Scholarly Journal of the International Plutarch Society VOLUME 12 (2015) • ISSN 0258-655X

UNIVERSIDAD DE MÁLAGA. SPAIN

VOLUME 12 (2015) UTAH STATE UNIVERSITY. LOGAN, UTAH, USA Ploutarchos, n.s. 12 (2015) Scholarly Journal of the International Plutarch Society Guidelines for Ploutarchos n.s. Editorial Board: 1. Languages. Manuscripts may be written in any of the official languages of the IPS: English, French, Editor: Dr. Frances B. Titchener, Department of History, Utah State University, Logan, UT.84322- German, Italian, Latin, Modern Greek, Portuguese, and Spanish. 0710. Phone: (435) 797-1298, FAX: (435)797-3899, e-mail: [email protected] 2. Abstracts & Key-Words: Articles will be sent together with key-words and an abstract in English not Book Review Editor: Dr. Françoise Frazier. Université de Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense. UFRLL- longer than seven lines. Phi, 200 avenue de la République. 92001 Nanterre Cedex, e-mail: [email protected] 3. Format: Manuscripts must be typed double-spaced on Times-New Roman 11. The length of manu- Coordinator: Dr. Aurelio Pérez Jiménez, Área de Filología Griega, Facultad de Filosofía yLetras, scripts must not exceed 15000 words without previous agreement with the editors. Manuscripts must Universidad de Málaga, 29071 Málaga, Spain. Phone: (0034)952131809, FAX: (0034)952131838, be sent in electronic version (PC Microsoft Word Windows) as an attached file to an e-mail message. e-mail: [email protected] 4. Bibliography: The text of the paper should be followed by a list of references, including at least those Advisory Board: works cited more than twice in the notes. Delfim Leão, Universidade de Coimbra, President of the IPS 5. Quotations in notes: Names of ancient authors should not be capitalized, names of modern authors Anastasios G. Nikolaidis, University of Crete, Honorary President of the IPS should be written in versalitas only when in notes or in the bibliography: K. Ziegler (note), but K. Jeffrey Beneker Christopher Pelling Ziegler (main text). University of Wisconsin Christ Church, Oxford A) Frequent quotations (more than twice): Refer to bibliography, citing by author’s name, year of J. A. E. Bons Aurelio Pérez Jiménez edition, and pages: e.g. K. Ziegler, 1951, col. 800. University College Utrecht Universidad de Málaga B) Single quotations: Either follow the procedure indicated in 5 A) or incorporate the entire reference Frederick E. Brenk, S. J. Philip A. Stadter in the notes, according to the following conventions, which are the same as for the bibliography (with Arrupe House Jesuit Community University of N.C. at Chapel Hill the single exception that in the bibliography the surname should precede the initial, e.g. Ziegler, K., John Dillon Sven-Tage Teodorsson “Plutarchos von Chaironeia”, RE XXI (1951), cols. 636-962. Trinity College, Dublin University of Gothenburg a) Books: Author (in the case of joint authorship, separated by a comma, with the final name pre- Joseph Geiger Luc Van der Stockt ceded by &), comma, title of work in italics, comma, volume in Roman numerals (where applicable), The Hebrew University of Jerusalem Katholieke Universiteit Leuven comma, place of publication, comma, year (with superscript number of editions if not the first, and Anna Ginestí Rosell Paola Volpe Cacciatore year of the first edition in parenthesis), comma, and quoted pages: Katholische Universität Eichstätt-Ingolstadt University of Salerno - D. A. Russell, Plutarch, London, 1973, pp. 3-5. Rainer Hirsch-Luipold Alexei V. Zadorojnyi b) Articles: Author, comma, title in quotation marks, comma, name of the journal (for the abbrevia- University of Bern University of Liverpool tions of journals follow the conventions of L’Année Philologique), comma, volume number in Arabic numerals, year in parenthesis, and pages (without abbreviation if they correspond to the entire article): ISSN: 0258-655X - C. P. Jones, “Towards a Chronology of Plutarch’s Works”, JRS, 56 (1966) 61-74. Depósito Legal: MA-1615/2003 - C. P. Jones, “Towards a Chronology of Plutarch’s Works”, JRS, 56 (1966), p. 65. © International Plutarch Society c) Works in collaborative volumes: Cite as with articles, followed by the quotation of the collab- orative work (if cited several times, according to the same conventions as under 5A above): e.g.: F. E. Ploutarchos n.s. is an International Scholarly Journal devoted to research on Plutarch’s Works, on their Brenk, “Tempo come struttura nel dialogo Sul Daimonion di Socrate di Plutarco”, in G. D’Iippolito & value as a source for Ancient History and as literary documents and on their influence on Humanism. I. Gallo (eds.), Strutture formali dei Moralia di Plutarco. Atti del III Convegno plutarcheo, Palermo, It is directed to specialists on these topics. The principal Areas of research of this journal are Classical 3-5 maggio 1989, Napoli, 1991, pp. 69-82. Philology, Ancient History and the Classical Tradition. 6. Quotations from ancient authors: Author, comma, work, book (Arabic numerals), full stop, chapter Contributions and Selection Procedures: Contributions must be sent to the Coordinator, Prof. Aurelio (Arabic numerals), comma, paragraph (Arabic numerals), or: Author, comma, book (Roman num- bers), chapter or verse (Arabic numerals), full stop, paragraph (Arabic numerals). Pérez Jiménez or to the Editor, Prof. Frances Titchener, before the 30th March of each year. Articles and a) Abbreviations of Greek works and authors: for preference, cite according to conventions of notes will be published following positive evaluation by two external referees. the Liddell & Scott or of the DGE edited by F. R. Adrados & others. Version on-line (Staff, Guidelines, Index and Abstracts): http://www.usu.edu/ploutarchos/ b) Abbreviations of Latin works and authors: follow the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae. c) Examples: Headline design: Prof. Sebastián García Garrido. Universidad de Málaga ([email protected]). - Authors cited with title of work: X., Mem. 4.5,2-3; Plu., Arist. 5.1; Hom., Od. 10.203. Covers images: Front cover: Romulus and Remus (Rev. of a Sex. Pompeius Fostlus' Denarius, Rome, - Authors cited without title of work: B., I 35; Paus., V 23.5; D. S., XXXI 8.2. 137 a.C., reprod. authorized by Ira & Larry Goldberg Coins & Collectibles, Inc.: http//www.goldber- 7. Notes references: References (in Arabic numbers) to the footnotes must precede always the signs of gcoins.com). Back cover: Rape of the Sabines (Rev. of a L. Titurius L. F. Sabinus' Denarius, Rome, punctuation, e.g.: “…correspondait à l’harmonie psychique1. Dans le Timée2 et la République3, ...” 89 a.C., reprod. authorized by Roma Numismatic, Ltd.: http//www.RomaNumismatics.com). 