Isaac Herzog – Life Story
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
In Search of the Center
In Search of the Center By Dahlia Scheindlin After the Second Intifada (2000-2005), Israel appeared to be hurtling towards rightwing politics with no end in sight. From 2009, the towering figurehead of the right, Benjamin Netanyahu, won election after election. As public sentiment veered to the right, parties competed for extreme nationalist and expansionist policies, and there seemed to be no stopping the trend. Yet the party that finally came close to beating Netanyahu in April 2019, then surpassed Likud in a second round in September that year, was not a competitor from the right but a rival from the Israeli center. Blue and White was an unlikely challenger. The party was cobbled together ad hoc ahead of the April 2019 elections, led by three former generals with no obvious political ideology, party institutions or base of support beyond the voters of one of the constituent parties in its joint slate, Yesh Atid. The latter was largely viewed as center-left. Yet somehow, voters knew instinctively where Blue and White fit on Israel’s map – the center. The party’s own leaders worked hard to convey a centrist image as their brand, as well. But do centrist political movements ever succeed in Israel? Can a centrist party become a defining force of Israeli politics, and if so, what exactly does centrism mean in Israel? The Pull of the Center On the face of it, centrist politics sound like a potential antidote to Israel’s notoriously polarized, fragmented, and aggressive political culture. A center party could become a vehicle to promote moderation and pragmatic policies, in theory. -
August 2019 Edition
B’NAI SHALOM V’TIKVAH NEWSLETTER Page 1 August 2019 Edition Welcome to the August 2019 Edition of our Newsletter! In this edition: Messages from the President Page 2 Save the Date! Page 7 5780 Calendars Page 8 Recognitions Club Page 9 Calling for Volunteers! Page 12 Always of Interest… Page 13 On the Lighter Side Page 33 BSVT Service Dates Page 34 BSVT Board of Directors Information Page 35 The Art of Judaism Page 36 _________________________________ B’NAI SHALOM V’TIKVAH NEWSLETTER Page 2 August 2019 Edition Messages from the President – Ron King B’nai Shalom v’Tikvah – Being Mature As I documented in my speech “ B’nai Shalom v’Tikvah – A Holey People “ our congregation has come a long way from the days when Joanie Gertler and Harley Saltzman “ led us to the promised land “ and laid the foundation for this Reform Jewish community. While that speech took a slightly tongue in cheek approach to the history of BSVT; as we begin year twenty-six I would like to a moment to explore what BSVT is about today. Being mature; at least in part; is being able to have greater breadth in viewing your role / responsibilities. B’nai Shalom v’Tikvah is no longer the congregation that hopes to provide a Hebrew school for your children, a place to come and worship in a liberal Jewish environment and an organization that provides for your life cycle needs. BSVT has accomplished that! In my view, being mature, means taking an important place in your community as well. You may have noticed recently that the population in the Durham Region is about to explode. -
Freedom in the World 2019
Freedom in the World 2019 https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/israel A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 12 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 A largely ceremonial president is elected by the Knesset for one seven-year term. In 2014, Reuven Rivlin of the right-leaning Likud party was elected to replace outgoing president Shimon Peres, receiving 63 votes in a runoff against Meir Sheetrit of the centrist Hatnuah party. The prime minister is usually the leader of the largest faction in the Knesset. In 2014, in a bid to create more stable governing coalitions, the electoral threshold for parties to win representation was raised from 2 percent to 3.25 percent, and the no- confidence procedure was revised so that opponents hoping to oust a sitting government must simultaneously vote in a new one. The incumbent prime minister in 2018, Benjamin Netanyahu of the conservative party Likud, had been in office since 2009, most recently securing reelection after the 2015 parliamentary polls. A2. Were the current national legislative representatives elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 Members of the 120-seat Knesset are elected by party-list proportional representation for four-year terms, and elections are typically free and fair. In the 2015 contest, Likud secured 30 seats, followed by the center-left Zionist Union with 24. The Joint List—a coalition of parties representing Arab citizens of Israel, who often identify as Palestinian—earned 13 seats; the centrist Yesh Atid (There Is a Future), 11; Kulanu, also centrist, 10; Habayit Hayehudi (Jewish Home), 8; the ultra- Orthodox parties Shas and United Torah Judaism, 7 and 6, respectively; the right- wing Yisrael Beiteinu, 6; and the left-wing Meretz party, 5. -
