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1 Building Bridges: the Challenge of Organized
BUILDING BRIDGES: THE CHALLENGE OF ORGANIZED LABOR IN COMMUNITIES OF COLOR Robin D. G. Kelley New York University [email protected] What roles can labor unions play in transforming our inner cities and promo ting policies that might improve the overall condition of working people of color? What happens when union organizers extend their reach beyond the workplace to the needs of working-class communities? What has been the historical role of unions in the larger struggles of people of color, particularly black workers? These are crucial questions in an age when production has become less pivotal to working-class life. Increasingly, we've witnessed the export of whole production processes as corporations moved outside the country in order to take advantage of cheaper labor, relatively lower taxes, and a deregulated, frequently antiunion environment. And the labor force itself has changed. The old images of the American workingclass as white men residing in sooty industrial suburbs and smokestack districts are increasingly rare. The new service-based economy has produced a working class increasingly concentrated in the healthcare professions, educational institutions, office building maintenance, food processing, food services and various retail establishments. 1 In the world of manufacturing, sweatshops are coming back, particularly in the garment industry and electronics assembling plants, and homework is growing. These unions are also more likely to be brown and female than they have been in the past. While white male membership dropped from 55.8% in 1986 to 49.7% in 1995, women now make up 37 percent of organized labor's membership -- a higher percentage than at any time in the U.S. -
Introduction Darlington, RR
Introduction Darlington, RR Title Introduction Authors Darlington, RR Type Book Section URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/17902/ Published Date 2008 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Introduction Introduction During the first two decades of the twentieth century, amidst an extraordinary international upsurge in strike action, the ideas of revolutionary syndicalism connected with and helped to produce mass workers’ movements in a number of different countries across the world. An increasing number of syndicalist unions, committed to destroying capitalism through direct industrial action and revolutionary trade union struggle, were to emerge as either existing unions were won over to syndicalist principles in whole or in part, or new alternative revolutionary unions and organizations were formed by dissidents who broke away from their mainstream reformist adversaries. This international movement experienced its greatest vitality in the period immediately preceding and following the First World War, from about 1910 until the early 1920s (although the movement in Spain crested later). Amongst the largest and most famous unions influenced by syndicalist ideas and practice were the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) in France, the Confederación Nacional de Trabajo (CNT) in Spain, and the Unione Sindacale Italiana (USI) in Italy. -
Revolutionary Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War: A
Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Darlington, RR http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2012.731834 Title Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Authors Darlington, RR Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/19226/ Published Date 2012 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Re-evaluating Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War Abstract It has been argued that support for the First World War by the important French syndicalist organisation, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) has tended to obscure the fact that other national syndicalist organisations remained faithful to their professed workers’ internationalism: on this basis syndicalists beyond France, more than any other ideological persuasion within the organised trade union movement in immediate pre-war and wartime Europe, can be seen to have constituted an authentic movement of opposition to the war in their refusal to subordinate class interests to those of the state, to endorse policies of ‘defencism’ of the ‘national interest’ and to abandon the rhetoric of class conflict. This article, which attempts to contribute to a much neglected comparative historiography of the international syndicalist movement, re-evaluates the syndicalist response across a broad geographical field of canvas (embracing France, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Britain and America) to reveal a rather more nuanced, ambiguous and uneven picture. -
A Labour History of Irish Film and Television Drama Production 1958-2016
A Labour History of Irish Film and Television Drama Production 1958-2016 Denis Murphy, B.A. (Hons), M.A. (Hons) This thesis is submitted for the award of PhD January 2017 School of Communications Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Dublin City University Supervisor: Dr. Roddy Flynn I hereby certify that this material, which I now submit for assessment on the programme of study leading to the award of PhD, is entirely my own work, and that I have exercised reasonable care to ensure that the work is original, and does not to the best of my knowledge breach any law of copyright, and has not been taken from the work of others save and to the extent that such work has been cited and acknowledged within the text of my work. Signed: ___________________________________ (Candidate) ID No.: 81407637 Date: _______________ 2 Table of Contents Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 12 The research problem ................................................................................................................................. 14 Local history, local Hollywood? ............................................................................................................... 16 Methodology and data sources ................................................................................................................ 18 Outline of chapters ....................................................................................................................................... -
Employer Neutrality Agreements: Union Organizing Under a Nonadversarial Model of Labor Relations*
