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The Literary Herald
ISSN : 2454-3365 THE LITERARY HERALD AN INTERNATIONAL REFEREED ENGLISH E-JOURNAL A Quarterly Indexed Open-access Online JOURNAL Vol.1, No.1 (June 2015) Editor-in-Chief: Dr. Siddhartha Sharma Managing Editor: Dr. Sadhana Sharma www.TLHjournal.com [email protected] hhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhhkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkk;khngggh www.TLHjournal.com The Literary Herald ISSN: 2454-3365 An International Refereed English e-Journal The Representation of Agony during Partition as shown in M S Sathyu’s film “Garm Hawa” Ms Rekha Paresh Parmar Associate Professor Department of English Veer Narmad South Gujarat University, Surat Abstract “Garm Hawa” (Scorching Winds/Hot Winds) is a 1973 Hindi Urdu drama film directed by M S Sathyu with veteran actor Balraj Sahni as the lead. It was written by Kaifi Azmi and Shama Zaidi, based on an unpublished short story by a famous Urdu writer Ismat Chughtai. This controversial film has won several national awards in 1974 including a National Integration award. This political narrative deals with the plight of a North Indian Muslim businessman Salim Mirza and his family in 1947 in Agra. He is a patriot and a Muslim shoemaker, struggles to survive in this pathetic and critical condition of communal riots. He is in a dilemma either to live in India or to emigrate to Pakistan like his other family members. The Mirza family suffers for not doing anything wrong in this post-partition environment. They could neither manage their business nor got the job. The social and marital relations are affected. Salim Mirza’s elder son Baqar moves to Pakistan with his family. His daughter Amina is frustrated having two affairs with her cousins and committed suicide. -
Muhammad Umar Memon Bibliographic News
muhammad umar memon Bibliographic News Note: (R) indicates that the book is reviewed elsewhere in this issue. Abbas, Azra. ìYouíre Where Youíve Always Been.î Translated by Muhammad Umar Memon. Words Without Borders [WWB] (November 2010). [http://wordswithoutborders.org/article/youre-where-youve-alwaysbeen/] Abbas, Sayyid Nasim. ìKarbala as Court Case.î Translated by Richard McGill Murphy. WWB (July 2004). [http://wordswithoutborders.org/article/karbala-as-court-case/] Alam, Siddiq. ìTwo Old Kippers.î Translated by Muhammad Umar Memon. WWB (September 2010). [http://wordswithoutborders.org/article/two-old-kippers/] Alvi, Mohammad. The Wind Knocks and Other Poems. Introduction by Gopi Chand Narang. Selected by Baidar Bakht. Translated from Urdu by Baidar Bakht and Marie-Anne Erki. New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi, 2007. 197 pp. Rs. 150. isbn 978-81-260-2523-7. Amir Khusrau. In the Bazaar of Love: The Selected Poetry of Amir Khusrau. Translated by Paul Losensky and Sunil Sharma. New Delhi: Penguin India, 2011. 224 pp. Rs. 450. isbn 9780670082360. Amjad, Amjad Islam. Shifting Sands: Poems of Love and Other Verses. Translated by Baidar Bakht and Marie Anne Erki. Lahore: Packages Limited, 2011. 603 pp. Rs. 750. isbn 9789695732274. Bedi, Rajinder Singh. ìMethun.î Translated by Muhammad Umar Memon. WWB (September 2010). [http://wordswithoutborders.org/article/methun/] Chughtai, Ismat. Masooma, A Novel. Translated by Tahira Naqvi. New Delhi: Women Unlimited, 2011. 152 pp. Rs. 250. isbn 978-81-88965-66-3. óó. ìOf Fists and Rubs.î Translated by Muhammad Umar Memon. WWB (Sep- tember 2010). [http://wordswithoutborders.org/article/of-fists-and-rubs/] Granta. 112 (September 2010). -
Muslim Nationalism, State Formation and Legal Representations of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan
Politics of Exclusion: Muslim Nationalism, State Formation and Legal Representations of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan by Sadia Saeed A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Sociology) in The University of Michigan 2010 Doctoral Committee: Professor George P. Steinmetz, Chair Professor Howard A. Kimeldorf Associate Professor Fatma Muge Gocek Associate Professor Genevieve Zubrzycki Professor Mamadou Diouf, Columbia University © Sadia Saeed 2010 2 Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to my parents with my deepest love, respect and gratitude for the innumerable ways they have supported my work and choices. ii Acknowledgements I would like to begin by acknowledging the immense support my parents have given me every step of the way during my (near) decade in graduate school. I have dedicated this dissertation to them. My ammi and baba have always believed in my capabilities to accomplish not only this dissertation but much more in life and their words of love and encouragement have continuously given me the strength and the will to give my research my very best. My father‘s great enthusiasm for this project, his intellectual input and his practical help and advice during the fieldwork of this project have been formative to this project. I would like to thank my dissertation advisor George Steinmetz for the many engaged conversations about theory and methods, for always pushing me to take my work to the next level and above all for teaching me to recognize and avoid sloppiness, caricatures and short-cuts. It is to him that I owe my greatest intellectual debt. -
Ajeeb Aadmi—An Introduction Ismat Chughtai, Sa'adat Hasan Manto
Ajeeb Aadmi—An Introduction I , Sa‘adat Hasan Manto, Krishan Chandar, Rajinder Singh Bedi, Kaifi Azmi, Jan Nisar Akhtar, Majrooh Sultanpuri, Ali Sardar Jafri, Majaz, Meeraji, and Khawaja Ahmed Abbas. These are some of the names that come to mind when we think of the Progressive Writers’ Movement and modern Urdu literature. But how many people know that every one of these writers was also involved with the Bombay film indus- try and was closely associated with film directors, actors, singers and pro- ducers? Ismat Chughtai’s husband Shahid Latif was a director and he and Ismat Chughtai worked together in his lifetime. After Shahid’s death Ismat Chughtai continued the work alone. In all, she wrote scripts for twelve films, the most notable among them ◊iddµ, Buzdil, Sån® kµ ≤µ∞y≥, and Garm Hav≥. She also acted in Shyam Benegal’s Jun∑n. Khawaja Ahmed Abbas made a name for himself as director and producer for his own films and also by writing scripts for some of Raj Kapoor’s best- known films. Manto, Krishan Chandar and Bedi also wrote scripts for the Bombay films, while all of the above-mentioned poets provided lyrics for some of the most alluring and enduring film songs ever to come out of India. In remembering Kaifi Azmi, Ranjit Hoskote says that the felicities of Urdu poetry and prose entered the consciousness of a vast, national audience through the medium of the popular Hindi cinema; for which masters of Urdu prose, such as Sadat [sic] Hasan Manto, wrote scripts, while many of the Progressives, Azmi included, provided lyrics. -
Modernism and the Progressive Movement in Urdu Literature
American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol. 2 No. 3; March 2012 Modernism and the Progressive Movement in Urdu Literature Sobia Kiran Asst. Professor English Department LCWU, Lahore, Pakistan Abstract The paper aims at exploring salient features of Progressive Movement in Urdu literature and taking into account points of comparison with Modernism in Europe. The paper explores evolution of Progressive Movement over the years and traces influence of European Modernism on it. Thesis statement: The Progressive Movement in Urdu literature was tremendously influenced by European Modernism. 1. Modernism The term Modernism is used to distinguish the literature that developed out of the First World War. Modernism deliberately broke with Western traditions of certainty. It came into being as they were collapsing. It challenged all the old modes. Important precursors of Modernism were Nietzsche, Freud and Marx who in different degrees rejected certainties in religion, philosophy, psychology and politics. They came to distrust the stability and order offered in earlier literary works. It broke with literary conventions. Like any new movement it rebelled against the old. It was nihilistic and tended to believe in its own self sufficiency. “Readers were now asked to look into themselves, to establish their real connections with the world and to ignore the rules of religion and society. Modernism wants therefore to break the old connections, because it believes that these are artificial and exploitative…” (Smith, P.xxi) The people are provoked to think and decide for themselves. They are expected to reconstruct their moralities. The concern for social welfare continued. “Every period has its dominant religion and hope…and “socialism” in a vague and undefined sense was the hope of the early twentieth century.”(Smith xiii) Marxism suffered an eclipse after the Second World War. -