Peace Between Israel and the Palestinians Appears to Be As Elusive As Ever. Following the Most Recent Collapse of American-Broke
38 REVIVING THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN PEACE PROCESS: HISTORICAL LES- SONS FOR THE MARCH 2015 ISRAELI ELECTIONS Elijah Jatovsky Lessons derived from the successes that led to the signing of the 1993 Declaration of Principles between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization highlight modern criteria by which a debilitated Israeli-Palestinian peace process can be revitalized. Writ- ten in the run-up to the March 2015 Israeli elections, this article examines a scenario for the emergence of a security-credentialed leadership of the Israeli Center-Left. Such leadership did not in fact emerge in this election cycle. However, should this occur in the future, this paper proposes a Plan A, whereby Israel submits a generous two-state deal to the Palestinians based roughly on that of Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s offer in 2008. Should Palestinians find this offer unacceptable whether due to reservations on borders, Jerusalem or refugees, this paper proposes a Plan B by which Israel would conduct a staged, unilateral withdrawal from large areas of the West Bank to preserve the viability of a two-state solution. INTRODUCTION Peace between Israel and the Palestinians appears to be as elusive as ever. Following the most recent collapse of American-brokered negotiations in April 2014, Palestinians announced they would revert to pursuing statehood through the United Nations (UN), a move Israel vehemently opposes. A UN Security Council (UNSC) vote on some form of a proposal calling for an end to “Israeli occupation in the West Bank” by 2016 is expected later this month.1 In July 2014, a two-month war between Hamas-controlled Gaza and Israel broke out, claiming the lives of over 2,100 Gazans (this number encompassing both combatants and civilians), 66 Israeli soldiers and seven Israeli civilians—the low number of Israeli civilians credited to Israel’s sophisti- cated anti-missile Iron Dome system. -
Opinion New Government, New President, New Israel?
Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 20, ISSUE 3 Studies Opinion New Government, New President, New Israel? Melanie Carina Schmoll, PhD Israel in summer 2021 – the end of the pandemic seems to be near. Israel opens up, almost all mask requirements are cancelled, international travel groups are welcome and even the individual guests are allowed to travel to the Holy Land with almost no restrictions. It seems Israel is back in pre-pandemic times. But it is not the same country anymore. Some fundamental changes have happened over the last few weeks. When, in March 2021, the Israelis had to vote again for the Israeli Parliament, the Knesset, it was for the fourth time within two and a half years. The outcome was almost the same as the three times before. Benjamin Nethanyahu, Israel´s long-time prime minister, won most of the seats with his Likud party. As the State of Israel is a parlamentary democracy the executive branch or the government draws its authority from the Parliament (the legislative branch) and needs its confidence. Therefore, the prime minister is not decided directly by the voters but depends instead on a process of bargaining among the various fractions elected to parliament. In Israel, no single party holds most of the seats in Parliament and thus the process of forming a government is long and complicated.1 Israel also has an extreme proportional system of government, 1 For more information see Melanie Carina Schmoll, “Israel and the permanent siege: The people have spoken - who will find an answer to the needs of the voters?” Journal of Military and Strategic Studies 20, 1 (2019). -
An Israeli Labor Party Perspective on Peace | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 1818 An Israeli Labor Party Perspective on Peace by Isaac Herzog Jun 20, 2011 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Isaac Herzog Isaac Herzog is chairman of the executive at the Jewish Agency for Israel. Brief Analysis n June 16, 2011, Isaac Herzog addressed a Policy Forum at The Washington Institute to discuss Israel's next O steps in the wake of Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu's recent visit to Washington. A member of the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, Mr. Herzog has served in a number of senior positions in the Israeli government, most recently as minister of welfare and social services. He is currently a candidate for the Labor Party chairmanship. The following is a rapporteur's summary of his remarks. Given the huge uncertainties created by the Arab Spring, many Israelis believe that the best response is a "wait and see" approach. That is a narrow, short-term view, however. A better response is to shape the region's changes in Israel's interest, based on the view that it is better to influence history than be swept along as a passive participant. From that perspective, President Obama's recent speech hit on the crux of the difference between the Israeli right and left. The current government chose to focus on a few controversial words in the speech and, in the process, deepened the tension between Israel and the United States. On the other hand, the Israeli opposition -- especially the Labor Party -- welcomed the address as another evolutionary step from the 2000 Clinton Parameters toward the goal of ending the conflict with the Palestinians. -