Industrial Relations Law Journal VOLUME 6 1984 NUMBER 4 Employer Neutrality Agreements: Union Organizing Under A Nonadversarial Model of Labor Relations* William J. Guzickt This Article examines the recent growth of agreements, negotiated between employers and unions, which provide that an employer shall re- main neutral when unions seek to organize non-unionfacilities andsubsid- iariesowned by the employer. After analyzing the causes of recent decline in union membership, the author argues that this decline has spurredthe growth of neutrality agreements. Such agreements are not violative of the National Labor Relations Act nor of employer free speech rights, but rather are legally binding and may be enforced by arbitrationand injunc- tion. Neutralityagreements are therefore an appropriateextension of col- lective bargaining and can contribute to an emerging attitude of cooperation between labor and management. INTRODUCTION Over the next generation, I predict, society's greatest opportunities will lie in tapping human inclinations toward collaboration and compro- mise rather than stirring our proclivities for competition and rivalry. If lawyers are not leaders in marshaling cooperation and designing mech- anisms which allow it to flourish, they will not be at the center of the most creative social experiments of our time.' President Derek C. Bok Harvard University March, 1983 * The author wishes to thank Professor Paul C. Weiler, Harvard Law School, for his assistance in the preparation of this Article. t Law Clerk to the Honorable Roszel C. Thomsen, United States District Judge for the District of Maryland. A.B., A.M., Economics, Brown University, 1980; J.D., Harvard Law School, 1983. 1. The President's Report 1981-1982, Harvard University 19 (Mar. -
The Framework of Democracy in Union Government
The Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law CUA Law Scholarship Repository Scholarly Articles and Other Contributions Faculty Scholarship 1982 The Framework of Democracy in Union Government Roger C. Hartley The Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.edu/scholar Part of the Labor and Employment Law Commons, and the Law and Politics Commons Recommended Citation Roger C. Hartley, The Framework of Democracy in Union Government, 32 CATH. U. L. REV. 13 (1982). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at CUA Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarly Articles and Other Contributions by an authorized administrator of CUA Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE FRAMEWORK OF DEMOCRACY IN UNION GOVERNMENT* Roger C. Hartley** TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction ................................................. 15 II. Broad Contours of the Framework .......................... 18 A. The Dual Union Governments .......................... 18 B. Causes of Doctrinal Fragmentation ...................... 20 III. Unions' Assigned Societal Functions ......................... 26 A. The Roots of Ambivalence .............................. 26 1. English and Colonial American Historical and Legal Precedent ............................................ 26 2. Competing Values Raised in the Conspiracy Trials 28 B. Subsequent Forces Conditioning the Right to Assert G roup Interests ......................................... 30 1. Informal Worker Control of Group Conduct ......... 31 2. The Development of Business Unionism ............. 32 a. Worker Political Movements ..................... 32 b. Cooperative Movements .......................... 32 c. The Ascendancy of the Union Movement ........ 33 3. Recognition of the Need for Unions as a Countervailing Force ................................ 34 a. Emergence of Corporate Power ................. -
Labor Law Access Rules and Stare Decisis: Developing a Planned Parenthood-Based Model of Reform Rafael Gely University of Missouri School of Law, [email protected]
University of Missouri School of Law Scholarship Repository Faculty Publications 1999 Labor Law Access Rules and Stare Decisis: Developing a Planned Parenthood-Based Model of Reform Rafael Gely University of Missouri School of Law, [email protected] Leonard Bierman University of TexasA & M Mays Business, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.missouri.edu/facpubs Part of the Labor and Employment Law Commons Recommended Citation Rafael Gely & Leonard Bierman, Labor Law Access Rules and Stare Decisis: Developing A Planned Parenthood-Based Model of Reform, 20 Berkeley J. Emp. & Lab. L. 138 (1999) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by University of Missouri School of Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of University of Missouri School of Law Scholarship Repository. Labor Law Access Rules and Stare Decisis: Developing a Planned Parenthood -Based Model of Reform Rafael Gely* Leonard Bierman** This article deals with laborlaw access rules, particularlythe rights of unions to gain access to employers' private property for organizing pur- poses. Professors Gely and Bierman provide a comprehensive analysis of the access issue and identify two major problems with the manner in which the Supreme Court has approachedthis area. First,the Supreme Court has dealt piecemeal with the various aspects of this problem without attempting to develop a coherentframework. Second, the Court has been reluctant to analyze the access issue within the context of today's workplace. Professors Gely and Bierman attribute the Supreme Court's flawed approach to this area to the doctrine of stare decisis. -
One Big Union—One Big Strike: the Story of the Wobblies
One Big Union—One Big Strike: The Story of the Wobblies Early in the 20th century, the Industrial Workers of the World, called the "Wobblies," organized thousands of immigrant and unskilled workers in the United States. The union eventually failed, but it helped shape the modern American labor movement. In 1900, only about 5 percent of American industrial workers belonged to labor unions. Most unions were organized for skilled craft workers like carpenters and machinists. Membership in these craft unions was almost always restricted to American-born white men. The American Federation of Labor (AFL), led by Samuel Gompers, dominated the labor movement. Gompers wanted to assemble the independent craft unions into one organization, which would work to improve the pay and working conditions of the union members. Gompers and the AFL believed that unskilled factory and other industrial workers could not be organized into unions. Therefore, the vast majority of American workers, including immigrants, racial minorities, and women, remained outside the labor union movement. In 1905, a new radical union, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), began to organize workers excluded from the AFL. Known as the "Wobblies," these unionists wanted to form "One Big Union." Their ultimate goal was to call "One Big Strike," which would overthrow the capitalist system. Big Bill Haywood and One Big Union One of the main organizers for the IWW was "Big Bill" Haywood. William Dudley Haywood grew up on the rough and violent Western frontier. At age 9, he began working in copper mines. Haywood eventually married and took up homesteading in Nevada. -