Federalism and Democracy in Pakistan
ISAS Working Paper No. 216 – 19 November 2015 Institute of South Asian Studies National University of Singapore 29 Heng Mui Keng Terrace #08-06 (Block B) Singapore 119620 Tel: (65) 6516 4239 Fax: (65) 6776 7505 www.isas.nus.edu.sg http://southasiandiaspora.org A Tortured History: Federalism and Democracy in Pakistan The Pakistan Army’s ideological hegemony, especially in the country’s Punjabi-speaking heartland, the continuing focus on the state’s narrative of a religion-based unitary identity which is under a constant external threat, and the failures of the political parties to rein in the military and address ethno-nationalist sentiments impede the growth of democracy and federalism in this key South Asian nation-state. Aasim Sajjad Akhtar1 On 11 May 2013, Pakistan’s people issued an electoral verdict in favour of the Pakistan Muslim League – Nawaz (PML-N), whose leader Nawaz Sharif was later installed as the country’s Prime Minister for the third time, almost fourteen years after he was unceremoniously ousted in a military coup half-way through his second term in power. The election was historic for numerous reasons, not least for signifying the first successful transfer of power from one elected civilian regime to 1 Dr Aasim Sajjad Akhtar is Visiting Research Fellow at the Institute of South Asian Studies (ISAS), an autonomous research institute at the National University of Singapore. He can be contacted at [email protected]. The author, not ISAS, is responsible for the facts cited and opinions expressed in this paper. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the ISAS Annual Conference held in Singapore in November 2014. -
Ethno-National Identity in Pakistan During Post- Modern Era
Journal of Politics and International Studies Vol. 4, No. 1, January–June 2018, pp.33– 41 Ethno-National Identity in Pakistan during Post- Modern Era Benish Khan Ph.D. Scholar Department of History and Pakistan Studies University of the Punjab, Lahore Muhammad Azeem Ph.D. Scholar Department of History and Pakistan Study University of the Punjab, Lahore Correspondence: [email protected] Tahir Tabassum M. Phil Scholar Pakistan Study Centre University of the Punjab, Lahore ABSTRACT This paper is an attempt to explore views of historians about the Ethno-National Identity in Pakistan during Post Modern Era. Historians have assessed Ethno- National identity in the prism of nationalism; while explaining different inclinations of any nation to express themselves; their ethnic behavior, exposure and attitude with the help of their distinctiveness; related to their own history and culture. As far as national identity is concerned, Herodotus was for the forerunner of ethnic identity. He was the one who well-defined the Greeks in positions of their ethnicity, and the rest of people as savages. A struggle will be made in this paper to disclose the role played. This paper will present an analysis of the works of Pakistani historians on the ethnic identity. In Pakistan, ethnic identity increases at the cost of its national identity, and due to such an incursion in ethnic identities, Pakistan has been even acknowledged as a country without having any identity of a nation. Thus, the paper will help to fulfill existing an important gap related to historical literature and would help to study the prevailing views about Ethno- National Identity in Pakistan during Post-Modern Era. -
Political Fields and Religious Movements: the Exclusion of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan
POLITICAL FIELDS AND RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: THE EXCLUSION OF THE AHMADIYYA COMMUNITY IN PAKISTAN Sadia Saeed ABSTRACT This paper examines the Pakistani state’s shift from the accommodation to exclusion of the heterodox Ahmadiyya community, a self-defined minority sect of Islam. In 1953, the Pakistani state rejected demands by a religious movement that Ahmadis be legally declared non-Muslim. In 1974 however, the same demand was accepted. This paper argues that this shift in the state’s policy toward Ahmadis was contingent on the distinct political fields in which the two religious movements were embedded. Specifically, it points to conjunctures among two processes that defined state–religious movement relations: intrastate struggles for political power, and the framing strategies of religious movements vis-a` -vis core symbolic issues rife in the political field. Consequently, the exclusion of Ahmadis resulted from the transformation of the political field itself, characterized by the increasing hegemony of political discourses Political Power and Social Theory, Volume 23, 189–223 Copyright r 2012 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 0198-8719/doi:10.1108/S0198-8719(2012)0000023011 189 190 SADIA SAEED referencing Islam, shift toward electoral politics, and the refashioning of the religious movement through positing the ‘‘Ahmadi issue’’ as a national question pertaining to democratic norms. In 1953, a group of prominent ulema1 in Pakistan launched a social movement demanding that the state forcibly declare the heterodox Ahmadiyya community (in short Ahmadis) a non-Muslim minority. At this moment, state authorities explicitly rejected this demand. In 1974, Pakistan’s National Assembly responded to the same demand by con- stitutionally declaring Ahmadis a non-Muslim minority. -
Anticolonialism, Nationalism, and State Formation: the Rise of Pakistan
ANTICOLONIALISM, NATIONALISM, AND STATE FORMATION: THE RISE OF PAKISTAN KASIM ALI TIRMIZEY A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO, CANADA September 2018 © Kasim Ali Tirmizey, 2018 Abstract There is ongoing popular and scholarly debate about the rise of Pakistan as a nation-state. Much of this literature frames the emergence either in cultural terms as a territorial expression of transhistorical Muslim nationhood, or in a liberal framing as the outcome of the political mobilization of the Muslim community against Hindu domination. This dissertation makes a corrective by examining the constitutive role of radical anticolonialism in the rise of Pakistan, with a focus on the province of Punjab in British India from 1880 to 1947. I argue that the formation of the Pakistani nation-state entailed the condensation of multiple political struggles over rescaling empire. Muslim nationalism reified struggles over land, food, women’s bodies, and access to the colonial state as ethnic struggles between Muslims and Hindus, thus codifying class, caste and religion in essentialist terms. Despite popular energies of agrarian classes against Hindu Bania (moneylender caste) were redirected into radical anticolonialism by the Ghadar Party in the 1910s, the demand for Pakistan subsequently shifted the scale of anti-Bania antagonisms among agrarian classes onto claims for a Muslim national space. The materialization of a Muslim national space (Pakistan) and Hindu national space (India) cannot be understood in the absence of the repression of radical anticolonial movements such as the Ghadar Party, the Kirti Kisan Party, and communist organizing. -
Introduction 1
Notes Introduction 1. Abha Dawesar, Babyji (New Delhi: Penguin, 2005), p. 1. 2. There are pitfalls when using terms like “gay,” “lesbian,” or “homosexual” in India, unless they are consonant with “local” identifications. The prob- lem of naming has been central in the “sexuality debates,” as will shortly be delineated. 3. Hoshang Merchant, Forbidden Sex, Forbidden Texts: New India’s Gay Poets (London: Routledge, 2009), p. 62. 4. Fire, dir. by Deepa Mehta (Trial by Fire Films, 1996) [on DVD]. 5. Geeta Patel, “On Fire: Sexuality and Its Incitements,” in Queering India, ed. by Ruth Vanita (London: Routledge, 2002), pp. 222–233; Jacqueline Levitin, “An Introduction to Deepa Mehta,” in Women Filmmakers: Refocusing, ed. by Jacqueline Levitin, Judith Plessis, and Valerie Raoul (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2002), pp. 273–283. 6. A Lotus of Another Color, ed. by Rakesh Ratti (Boston: Alyson Publi- cations, 1993); Queering India, ed. by Ruth Vanita; Seminal Sites and Seminal Attitudes—Sexualities, Masculinities and Culture in South Asia, ed. by Sanjay Srivastava (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2004); Because I Have a Voice: Queer Politics in India, ed. by Arvind Narrain and Gautam Bhan (New Delhi: Yoda Press, 2005); Sexualities, ed. by Nivedita Menon (New Delhi: Women Unlimited, 2007); The Phobic and the Erotic: The Politics of Sexualities in Contemporary India, ed. by Brinda Bose and Suhabrata Bhattacharyya (King’s Lynn: Seagull Books, 2007). 7. Walter Jost and Wendy Olmsted, “Introduction,” in A Companion to Rhetoric and Rhetorical Criticism, ed. by Walter Jost and Wendy Olmsted (Oxford: Blackwell, 2004), pp. xv–xvi (p. xv). 8. Quest/Thaang, dir. -
