aristocratic Schotten Merklinger, "Gulbarga," Islamic Heritage of the Deccan. in control of the city. Murg,ed. George Michell, Vol. 3713 (1987): 26 - 41. "' Michcll and Eaton, Firrrzobad, pp. 3 - 4; Sherwani, Bolr~rror~i.s,frontpiece Additionally, religious leaders such as the Sufi saints Sheikh map. Hazrat Gesu Darazat Gulbarga and Khalifat al-Rahman at Firuzabad It Michell and Eaton, I:rrl~:tr/xrti, pp. 2 1 - 3, 65 - 7. created important physical domains within the city. Their elevated '' Michell and Eaton, Fir~cciBtrcl,p. 13. status as patron-saints, caused institutions of religious importance to " J. Briggs, Histor? tj'the I-iseo~fMolrrrrrrtrrrrltirl Pobver- 111 Irrtlicr rill rlre jetrr occupy prominent locations in the form of religious enclaves - AD 1612, rrorrslrrted Ji-onr rhe origbrul Per-siorr by Mtrlrotrretl Kusirrr independent domains which virtually challenged royal authority. Ferishrtr ii (Calcutta: 1966). pp. 227 - 28. They also held universal appeal with the masses and the elite alike, " The Queen Mother used Firuzabad in 1461 during the rule of Sultan thereby assuming the role of intermediaries. Nizaniu'(1-din Ahmed I11 (1461 - 63) to escape siege on Bidar, and in Regarding the general urban populace, it may be assumed that 1481, it gave refuge to Sultan Shams &Din Muhanunad 111 (1463 - 82) after Ga~an'sexecution. Michell and Eaton, Fir-~rrcrbtrti,pp. 16 - 9; they resided as introverted, sub-communities within the city in the Sherwani, Bulrnrur~is,pp. 138, 22 1, 245. wake of political infighting. An analogous case would be the city of " Major mosques contemporary with Firuz's Jami Mosque - Daulatabad Ahmedabad, in Gujarat (I 41 I), which displayed "micro-communi- (1318 AD.) 260 feet sq. - 67,600 sq. feet; Gulbni-ga (1367 AD.) 2 I6 by ties" termed as p~4rrr.ror pols on the urban scale within the larger 176 feet sq. - 38.016 sq. feet: Firuzabad (1406 AD.) 343 by 202 feet sq. structureof thedity."> hi sic all^ and ideologically, such social u~Gts - 69,286 sq. feet. Michell and Eaton, I;ir?rzubtrd: I I. The wcre controls against- the unsettled and insecure Maratha administra- had large mosques, but the closest precedent in size, scale and visu:ll tion in the early 18th centu~y.'~Sirnilarly,the non-elite populace of grandeur was the Bibi Khanun~Mosque ( 1398) by Tirnur in Sanlnrqand. the Bah~nanicity were largely organized as self-governing, intcr- Sherwani, Btrlrr~rnr~rs,pp. 11 1 - 12. nally organized micro-communities. 'Vahrnani sultans - Alau'd-din Mujahid (1375 - 78) and Dawud l(1378) were assassinated at prayer. Sherwani, Btrlrtr~trrris,pp. 87 - 88. The physical form of Bah~nanicity was therefore the result of " Michell, "Firuzabad: Palace City." in lslrirri rrrlri lrrdicrrr Regror~s,p. 189. two diverse processes - the lirst formal with spatial implications '8 Sherwuni, Balrt~rutris,pp. 12 1 - 50. on the macro-scale, and the second informal with implications on " Sherwani, B~lrr~rcrrr~s,pp. 122 - 26. the micro-scale. The urban bourgeoisie supported the former "' She~wani,&~/I~IINII~S. pp. 122 - 23. process, contributing to the overall nature of the urban plan, its 'I Yazdani, Bitlur, pp. 29 - 3 1. formal structure and institutions, and to the character of important " Yardani, Biolrr, pp. 44 - 77. 344 CONSTRUCTING NEW WORLDS