8. Greek & non-Latin Fonts: For Greek and other non-Latin texts, use Unicode fonts. Ploutarchos, n.s. 12 (2015) Scholarly Journal of the International Plutarch Society Guidelines for Ploutarchos n.s. Editorial Board: 1. Languages. Manuscripts may be written in any of the official languages of the IPS: English, French, Editor: Dr. Frances B. Titchener, Department of History, Utah State University, Logan, UT.84322- German, Italian, Latin, Modern Greek, Portuguese, and Spanish. 0710. Phone: (435) 797-1298, FAX: (435)797-3899, e-mail: [email protected] 2. Abstracts & Key-Words: Articles will be sent together with key-words and an abstract in English not Book Review Editor: Dr. Françoise Frazier. Université de Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense. UFRLL- longer than seven lines. Phi, 200 avenue de la République. 92001 Nanterre Cedex, e-mail: [email protected] 3. Format: Manuscripts must be typed double-spaced on Times-New Roman 11. The length of manu- Coordinator: Dr. Aurelio Pérez Jiménez, Área de Filología Griega, Facultad de Filosofía yLetras, scripts must not exceed 15000 words without previous agreement with the editors. Manuscripts must Universidad de Málaga, 29071 Málaga, Spain. Phone: (0034)952131809, FAX: (0034)952131838, be sent in electronic version (PC Microsoft Word Windows) as an attached file to an e-mail message. e-mail: [email protected] 4. Bibliography: The text of the paper should be followed by a list of references, including at least those Advisory Board: works cited more than twice in the notes. Delfim Leão, Universidade de Coimbra, President of the IPS 5. Quotations in notes: Names of ancient authors should not be capitalized, names of modern authors Anastasios G. Nikolaidis, University of Crete, Honorary President of the IPS should be written in versalitas only when in notes or in the bibliography: K. Ziegler (note), but K. Jeffrey Beneker Christopher Pelling Ziegler (main text). University of Wisconsin Christ Church, Oxford A) Frequent quotations (more than twice): Refer to bibliography, citing by author’s name, year of J. A. E. Bons Aurelio Pérez Jiménez edition, and pages: e.g. K. Ziegler, 1951, col. 800. University College Utrecht Universidad de Málaga B) Single quotations: Either follow the procedure indicated in 5 A) or incorporate the entire reference Frederick E. Brenk, S. J. Philip A. Stadter in the notes, according to the following conventions, which are the same as for the bibliography (with Arrupe House Jesuit Community University of N.C. at Chapel Hill the single exception that in the bibliography the surname should precede the initial, e.g. Ziegler, K., John Dillon Sven-Tage Teodorsson “Plutarchos von Chaironeia”, RE XXI (1951), cols. 636-962. Trinity College, Dublin University of Gothenburg a) Books: Author (in the case of joint authorship, separated by a comma, with the final name pre- Joseph Geiger Luc Van der Stockt ceded by &), comma, title of work in italics, comma, volume in Roman numerals (where applicable), The Hebrew University of Jerusalem Katholieke Universiteit Leuven comma, place of publication, comma, year (with superscript number of editions if not the first, and Anna Ginestí Rosell Paola Volpe Cacciatore year of the first edition in parenthesis), comma, and quoted pages: Katholische Universität Eichstätt-Ingolstadt University of Salerno - D. A. Russell, Plutarch, London, 1973, pp. 3-5. Rainer Hirsch-Luipold Alexei V. Zadorojnyi b) Articles: Author, comma, title in quotation marks, comma, name of the journal (for the abbrevia- University of Bern University of Liverpool tions of journals follow the conventions of L’Année Philologique), comma, volume number in Arabic numerals, year in parenthesis, and pages (without abbreviation if they correspond to the entire article): ISSN: 0258-655X - C. P. Jones, “Towards a Chronology of Plutarch’s Works”, JRS, 56 (1966) 61-74. Depósito Legal: MA-1615/2003 - C. P. Jones, “Towards a Chronology of Plutarch’s Works”, JRS, 56 (1966), p. 65. © International Plutarch Society c) Works in collaborative volumes: Cite as with articles, followed by the quotation of the collab- orative work (if cited several times, according to the same conventions as under 5A above): e.g.: F. E. Ploutarchos n.s. is an International Scholarly Journal devoted to research on Plutarch’s Works, on their Brenk, “Tempo come struttura nel dialogo Sul Daimonion di Socrate di Plutarco”, in G. D’Iippolito & value as a source for Ancient History and as literary documents and on their influence on Humanism. I. Gallo (eds.), Strutture formali dei Moralia di Plutarco. Atti del III Convegno plutarcheo, Palermo, It is directed to specialists on these topics. The principal Areas of research of this journal are Classical 3-5 maggio 1989, Napoli, 1991, pp. 69-82. Philology, Ancient History and the Classical Tradition. 6. Quotations from ancient authors: Author, comma, work, book (Arabic numerals), full stop, chapter Contributions and Selection Procedures: Contributions must be sent to the Coordinator, Prof. Aurelio (Arabic numerals), comma, paragraph (Arabic numerals), or: Author, comma, book (Roman num- bers), chapter or verse (Arabic numerals), full stop, paragraph (Arabic numerals). Pérez Jiménez or to the Editor, Prof. Frances Titchener, before the 30th March of each year. Articles and a) Abbreviations of Greek works and authors: for preference, cite according to conventions of notes will be published following positive evaluation by two external referees. the Liddell & Scott or of the DGE edited by F. R. Adrados & others. Version on-line (Staff, Guidelines, Index and Abstracts): http://www.usu.edu/ploutarchos/ b) Abbreviations of Latin works and authors: follow the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae. c) Examples: Headline design: Prof. Sebastián García Garrido. Universidad de Málaga ([email protected]). - Authors cited with title of work: X., Mem. 4.5,2-3; Plu., Arist. 5.1; Hom., Od. 10.203. Covers images: Front cover: Romulus and Remus (Rev. of a Sex. Pompeius Fostlus' Denarius, Rome, - Authors cited without title of work: B., I 35; Paus., V 23.5; D. S., XXXI 8.2. 137 a.C., reprod. authorized by Ira & Larry Goldberg Coins & Collectibles, Inc.: http//www.goldber- 7. Notes references: References (in Arabic numbers) to the footnotes must precede always the signs of gcoins.com). Back cover: Rape of the Sabines (Rev. of a L. Titurius L. F. Sabinus' Denarius, Rome, punctuation, e.g.: “…correspondait à l’harmonie psychique1. Dans le Timée2 et la République3, ...” 89 a.C., reprod. authorized by Roma Numismatic, Ltd.: http//www.RomaNumismatics.com). 8. Greek & non-Latin Fonts: For Greek and other non-Latin texts, use Unicode fonts. (Página deixada propositadamente em branco)