Pakistani Nationalism and the State Marginalisation of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan
Sadia Saeed: Pakistani Nationalism and the State Marginalisation of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan Pakistani Nationalism and the State Marginalisation of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan Sadia Saeed University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, USA Abstract This paper examines the relationship between nationalism, state formation, and the marginalisation of national minorities through an historical focus on Pakistani state’s relationship with the Ahmadiyya community, a self-defined minority sect of Islam. In 1974, a constitutional amendment was enacted that effectively rendered the Ahmadiyya community a non-Muslim minority, in spite of claims by the community that it was Muslim and hence not a minority. This paper attempts to account for this anti-Ahmadiyya state legislation by arguing that the genealogy of the idea of a Pakistani state is key for understanding the politics of exclusion of the Ahmadiyya community from ‘Muslim citizenship’ – that is, who is and isn’t a Muslim. Introduction This paper explores the relationship between nationalism, state formation, and the marginalisation of national minorities. In the literature on the nation and nationalism, the relationship between state formation and nationalist exclusions is often under-theorised, with the implicit assumption made that processes of nation building occur independently of the construction of state institutions. Many works have shown the pitfalls of this neglect by demonstrating that the articulation of nationalist ideologies, and the processes which take place in the national community as a result of such nationalisms, are either aided by, or are articulated in response to, the formation of state institutions and practices of social closure (Brubaker 1992; Balibar 2004; Omi and Winant 1994). -
Fundamentalisms Observed
FUNDAMENTALISMS OBSERVED EDITED BY Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby A study conducted by The American Academy of Arts and Sciences Islamic Fundamentalism in South Asia: The University of Chicago Press Chicago and London The Jamaat-i-Islami and the Tablighi Jamaat of South Asia Mumtaz Ahmad In November 1989, the Jamaat-i-Islami Pakistan held a three-day national conference in the historic city of Lahore. It was an event that the Jamaat-i-Islami workers had been waiting for since 1963, the year when its last national conference had been held in the same city. The 1989 conference was attended by more than one hundred thousand Jamaat workers and supporters from various parts of Pakistan. Punjabis, Sindhis, Baluch, Pathans, and Muhajirs (Urdu-speaking refugees from India who had immigrated to Pakistan at the time of partition in 1947) mingled together and presented a rare scene of Islamic unity, especially at a time when two major cities of southern Pakistan were under twenty-four-hour curfews to quell violence between warring Sindhis and Muhajirs. While the majority of the participants were clad in traditional Pakistani dress—shalwar kamcez— Western attire was also quite common. The meeting ground was full of banners proclaiming the inevitable victory of the Muslim freedom fighters in Palestine, Afghanistan, and Kashmir. The list of foreign guests attending the conference read like a Who's Who of international Islamic political movements: Dr. Muhammad Siyam of the Islamic resistance movement of Palestine, Hamas; Rashid-al-Ghannoushi of the Islamic Tendency Society of Tunis; Mustafa Mashoor of the Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt; Maulana Abul Kalam of the Jamaat- i-Islami, Bangladesh; Mohammad Yasir of the Hizb-i-Islami of Afghanistan; Mahmud Nahna of the Islamic Movement of Algeria; Dr.