Ya~dani,Biderr, p. 70 and E. Schotten Merklinger, Irrclirrn I.~lunrr~~ in Tlw ISILIIII~~Ciry: A Collocj~~r~rn~,eds. Stem and Haul-ani (Pennsylva- Arc1rireorrr.e: Tlre Dec.curl,1347-1686AD(Warminster: Aris and Phillips, nia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1970). pp. 119 - 55. 1981), p. 154. Sherwani, "Bahnlani Kingdom on Mah~nudGawan's Arrival" in IC: 13- G. Yazdani. Biclirr, p. 82 - 114. 14. K.H. Major, ed., 111clrcr111 the Ffie'nrh C~I~IIII-,.(London: Hackluyt Merklinger, Inti~anIslurnic~ AI-cl~itecr~ire, p. 3. Society, 1867), pp. 14 - 15. Sherwani, B~ihnluni.~,p. 77 - 8 1. Merklinger, "The Madrnsaof MahmudGawan ", in KDO, Vol. XI (19761 Anthanasius Nikitin's account is illustrative, see K. H. Major, ed., Inditr 77), Heft 112: 156 - 57. in the FiJeent11 Century (London: Hackluyt Society. 1867). pp. 14 - 15: Merklinger, "Madrasa Mahmud Gawan," in KDO: 155. Sherwani, Uolni~crrlis,pp. 197 - 198. H. K. Sherwani. MN~IIII~~~GUI~~III:The GI-~WBtrlitntrni Wrrzir(Allahabad: E. Schotten Mzrklinper, "Gulbarga," in Mrirg: 26 - 41. Kitabistan, 1942). pp. I77 - 2 13. Michell and Eaton, Fir-~rzcrbud.p. 14. Sherwani, Molr~~r~rdGu~~~ci~~,pp.195-96;E. Schotten Merklinger, "Madrasa She~wani,Btrlltnrrni.~, pp. 116 - 120. Mahlnud Gawan," in KDO: 145 - 57. Sherwani, Brrhtricmis, pp. 122 - 26. Merklinger, "Madrasa Mahmud Gawan," in KDO: 145 - 57. H. K. Sherwani, "The Bahnlani Kingdom on Mahmud Gawan's al~ival The Ulugh Beg Madrasa at the Registan. Sarnarqand (1417 - 20). is an in Bidar," in IC, Vol. XIV (1940): 1 - 16. example of the four-iwan plan. Lentz and Lowry, Tirnlr~.crndr/rePrini~ely She~wani,"Rahniani Kingdom on Mahmud Gawan's arrival," in IC: 77 Vision, pp. 90 - 91. - 8 1: A. M. Siddiqi, "Organi~ationof the Central and Provincial Govem- Merklinger, "Madrasa Mahnlud Gawan," in KDO: 153. rnent of the Deccan under the Bahmanides," in All lndier 01-ie~rrcil Sherwani, hltrlimlid Grnwn, pp. 166 - 169. Conferrnc.~Proc~twl~njis ( Session, 1935): 463. Peter Jackson, "Delhi: The Problem of a Vast Military Encampment," in Sherwani, Btrlrn~rrnis,p. 134. Dellri rh1-olig11rlre Ages. E.rsriys in Urbrin Hisrory. C~rltlir-etrnd Soc,iety, David Ayalon, "Studies on the Structure of the Mamluk Army," in ed. K. E. Frykenbclg (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1986). pp. 18 - 33 Biillerln of tlre School oj'Orienrtr1 tinil Afr.ic.un St~~tlies.Vol. XV ( 1953): D. N. Wilber, "The Timurid Court: Life in Gardens and Tents," in Irrirr, 203 - 28,448 - 76 and Vol. XVI (1954): 57 - 90. Vol. 17 (1979): 127 - 33. David Ayalon, "The Muslim City and Marnluk Military Aristocracy," in Kenneth Gillion,AIr~~rerlcrbtril-itStritly in 11ltlrru1Urbatr Hisroy (Berke- JMES, 1986: 3 1 I - 29. ley: Univ. of California Press, 1968). pp. 90 - 91. Ayalon, "Muslim City and Mamluk Military Aristocracy," in JMES: Vivek Nanda, "Urbanism, Tradition and Continuity in Ahmedabad," in 313-16. J.M. Rogers, "Samarra: A Study in Medieval Town Planning," Mimrr, Vol. 38 (1991): 26 - 36.