Ploutarchos, n. s., 12 (2015)

I.- Articles

J. M. Cervantes Mauri, “Sobre la Riqueza de Publícola”...... 3-16 I. Gamlath, “Plutarch’s Animal and Vegetarian Treatises and the Concept of Maghata in Sinhalese Culture”...... 17-40 A. Gostoli, “Un’antica fonte magno-greca nel De musica attribuito a Plutarco: Glauco di Reggio”...... 41-54

D. Romero González, “Griegos y Bárbaros, una Relación Intercultural”...... 55-64

Ph. A. Stadter, “Barbarian Comparisons”...... 65-82

II.- Book Reviews

A. Gostoli (ed.), Poesia, canto, accompagnamento strumentale nel De mu- sica attribuito a Plutarco. «Atti del seminario internazionale. Arcavacata di Rende, 26-28 novembre 2009»,, Pisa-Roma, 2012 (M. Ercole)...... 83-88 Carlos Alcalde Martín - Luísa de Na­zaré Ferreira (eds.), O sábio e a ima­ gem. Estudos­ sobre Plutarco e a arte, Coimbra­ University­­ Press, 2014 (F. Tanga)...... 88-91 New Collective Publications (2014-2015)...... 91-94

III.- Bibliography Section

Articles. An annotated bibliography 2011 (Stefano Amendola, Serena Ci- tro, Mariella De Simone, Françoise Frazier, Angelo Giavatto, Rainer Hirsch- Luipold, Delfim Leão, Vicente Ramón Palerm, Thomas Schmidt, Fabio Tanga, Frances B. Titchener, Maria Vamvouri, Ana Vicente, Paola Volpe)...... 95-130 (Página deixada propositadamente em branco) Sobre la riqueza de Publícola por Juan Manuel Cervantes Mauri IES Salvador Rueda (Málaga) [email protected]

Abstract In the Life of Publicola Plutarch rejects poverty and self-sufficiency attributted to the hero by the sources offering instead a rich Statesman picture characterized by generosity and humanity on behalf of the needy ones. In this paper I try to prove that the authentic virtues which Plutarch wants to underline in connection with the Publicola’s use of whealth are his generosity and his humanity. The hero uses these virtues as an instrument to favour the people and to make effective his voluntary political commitment with the Roman republic. Key-Words: Plutarch, Publicola, Poverty, Self-sufficiency, Wealth, Generosity, Humanity, Stateman, Political virtues.

n el prólogo de la Vi­da Siguiendo­ a Aristóteles, el patrimonio de Publícola, Plu­tarco­ pudo­ consistir en una pingüe suma de di­ afirma que el pro­ta­ nero, así como en la posesión de tierras,­ gonista era conocido­ muebles, esclavos y ganaderías: πλού­­ por su elocuen­ ­cia y su του δὲ μέρη νομίσματος πλῆ­θος, γῆς ri­­­queza,E διὰ λόγον καὶ πλοῦτον. En la [χωρίων κτῆσις] ἔτι δὲ ἐπί­πλων κτῆσις­­ syn­krisis, apostilla que se enriqueció καὶ ἀνδρα­ πόδων­ καὶ βοσκη­μάτων­­ πλήθει ho­nestamente, καλῶς πλουτεῖν. No hay καὶ μεγέθει καὶ κάλλει διαφερόντων­ noticias sobre la procedencia ni la na­ (Rhet. 1.5, 1361a 12-14. Publícola de­­bió tu­raleza de la fortuna de Publícola1. medrar durante la tiranía de Tarqui­ ­nio el

1 A raíz del descubrimiento de la inscripción de Sátrico con el nombre gentilicio de Popliosio Valesiosio, ha sido admitida la historicidad de Publio Valerio Publícola, considerado otrora como un héroe de leyenda. Vid. C. M. Stibbe, G. Colonna, C. De Simone, H. S. Versnel & M. Pallottino, 1980. La bibliografía generada por el lapis Satricanus es ingente. Publícola pudo ser una especie de condottiero que se movió por la Italia central con un grupo de sodales al margen del patriciado.

