Experiences of Doubling-Up Among American Families with Children

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Experiences of Doubling-Up Among American Families with Children Experiences of Doubling-Up Among American Families With Children The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:39947157 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Experiences of Doubling-up among American Families with Children A dissertation presented by Hope Harvey to The Committee on Higher Degrees in Social Policy in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Sociology and Social Policy Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts May 2018 © 2018 Hope Harvey All rights reserved. Dissertation Advisors: Hope Harvey Professor Alexandra Killewald Professor Devah Pager Experiences of Doubling-up among American Families with Children Abstract Facing rising rents and economic insecurity, many American families live “doubled-up” in extended households. Households are considered doubled-up if they contain any adults besides the householder and her romantic partner. This dissertation examines the experience and effects of living doubled-up on families with children and highlights variation within this broad category. This dissertation contributes to our understanding of this common alternative housing arrangement, and it contributes theoretical insights to the literatures on social support activation and complex family/household relationships. The first empirical chapter draws on in-depth interview data from 33 parents who doubled-up in someone else’s home to examine how parents who double-up as guests understand and evaluate their housing options. I find that parents assess the quality of the support itself, their relationship with the provider and other household members, and the conditions attached to the support when considering whether a specific source of support is a desirable, or even available, option. This chapter identifies difficult trade-offs that parents using the private housing safety net often face and provides a framework for understanding instrumental support activation decisions. Chapter two draws on data from 60 householders and guests to examine how families negotiate and contest economic arrangements within extended households. I find that guests frequently contribute towards household expenses, making doubling-up a form of social support that often benefits hosts as well as guests, but successful intra-household economic exchange depends on iii household members having a common understanding of the meanings behind exchanges. Disputes about economic arrangements reveal disagreements over the social meanings of household relationships and help explain the instability of double-ups. The final analysis uses data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 and Child and Youth Adult surveys to estimate the cumulative effects on young adult health and educational attainment of childhood years spent in three doubled-up household types: 1) those formed with children’s grandparent(s), 2) those formed with children’s adult sibling(s), and 3) those formed with other extended family or non-kin. I find that the effects vary depending on the relationships between household members and conclude that the study of family complexity can be enriched by considering co- residence with adults beyond the nuclear family. Together, these chapters strengthen our understanding of this common private housing safety net and demonstrate the importance of considering heterogeneity in the experience and effects of living in doubled-up households. iv Table of Contents Acknowledgements vi. Introduction 1 1. Choosing a Household: How Parents Navigate the Private Housing Safety Net 9 2. Economic Exchange and Relational Work within Doubled-up Households 47 3. Cumulative Effects of Doubling-up on Young Adult Outcomes 84 Conclusion 123 Appendix 1: Descriptive Statistics 129 Appendix 2: Alternative Age Cut-off 131 Appendix 3: Alternative Household Categories 133 Appendix 4: Stratifying by Mother’s Marital Status 135 Appendix 5: Full Prediction Model for Household Type 137 References 140 v Acknowledgements I am incredibly grateful for the support and mentorship of my dissertation committee: Alexandra Killewald, Devah Pager, Mario L. Small, and Kathryn Edin. Sasha has advised me since I first entered graduate school. Her attention to detail and rigorous feedback on everything from methodological choices to writing style has vastly improved this dissertation and helped me develop as a researcher. I am grateful to Devah for encouraging me to keep my research focused on the issues most important to me. Additionally, conversations with her have been incredibly helpful for thinking through the larger implications of my findings. Mario also provided valuable feedback, asking tough questions and encouraging me to listen to my data, and his insights have improved this project. Reading Kathy’s books got me hooked on sociology in my undergraduate years. For this project, she provided support for data collection and important lessons in qualitative methods. Finally, in addition to their practical advice, I was very lucky to have such a supportive committee. I am grateful for the words of encouragement I received from each member of my dissertation committee. I was fortunate to be surrounded by a supportive group of fellow graduate students. I will always be thankful for my cohort, the Lucky 13, whose brilliance, kindness, and supportiveness cannot be overstated: Alix Winter, Barbara Kiviat, Brielle Bryan, Katherine Morris, Xiaolin Zhou, Matthew Clair, Nathan Wilmers, Tom Wooten, Aaron Benavidez, Alexandra Feldberg, Margot Moinester, and Charlotte Lloyd. Thank you to the How Parents House Kids researchers, who helped collect the sample from which my data was drawn, and especially to fellow graduate student Kelley Fong and Professors Kathryn Edin, Stefanie DeLuca, and Jennifer Darrah-Okike for collaborating with me on other projects with this data. I was lucky to have Kristin Perkins assigned as my graduate student mentor in my first year and to benefit from her advice and vi friendship throughout graduate school. Thank you to Pamela Metz, our Program Director, for her help navigating Harvard. Finally, I am grateful for the support of my family and friends, most especially my parents and Emil. Throughout graduate school (and always), they have kept me laughing, grounded, and feeling loved. Finally, I would like to acknowledge funding that made this dissertation possible. This project was supported by in part by fellowships from the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study at Harvard University, the Harvard Joint Center for Housing Studies, and the Multidisciplinary Program in Inequality and Social Policy. Data collection was made possible by generous support from the Annie E. Casey Foundation and the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation. vii Dissertation Introduction Facing rising rents and economic insecurity, many Americans live doubled-up with friends or family members. Households are generally considered doubled-up if they include an adult member who is not the householder or romantic partner of the householder. This category includes a broad range of household configurations, from multigenerational homes to roommate arrangements. Rates of doubling-up have increased in recent decades, especially during the Great Recession (Elliott, Young, and Dye 2011; Taylor et al. 2010; Wiemers 2014). By 2010, over 30 percent of adults and nearly 20 percent of children lived in doubled-up households (Mykyta and Macartney 2012). Because doubled-up households are highly unstable, point in time estimates understate the cumulative prevalence of doubling-up. In a sample of children living in urban areas, nearly half doubled-up at some point by the time they reached middle childhood (Pilkauskas, Garfinkel, and McLanahan 2014). This dissertation provides new insight into how families with children experience and are affected by this common housing safety net and highlights heterogeneity within these experiences and effects. In addition to its implications for our understanding of doubling-up a private housing safety net, this dissertation contributes to the study of social support and family complexity. Background on Doubling-up Doubling-up is associated with economic disadvantage. Both householders and guests (the additional adults living in the home owned or rented by the householder) in doubled-up households are more likely to have poverty-level personal incomes than non-doubled-up adults (Mykyta and Macartney 2012). Recessions and high unemployment rates are associated with more doubling-up (Lee and Painter 2013; London and Fairlie 2006; Pilkauskas et al. 2014). Though the evidence is limited, higher fair market rent in a city may be associated with higher 1 rates of doubling-up (Fertig and Reingold 2008). Doubling-up is particularly common for African American, Hispanic, and Asian American families. While slightly less than 20 percent of white adults over age 25 live in doubled-up households, 36 percent of Hispanic adults, 32 percent of Asian adults, and 31 percent of black adults live in doubled-up households. Three- generation households, the most common type of double-up, are more than twice as prevalent among nonwhites as they are among whites (Wiemers
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