The Memory of the Yom Kippur War in Israeli Society
The Myth of Defeat: The Memory of the Yom Kippur War in Israeli Society CHARLES S. LIEBMAN The Yom Kippur War of October 1973 arouses an uncomfortable feeling among Israeli Jews. Many think of it as a disaster or a calamity. This is evident in references to the War in Israeli literature, or the way in which the War is recalled in the media, on the anniversary of its outbreak. 1 Whereas evidence ofthe gloom is easy to document, the reasons are more difficult to fathom. The Yom Kippur War can be described as failure or defeat by amassing one set of arguments but it can also be assessed as a great achievement by marshalling other sets of arguments. This article will first show why the arguments that have been offered in arriving at a negative assessment of the War are not conclusive and will demonstrate how the memory of the Yom Kippur War might have been transformed into an event to be recalled with satisfaction and pride. 2 This leads to the critical question: why has this not happened? The background to the Yom Kippur War, the battles and the outcome of the war, lend themselves to a variety of interpretations. 3 Since these are part of the problem which this article addresses, the author offers only the barest outline of events, avoiding insofar as it is possible, the adoption of one interpretive scheme or another. In 1973, Yom Kippur, the holiest day of the Jewish calendar, fell on Saturday, 6 October. On that day the Egyptians in the south and the Syrians in the north attacked Israel. -
S Election Results
The Challenge of Israel’s Election Results I wrote the following for the latest newsletter of the World Union of Meretz, from the J Street Conference in Washington, DC. Representatives of all of the Israeli opposition gathered there, meeting together with its counterparts from American Jewry, who clearly represent the majority of American Jews. The final polls allowed on Friday the 13th, four days before election day, had given the Zionist Union (Labor & Hatnua) led by Herzog and Livni a lead of 24 to 20 seats, with an even chance to lead the next government. Netanyahu then went into emergency mode, using every demagogic trick in the book to turn the results around. He warned the leadership of the settlers that “the left” was on the verge of winning, and would begin to evacuate settlements, so they mobilized en masse, coming in thousands to Likud strongholds in the outlying and development towns to get out the vote. Mobilizing the extreme right to abandon Naftali Bennet’s Jewish Home party, Lieberman’s Yisrael Beiteinu and the ultra-right Yachad party (led by Shas refugee Eli Yishai in alliance with Kahanist Baruch Marzel), Netanyahu renounced his support for a two-state solution, and on election day warned that Israeli Arabs were voting in droves, being “bussed in by Jewish left-wingers” supported by foreign money. This last claim was ridiculous, since Israeli Arab citizens were simply walking to the polling booths, exercising their democratic right to vote, and energized by the fact that the four Arab parties had united in a Joint Arab List to ensure that they would pass the minimum voter threshold that had been raised to try to prevent them from entering the Knesset. -
Chaim Dov I\Eller
THE JEWISH OBSERVER in this issue ... THE JEWISH OBSERVER is published monthly, except July and August, by the Agudath Israel of Amercia, 5 Beekman St., New York, N. Y. 10038. Second class postage paid at New York, N. Y. Subscription: LETTERS AND RESPONSES................................................ 3 $6.50 per year; Two years, $11.00; Three years $15.00; outside of the United States $7.50 per year. Single THE LONELY JEW IN A WORLD IN UPHEAVAL, copy sixty-five cents. Chaim Dov Keller.............................................................. 7 Printed in the U.S.A. RABBI NISSON WOLPIN A RESPONSE TO THE YOM KIPPUR WAR- Editor IN RETROSPECT, Ralph Pelcovits ................................... 11 Editorial Board DR. ERNST L. BODENHEIMER FROM GERMANY TO BALTIMORE, Shmuel Singer...... 16 Chairman RABBI NATHAN BULMAN RABBI JOSEPH ELIAS CHASSIDISM ON THE MODERN SCENE, JOSEPH FRIEDENSON RABBI YAAKOV JACOBS a review article by Joseph Elias........................................... 20 RABBI MOSHE SHERER OZAR HATORAH AND SEPHARDIC JEWRY'S THE JEWISH OBSERVER does not SURVIVAL, Aryeh Kaplan................................................. 24 assume responsibility for the Kashrus of any product or service <idvertised in its pages. LETTERS TO THE EDITOR, continued.............................. 28 JANUARY, 1975 VOL. X, No. 7 Typography by Compu-Scribe at ArtScroll Studios ime!T~•®_.. Letters & Responses ?7 Last month's issue, devoted to "The Jewish Woman in a Torah Society," generated a great deal of comment and an unusual number of letters. -