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 3-16 ISSN 0258-655X 4 Juan Manuel Cervantes Mauri

Soberbio, en cuyo gabinete ostentaba­ el que insiste en que no tenía ni siquiera cargo de magister populi, la magistratura dinero para pagar el entierro, cuyos suprema del Estado, solo­ por debajo gastos corrieron a cargo del senado 2 del rey . La imagen de Publícola como a costas del tesoro público, dada la un hombre rico no se corresponde sin estrechez de los Valerios: embargo con las fuentes. Tito Livio ἡ μέντοι βουλὴ μαθοῦσα ὡς εἶχεν escribe que la falta de recursos de la αὐτοῖς­ τὰ πράγματα [ἀπορῶς],­ ἐκ gens Valeria llevó al gobierno a sufragar τῶν δημοσίων ἐψηφίσατο χρη­ el funeral del excónsul: μάτων ἐπιχορηγηθῆναι τὰς εἰς τὴν copiis familiaribus adeo exiguis, ut ταφὴν δαπάνας,... ( D.H., V48.3)3. funeri sumptus deesset; de publico est datus,... (II16.7). 1 De la penuria de Publícola se hace Para Dionisio de Halicarnaso, la po­ eco también Dionisio de Halicarnaso, breza­­ era el motivo central de la figura de

2 Vid. J. Gagé, 1976, pp. 79-105. Cf. G. Valditara, 1989, p. 316. Publícola era un militar de alta graduación que pudo continuar un tiempo la política autoritaria de Tarquinio el Soberbio tras la caída de la monarquía. Tal vez se erigió en tyrannos, “[il] primo dei “tiranni” della giovane repubblica”, M. Torelli, 1988, p. 65, cuya verdadera personalidad fue maquillada por la tradición. En la biografía de Plutarco, es llamado vagamente στρατηγός. Ejercía la abogacía y formaba parte del senado, ocupaciones que abandonó por desaire, τῆς τε βουλῆς ἀπέστη, καὶ τὰς συνηγορίας ἀπεῖπε, cuando Colatino fue designado cónsul junto con Bruto. 3 Las Antiquitates Romanae de Dionisio de Halicarnaso son el contrapunto de la Vida de Publícola de Plutarco, que leyó también a Tito Livio para la redacción de la biografía. Vid. R. Flacelière, 1968, pp. 53-54. Cf. M. Affortunati & B. Scardigli, 1992, p. 110. La pobreza de Publícola es recordada por Valerio Máximo: patrimonio ne ad exequiarum quidem inpensam sufficiente decessit, ideoque publica pecunia ductae sunt (IV4.1) y Eutropio: fataliter mortuus est, adeo pauper, ut, collatis nummis, sumptum habuerit sepulturae (I11.4). Plutarco habla de un funeral de Estado sufragado por la Asamblea y los ciudadanos como reconocimiento póstumo del protagonista: ὁ δὲ δῆμος ὥσπερ οὐδὲν εἰς ζῶντα ἀξίων πεποιηκώς, ἀλλὰ πᾶσαν ὀφείλων χάριν, ἐψηφίσατο δημοσίᾳ ταφῆναι τὸ σῶμα, καὶ τεταρτημόριον ἕκαστος ἐπὶ τιμῇ συνεισήνεγκεν (Publ. 23.4). Vid. M. Affortunati, 1989, pp. 153-155. Cf. H. Volkmann, 1955, cols. 186-187; G. Wesch-Klein, 1993, p. 8. Parece que el funus collaticium tiene que ver más con el carácter popularis que con la pobreza de Publícola. No es seguro por otra parte cuándo surgió el exemplum paupertatis. “Allerdings ist schwer zu sagen, wann diese Begründung zum Topos bzw. die Betreffenden als exempla paupertatis vereinnahmt wurde”, G. Wesch-Klein, 1993, p. 9. Cf. L. Braccesi, 1978, p. 69, que piensa “nella vulgata augustea”, con la idea de que la nueva res publica se basaba por un lado en el exemplum pietatis de Bruto, y por otro en el exemplum paupertatis de Publícola.