The Role of Trade Unions in Creating and Maintaining a Democratic Society Barbara Fick Notre Dame Law School, [email protected]
Notre Dame Law School NDLScholarship Journal Articles Publications 6-5-2009 Not Just Collective Bargaining: The Role Of Trade Unions In Creating And Maintaining A Democratic Society Barbara Fick Notre Dame Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/law_faculty_scholarship Part of the Labor and Employment Law Commons Recommended Citation Barbara Fick, Not Just Collective Bargaining: The Role Of Trade Unions In Creating And Maintaining A Democratic Society, Working USA: The ourJ nal of Labor and Society, Vol. 12, pp. 249-264. Available at: https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/law_faculty_scholarship/1225 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Publications at NDLScholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of NDLScholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NOT JUST COLLECTIVE BARGAINING: THE ROLE OF TRADE UNIONS IN CREATING AND MAINTAINING A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY by Barbara J. Fick1 –“...and so he fails – and in this he resembles many members of the propertied classes both in England and in America – to understand that trade unionism is not an disintegrating but a stabilizing force.” Rebecca West, BLACK LAMB AND GREY FALCON 481 (Penguin Books 1995)(1941). – “Those who would destroy or further limit the rights of organized labor – those who cripple collective bargaining or prevent organization of the unorganized – do a disservice to the cause of democracy.” John F. Kennedy, quoted in Peter Kihss, Labor Called Key to Nation’s Race with Communism, N.Y. TIMES, September 5, 1960 at A-1. -
ALHI Calendar 2003.Pdf
ATA President, Larry Booi convenes a special session of the Annual Representative Assembly on the steps of the legislature in May 2001 Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday December 2002 February 2003 1905 Conference of Industrial 123456 7 1 Unionists in Chicago leads to the formation of the Industrial 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 234567 8 Workers of the World (IWW) 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 29 30 31 23 24 25 26 27 28 1234 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 1929 Martin Luther King born 1915 IWW Poet Ralph Chaplain writes Solidarity Forever 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 1962 Alberta New Democrats founding provincial convention 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 1850 Samuel Gompers born 1737 Thomas Paine born 26 27 28 29 30 31 ATA President, Larry Booi convenes a special session of the Annual Representative Assembly on the steps of the legislature in May 2001 Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday December 2002 February 2003 1905 Conference of Industrial 123456 7 1 Unionists in Chicago leads to the formation of the Industrial 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 234567 8 Workers of the World (IWW) 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 29 30 31 23 24 25 26 27 28 1234 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 1929 Martin Luther King born 1915 IWW Poet Ralph Chaplain writes Solidarity Forever 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 1962 Alberta New Democrats founding provincial convention 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 1850 Samuel Gompers born 1737 Thomas Paine born 26 27 28 29 30 31 Amalgamated Transit Union Local 583 strike -
Union Trusteeships and Union Democracy
University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform Volume 24 Issues 3&4 1991 Union Trusteeships and Union Democracy Clyde W. Summers University of Pennsylvania Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjlr Part of the Labor and Employment Law Commons Recommended Citation Clyde W. Summers, Union Trusteeships and Union Democracy, 24 U. MICH. J. L. REFORM 689 (1991). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjlr/vol24/iss3/6 This Symposium Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNION TRUSTEESHIPS AND UNION DEMOCRACYt Clyde W. Summers* I start from the fundamental premise that unions should be democratic. They must be democratic if they are to serve the union movement's own mission and if they are to serve our society's democratic values. The historic tradition of the labor movement was to enrich democratic values in society by making workers full members of society and enabling them to have a greater voice in shaping society. Consistent with that purpose, unions in their internal governing structure have almost uniformly been built on the democratic model, with officers elected by the vote of the members and decisions made by vote in open meeting or by elected representatives. The declared purpose of the Wagner Act,1 enacted fifty years ago, was to encourage and promote collective bargaining. -
Public Interest in Union Democracy by Clyde W
The Public Interest in Union Democracy By Clyde W. Summers* If there be any public policy touching the government of labor unions, and there can be no doubt that there is, it is that traditionally democratic means of improving their union may be freely availed of by members without fear of harm or penalty. 1 F OR two years during a period of relative labor peace, the spot- light has been focused on labor unions more sharply than at any time since the passage of the Taft-Hartley Act. Attention has been centered not on union-management relations but on the internal operations of unions. Primary attention has been on the diversion of union funds, and the use by union leaders of their positions of power for self-enrichment. Secondary but substantial attention has been on union governmental processes through which union leaders are chosen and union policies made. During the last session of Congress, five major proposals were introduced in the Senate to regulate internal union affairs. 2 These culminated in the ill-fated Kennedy-Ives Bill,3 which bounded through the Senate only to die a fitful death in the House.4 All of these bills went beyond the control of union finances and reached into the governmental processes of unions. The Kennedy-Ives Bill sought to regulate union elections, prescribe certain qualifications for union office, and limit the power of international unions to impose trusteeships on local unions. Proposals for legislation necessarily assume that the public has an interest in protecting and fostering union democracy. This premise, although easily assumed, is not so easily demonstrated, nor can the precise basis of that interest be readily articulated.