Administration of Barack Obama, 2016 Statement on the Death of Former
Administration of Barack Obama, 2016 Statement on the Death of Former President Shimon Peres of Israel September 27, 2016 There are few people who we share this world with who change the course of human history, not just through their role in human events, but because they expand our moral imagination and force us to expect more of ourselves. My friend Shimon was one of those people. Shimon Peres once said that, "I learned that public service is a privilege that must be based on moral foundations." Tonight Michelle and I join people across Israel, the United States, and around the world in honoring the extraordinary life of our dear friend Shimon Peres, a founding father of the State of Israel and a statesman whose commitment to Israel's security and pursuit of peace was rooted in his own unshakeable moral foundation and unflagging optimism. I will always be grateful that I was able to call Shimon my friend. I first visited him in Jerusalem when I was a Senator, and when I asked for his advice, he told me that while people often say that the future belongs to the young, it's the present that really belongs to the young. "Leave the future to me," he said, "I have time." And he was right. Whether it was during our conversations in the Oval Office, walking together through Yad Vashem, or when I presented him with America's highest civilian honor, the Medal of Freedom, Shimon always looked to the future. He was guided by a vision of the human dignity and progress that he knew people of good will could advance together. -
An Idiot's Guide to the Nation-‐State Controversy
An idiot’s guide to the nation-state controversy A bird’s-eye view of the facts, arguments and motivations behind the proposed legislation that is roiling Israeli politics The Times of Israel By Haviv Rettig Gur December 1, 2014 So much has been written about the nation-state bills, and so much of it has been wrong on the basic facts, that a straightforward primer on the existing versions and a brief sketch of the arguments around them may provide readers with basic tools to grapple with the issue. A government-sponsored bill is currently being written at the direction of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and under the supervision of Attorney General Yehudah Weinstein. Contrary to reports in both Israeli and foreign media, from a New York Times editorial to the world’s largest wire services, the cabinet did not pass a nation-state bill two weeks ago. Rather, it passed a 13-page decision that committed the government to supporting two right-wing versions of the nation-state bill in a preliminary vote in the Knesset, “but only,” the cabinet decision reads, “on condition that the proponents [of the two bills] agree that their bills will be attached [Israeli legislative terminology for ‘subsumed’] in a government-sponsored bill that will be proposed by the prime minister on the matter, which will be drafted on the basis of the principles contained in the appendix to this decision, and which will be adapted to it [the government bill].” Much of what has been said about the nation-state bill — that it “narrows” Israel’s democracy, that it changes the formal legal standing of Israel’s minorities — referred to the right-wing bills superseded by the government decision. -
Deterrence and Realism
The Evolution of Israeli Military Strategy: Asymmetry, Vulnerability, Pre-emption and Deterrence Gerald M. Steinberg We are a generation that settles the land and without the steel helmet and the cannon’s maw, we will not be able to plant a tree and build a home. Let us not be deterred from seeing the loathing that is inflaming and filling the lives of the hundreds of thousands of Arabs who live around us. Let us not avert our eyes lest our arms weaken. This is the fate of our generation. This is our life's choice - to be prepared and armed, strong and determined, lest the sword be stricken from our fist and our lives cut down. --Moshe Dayan's Eulogy for Roi Rutenberg (April 19, 1956)1 Overview When the nascent Israeli leadership met on May 14, 1948, in Tel Aviv to declare independence, the country was already being attacked by neighboring Arab armies. The clearly stated objective was to destroy the miniscule Jewish state, with its very vulnerable borders, before it could be established, using the apparently decisive Arab advantages in terms of territorial extent, armed forces, demography, and political influence. Israel overcame these hurdles in 1948 and in subsequent military confrontations, yet despite the development of formidable military capabilities, the inherent asymmetries and existential threats to the Jewish nation-state remain. Given this environment, Israel‟s survival has depended on the development of appropriate strategic and tactical responses. The period from 1948 to 1973 was characterized primarily by large scale confrontations with the armies of Egypt, Syria, 1 Iraq and Jordan in different combinations.