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 3-16 Sobre la riqueza de Publícola 5

Publícola4. El magistrado vivió del pe­ Antes, había sido descrito como un queño patrimonio familiar, con cuyas exi­ sa­gaz hombre de acción, δραστήριος guas rentas educó dignamente a los hijos:­ ἀνὴρ καὶ φρόνιμος (D.H., IV67.3). La cualidad principal de Publícola era ...ἐπὶ τῇ μικρᾷ καὶ πατροπα­ ­ρα­ δότῳ διέμεινεν οὐσίᾳ [...], καὶ indudablemente la autarcía, “el más παῖ­δας ἐπὶ τοῖς ὀλίγοις χρήμασιν admirable de todos sus elogios”,­ (ὃ δ’ ἐθρέψα­το τοῦ γένους ἀξίους,... ἁπάντων ἐστὶ τῶν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐγκω­ (D.H., V48.2). μίων θαυ­μασιώτατον, D.H., V 48.1), sin que importara que deviniera en No nadaba por consiguiente en el di­ nero, sino que hizo de la necesidad virtud: pobreza cuando sobrevino la muerte: ...δῆλον ἐποίησεν ἅπασιν, ὅτι πίστις δ᾽ ἀκριβὴς καὶ ἀναμφί­ λεκ­­ ­ πλού­σιός ἐστιν οὐχ ὁ πολλὰ κε­ τος τῆς αὐταρκείας τοῦ ἀνδρός,­ κτη­μένος, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μικρῶν δεόμε­ ­ ἣν ἀπεδείξατο παρὰ πάντα τὸν νος (D.H., V48.2). τοῦ βίου χρόνον, ἡ μετὰ τὸν θάνα­­ ­ τον αὐτοῦ φανεῖσα ἀπορία (D.H., El retrato de Publícola se completa V48.3)5. con la prudencia, la autarcía y la supe­ ración­ del deseo: σώφρονα καὶ αὐτάρκη La autarcía, o autosuficiencia, es­ καὶ πάσης ἐπιθυμίας κρείττονα βίον ζῶν tá entre las virtudes de Plutarco que (D.H., V48.2). conducen a la vida placentera, esto es,

4 “La pauvreté […], témoignage pourtant remarquable de son désintéressement” (R. Flacelière, 1968, p. 55). Cf. H. G. Ingenkamp, 2004, p. 77. 5 El obituario de Publícola trasluce epicureísmo. “Son temas epicúreos los del placer y el dolor, la αὐτάρκεια”, M. Cerezo, 1996, p. 25. El filósofo del Jardín habría suscrito la frase de que “no es rico el que más tiene, sino el que menos necesita”, de acuerdo con la Carta a Meneco, 130: ἐὰν μὴ ἔχωμεν τὰ πολλά, τοῖς ὀλίγοις ἀρκώμεθα, πεπεισμένοι γνησίως ὅτι ἥδιστα πολυτελείας ἀπολαύουσιν οἱ ἥκιστα ταύτης δεόμενοι. Vid. M. Conche, 1995, p. 222, con la corrección de ἀρκώμεθα en lugar de χρώμεθα de los manuscritos. En la Carta a Idomeneo, la riqueza es definida como la superación de la ambición: εἰ βούλει πλούσιον Πυθοκλέα, μὴ χρημάτων προστίθει, τῆς δὲ ἐπιθυμίας ἀφαίρει, 28. Vid. C. Bailey, 1926, p. 126. Por lo que se refiere a la autarcía, un “gran bien”, τὴν αὐτάρκειαν δὲ ἀγαθὸν μέγα νομίζομεν, es otro tema recurrente de Epicuro. Aparece tres veces en las Sentencias Vaticanas, en la primera de las cuales, en cuanto condición indispensable del sabio, se relaciona más con la capacidad de dar que con la de recibir: ὁ σοφὸς εἰς τὰ ἀναγκαῖα συγκριθεὶς μᾶλλον ἐπίσταται μεταδιδόναι ἢ μεταλαμβάνειν· τηλικοῦντον αὐταρκείας εὗρε θησαυρόν, 44. Entre los fragmentos de la ética, aun es posible leer que la autarcía es la mayor de todas las riquezas, πλουσιώτατον αὐτάρκεια πάντων, fr. 476. Vid. H. Usener, 1956, p. 303. Finalmente, en la Carta a Idomeneo, la autarcía es envidiable por la tranquilidad que proporciona: ἐζηλώσαμεν τὴν αὐτάρκειαν οὐχ ὅπως τοῖς εὐτελέσι καὶ λιτοῖς πάντως χρώμεθα, ἀλλὰ ὅπως θαρρῶμεν πρὸς αὐτὰ, 29. Vid. C. Bailey, 1926, p. 126.

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 3-16 ISSN 0258-655X 6 Juan Manuel Cervantes Mauri a la felicidad6. En el De virtute et vitio, θεια θαρραλεότης αὐτάρ­κεια sostiene que la fuente de la felicidad no (Cup. div. 523 D). se encuentra, como cree el común de Por el contrario, la felicidad estriba la gente, en los bienes materiales, en en el desprendimiento: μακάριοι γε­ viviendas fastuosas, numerosos escla­­ νέσθαι δόντες ἀργύριον (Ibidem)8. En vos y dinero: un pasaje de la Vida de Licurgo, de ταὐτὸ δὴ τοῦτο τοῖς πράγμα­ ­ corolario platónico––en que la polis σιν ὑπάρχον ἐξαπατᾷ τοὺς es trasunto del hombre––, la felicidad πολλούς, <ὡς>, ἂν οἰκίας με­γά­ surge de la virtud y la concordia, λας περιβάλωνται καὶ πλῆθος­ siempre que se avienen la libertad, la ἀν­δραπόδων καὶ χρη­μά­των συν­ autarcía y la prudencia: α­γά­γωσιν, ἡδέως βιωσο­ ­μέ­νους (Virt. et vit. 100 C)7. ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς βίῳ καὶ πόλεως ὅλης νομίζων εὐδαι­μονίαν­ Hay que buscar la felicidad en el ἀπ᾽ ἀρετῆς ἐγγίνεσθαι καὶ ὁμο­ conocimiento del bien y en la autarcía: νοίας τῆς πρὸς αὑτήν, πρὸς τοῦτο­ αὐτάρκης ἔσῃ, ἐὰν μάθῃς τί τὸ καλὸν συνέταξε καὶ συνήρμοσεν ὅπως κἀγαθόν ἐστι (Virt. et vit. 101 D). La ἐλευθέριοι καὶ αὐτάρκεις γενόμενοι­ relación entre felicidad y autarcía es καὶ σωφρονοῦντες ἐπὶ πλεῖστον­ frecuente en los tratados morales. En el χρόνον διατελῶσι (Lyc. 31.1). De cupiditate divitiarum, Plutarco mani­­ La autarcía no se limita, por decirlo fiesta que el dinero no puede comprar la así, al ámbito de la filosofía. En la alegría ni la magnanimidad ni la firmeza synkrisis de las Vidas de Arístides y ni la confianza ni la autarcía: Catón el Mayor, Plutarco arguye que es ἀλλ᾽οὐκ ἔστι γε χρημάτων ὤνιον el principio que rige la vida política por ἀλυ­πία μεγαλοφροσύνη εὐ­στά­ encima de la riqueza:

6 En la Vida de Catón el Mayor, Plutarco se expresa sobre la vulgaridad y la contingencia del afán por la riqueza: ὁ τοῦ πλούτου ζῆλος οὐδενὶ πάθει φυσικῷ συνημμένος ἐκ τῆς ὀχλώδους καὶ θυραίου δόξης ἐπεισόδιός ἐστιν (18.5). El tema de la riqueza natural, φυσικὸς πλοῦτος, es materia de la Carta a Meneceo, 130: καὶ ὅτι τὸ μὲν φυσικὸν πᾶν εὐπόριστόν ἐστι, τὸ δὲ κενὸν δυσπόριστον. La idea se repite en las Máximas Capitales, 15: ὁ τῆς φύσεως πλοῦτος καὶ ὤρισται καὶ εὐπόριστός ἐστιν· ὁ δὲ τῶν κενῶν δοξῶν εἰς ἄπειρον ἐκπίπτει. Filodemo de Gádara se ocupó del asunto en dos obras casi ilegibles, el Περὶ οἰκονομίας (PHerc., 124) y el Περὶ πλούτου (PHerc., 163). Vid. V. Tsouna, pp. 163- 194, especialmente pp. 178-190. 7 Vid. S.-T. Teodorsson, 2005-2006, p. 133. Cf. A. G. Nikolaidis, 2014, p. 350. 8 En los tratados contra los estoicos, Plutarco deja entrever también que la felicidad se empareja con la autarcía: αὐτάρκεις δὲ μὴ ὄντες οὐκ ἂν εἶεν εὐδαίμονες οὐδὲ μακάριοι (Stoic. rep., 1052E); ἐκεῖνος ὄλβιος, ἐκεῖνος ἀπροσδεής, ἐκεῖνος αὐτάρκης μακάριος τέλειος (Comm. not., 1068B).

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μέγα δ᾽ εἰς πολιτείαν ἐφόδιον οὐ­χὶ ἀφ᾽οὗ [scil. πλούτου] δὲ τοῖς πλοῦτος, ἀλλὰ αὐτάρκεια, τῷ μη­ δεο­­μένοις ἐλευθερίως καὶ φιλαν­ ­ δενὸς ἰδίᾳ τῶν περιττῶν δεῖσθαι θρώ­πως ἐπαρκῶν (Publ. 1.1). πρὸς οὐδεμὶαν ἀσχολίαν ἀπάγου­ ­ σα τῶν δημοσίων (Arist.-Cat. 4.2). No son dos cualidades insignifi­ can­ ­ tes. Platón encuadra la generosidad en­ 2 tre las virtudes cardinales junto con la Cabe preguntarse por tanto la razón templanza, la valentía y la magnifi­ cencia:­ por la que Plutarco convierte a Publícola τὰ τῆς σωφροσύνης εἴδη καὶ ἀν­ de un ἀνὴρ αὐτάρκης caracterizado δρείας καὶ ἐλευθεριότητος καὶ por la pobreza en un ἀνὴρ πλούσιος, με­γαλοπρεπείας (Rp 3. 402c). obviando que la autarcía, en sentido lato de banalidad de la riqueza, no solo En la Ética a Nicómaco, Aristóteles encamina al hombre a la felicidad, sino comienza el estudio de las virtudes que pone al político al servicio del por la generosidad, que es el término Estado sin distracciones superfluas. La medio con relación a dinero, περὶ respuesta está en la semblanza del héroe χρήματα μεσότης (4.1,1, 1119b 19). pergeñada en el prólogo de la biografía9. El vicio por exceso es la prodigalidad, La riqueza de Publícola se explica ἀσωτία, y, por defecto, la avaricia, por la generosidad, ἐλευθεριότης, y la ἀνελευθερία. Platón ya había dicho que humanidad, φι­λαν­θρωπία, en beneficio la moderación y el control de los gastos de los me­nes­terosos: se oponían a la rusticidad y la avaricia:

9 La Vida de Publícola carece de un prólogo propiamente dicho por la desemejanza de los personajes biografiados. Vid. U. Vον Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, 1995, p. 59. Cf. P. D esideri, 1992, p. 4401; A. G. Nikolaidis, 2005, p. 304. La etopeya de Publícola es formulada sin noticias sobre la infancia ni la educación, “where the ἦθος is formed and first seen”, D. A. Russell, 1995, p. 88. No es descabellado suponer sin embargo que Publícola hubiera sido educado con la misma sobriedad con que Dionisio de Halicarnaso aseguraba que había criado a sus hijos sin lujos que desmerecieran a la familia: καὶ τὰς παῖδας ἐπὶ τοῖς ὀλίγοις χρήμασιν ἐθρέψατο τοῦ γένους ἀξίους (V 48.2). No hay tampoco una fisonomía del personaje, salvo una estatua de mármol que muestra a un tipo adusto y de rostro enjuto. Vid. S. Bombardi, 1994, pp. 169-198, especialmente pp. 169-168 y figs. 2-6. Aunque se trata de una imagen idealizada, define bien al hombre frugal y austero de que hablaba Dionisio de Halicarnaso. No es fácil determinar por otra parte si la individualización de Publícola se debe exclusivamente a la imaginación de Plutarco o a una serie de escritores que forjaron la figura del héroe a hilo de las luchas políticas entre optimates y populares en los siglos I y II a. C. Vid. M. Affortunati, 2000, pp. 265- 268. Cf. A. Pérez Jiménez, 1996, p. 17, que percibe “la mano original de Plutarco” en la configuración del personaje. Son numerosos en todo caso los ítems en que el biógrafo se aleja de las fuentes para distinguir al protagonista. Vid. M. Affortunati & B. Scardigli, 1992, pp. 110-112; H. G. Ingenkamp, 2004, pp. 75-81.

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μετριότητα δὲ καὶ κοσμίαν δαπάνην ὡς educado, un gentleman o un caballero11. ἀγροικίαν καὶ ἀνελευθερίαν (Rp 8.560c). Publícola se asemeja por consiguiente a Además, avisaba del riesgo de confundir Pelópidas, que ayudaba a los amigos y la prodigalidad con la magnificencia, los necesitados para demostrar que no era ἀσωτίαν δὲ μεγαλοπρέπειαν. En este esclavo del dinero: contexto, Plutarco pone la generosidad ὥρμησε τῶν δεομένων καὶ τῶν entre las virtudes ético-políticas propias φί­λων τοῖς ἀξίοις βοηθεῖν, ἵνα de la vida pública como justo medio κύριος ἀληθῶς φαίνοιτο χρημά­ ­ entre la cicatería y la prodigalidad: τὴν δ᾽ των γεγονώς, ἀλλὰ μὴ δοῦλος ἐλευθεριότητα μικρολογίας καὶ ἀσωτίας (Pel. 3.1). (Virt. mor. 445 A). No menos importante es la filantropía en la obra de Plutarco10. El tebano fue reconocido por su Se trata de un virtud genuinamente griega generosidad y su humanidad, ἐλευθε­ ριό­τητι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ, cualidades que brota en la παιδεία y se relaciona con la 12 dulzura, la nobleza, la bondad, la justicia, que configuran al hombre de Estado . la alegría y la generosidad. El filántropo es La relación de Publícola con el un hombre afable y generoso, civilizado y dinero tiene que ver con la figura de Telo

10 Vid. S. Tromp de Ruiter, 1932, pp. 271-306, especialmente pp. 295-300. “Die φιλανθρωπία ist für Plutarch ein Zentralbegriff”, B. Bucher-Isler, 1972, p. 20. Cf. H. Martin, 1961, pp. 164-175; R. Flacelière, 1979, pp. 264-275, especialmente pp. 266-271; F. Frazier, 1996, pp. 233-236; T. Duff, 1999, pp. 77-78; S.-T. Teodorsson, 2005-2006, p. 132. 11 La voz inglesa de gentleman, hombre distinguido y cortés, homo liber, recoge bien los conceptos de ἐλευθεριότης y φιλανθρωπία asignados a Plutarco. Me parece significativo al respecto el siguiente pasaje de Baruch Espinosa: “La verdadera libertad del hombre tiene que ver con la fortaleza, esto es, con la firmeza y la generosidad”, parte 4, proposición LXXIII, escolio (Ética, Madrid, reimpresión, 1996, p. 235). 12 “In Plutarch eyes, […] statesmanship must only be based on knowledge, on philosophical principles; whoever practice politics must also be good persons, temperate, and above all, humane and generous, φιλάνθρωποι και πρᾷοι”, G. J. D. Aalders, 1982, p. 46. Cf. H. Martin, 1961, p. 170; A. E. Wardman, 1974, p. 85; A. Pérez Jiménez, 2004, p. 130; M. Van Raalte, 2005, p. 108. El aspecto social de la filantropía es ejemplificado en el episodio del esclavo Vindicio, que recurrió a Publícola para revelar la conjuración contra la república: ὥρμησε πρὸς τὸν Οὐαλέριον, μάλιστά πως τοῖς κοινοῖς καὶ φιλανθρώποις ἐπαχθεὶς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς, ὅτι πᾶσιν εὐπρόσοδος ἦν τοῖς δεομένοις, καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἀνεῳγμένην ἀεὶ παρεῖχε, καὶ λόγον οὐδενὸς οὐδὲ χρείαν ἀπερρίπτει τῶν ταπεινῶν (Publ. 4.5. El motivo de la casa abierta de par en par como puerto de salvación para los necesitados se refleja también en losPraec. ger. reip. 823Α: ἀλλὰ πρῶτον μὲν εὐπροσήγορος καὶ κοινὸς ὢν πελάσαι καὶ προσελθεῖν ἅπασιν, οἰκίαν τε παρέχων ἄκλειστον ὡς λιμένα φύξιμον ἀεὶ τοῖς χρήζουσι, καὶ τὸ κηδεμονικὸν καὶ φιλάνθρωπον οὐ χρείαις οὐδὲ πράξεσι μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ συναλγεῖν πταίουσι καὶ κατορθοῦσι συγχαίρειν ἐπιδεικνύμενος.

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 3-16 Sobre la riqueza de Publícola 9 de Atenas y la felicidad, εὐδαιμονία, en y ciudadanos, después de haber visto torno a la cual giraba la synkrisis: derrotados a los enemigos y victoriosa a 13 ...ἣν Σόλων ἐξήνεγκε περὶ εὐδαι­ ­ la patria . La felicidad de Publícola se μονίας ἀπόφασιν πρὸς Κροῖσον, centra no obstante en el dinero, o mejor ὡς Ποπλικόλᾳ μᾶλλον ἢ Τέλλῳ dicho en el uso del dinero, así como προ­σήκει (Sol.-Publ. 1.1). en la adquisición y la conservación de Al ser interrogado por Creso acerca la fortuna. El héroe fue siempre pró­ de la felicidad, Solón respondió que Telo digo en el gasto para beneficiar a los fue el hombre más feliz porque murió ne­cesitados, gracias a un patrimonio luchando gloriosamente por la patria, ob­tenido hon­ra­damente y mantenido después de haber educado a los hijos y íntegro hasta la muerte: haber dispuesto de los bienes necesarios: Ποπλικόλᾳ δ᾽ ὑπῆρχεν οὐ μό­ ...χρηστὸς ἀνὴρ ὁ Τέλλος γενό­ νον μὴ κακῶς πλουτεῖν, ἀλλὰ μενος καὶ παῖδας εὐδοκίμους κα­ καὶ καλῶς ἀναλίσκειν εὖ ποιοῦν­ ­ τα­λιπὼν καὶ βίον οὐδενὸς ἐνδεᾶ τι τοὺς δεομένους. ὥστ᾽ εἰ σο­ τῶν ἀναγκαίων­ ἐτελεύτησεν ἐν­­ φώτατος ἁπάντων ὁ Σόλων, εὐ­ δόξως ἀρισ­τεύσας ὑπὲρ τῆς πα­ δαι­μονέστατος ὁ Ποπλικόλας. ἃ τρίδος (Sol. 27.6). γὰρ εὔξατο τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἐκεῖνος ὡς κάλλιστα καὶ μέγιστα, ταῦτα En cambio, Creso medía grose­ ra­ mente­­ καὶ κτήσασθαι Ποπλικόλᾳ καὶ la felicidad en función de la riqueza:­ φυ­λάξαι χρωμένῳ μέχρι τέλους εἰ μὴ πρὸς ἀργύριον πολὺ μηδὲ ὑπῆρ­ξεν (Sol.-Publ. 1.7-8). χρυσίον τῆς εὐδαιμονίας ποιεῖται En la biografía hay un punto débil τὴν ἀναμέτρησιν (Ibidem). que pone en evidencia la escrupulosidad Publícola fue un hombre feliz, εὐ­ del personaje en asuntos crematísticos. δαί­μονα τὸν Ποπλικόλα ἄνδρα, inclu­ ­so Se trata de la acusación de aspirar a por encima de Telo, porque murió llo­ la tiranía por gobernar sine collega y rado por todos, por familiares, ami­gos habitar in summa Velia14. El episodio

13 El singular comienzo de la synkrisis de las Vidas de Solón y Publícola (ἆρ᾽ οὖν ἴδιόν τι περὶ ταύτην τὴν σύγκρισιν ὑπάρχει […], τὸν ἕτερον μιμητὴν γεγονέναι τοῦ ἑτέρου, τὸν ἕτερον μάρτυν;) demuestra que un hombre de acción como Publícola no tiene nada que envidiar a un sabio como Solón. El ejemplo de Telo manifiesta por otra parte que la felicidad reside en una vida sencilla que goza hasta el final del beneplácito de los dioses: ᾧ δὲ εἰς τέλος ὁ δαίμων ἔθετο τὴν εὐπραχίαν, τοῦτον εὐδαίμονα νομίζομεν (Sol. 27.9). Vid. P. A. Sταdter, 2015c, pp. 173-176. 14 A diferencia de Bruto, el padre de la libertad, πατέρα τῆς ἐλευθερίας, Publícola se apropió de inmediato del poder y se hizo heredero de la tiranía de Tarquinio el Soberbio, κληρόμενος τῆς Ταρκυνίου τυραννίδος (Publ. 10.1). La adfectatio regni de Publícola

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 3-16 ISSN 0258-655X 10 Juan Manuel Cervantes Mauri de la Velia confirma el pensamiento de La reacción no se hizo esperar. Publí­ Plutarco sobre la utilidad de la riqueza cola­ se mostró de inmediato sensible a cuando el lujo puede malograr la vida los sentimientos del pueblo renunciando pública. Parece como si Publícola hu­ a la pompa gracias a la franqueza y las biera olvidado por un instante el desin­­ palabras sinceras de los amigos: terés por los bienes materiales viviendo ...ὅσον οὖν ἐν ἀρχῇ καὶ πράγμασι ostentosamente en una mansión­ más με­γάλοις ἀγαθὸν ἦν ἔχειν ὦτα propia de un rey: παρρη­σίαν ἀντὶ κολακείας προσ­ ... ᾤκει τρα­γι­κώτερον ὑπὲρ τὴν ιέ­με­να καὶ λόγους ἀληθεῖς, ἔδει­ καλουμένην­­­­ Οὐε­λίαν οἰκίαν ἐπι­­ ξεν (Publ. 10.4-5)16. κρε­­μαμένην τῇ ἀγο­ρᾷ, ὥστε En cuanto tuvo conocimiento de κατα­­­ ­­­βαίνοντος αὐτοῦ τὸ σχῆμα­ με­­τέω­ρον εἶναι καὶ βασιλικὸν su errática conducta, supeditó el in­te­ τῆς προ­­πομπῆς τὸν ὄγκον rés pasajero por la riqueza a la virtud (Publ. 10. 3)15. política, hasta tal punto que la de­

se asienta en la tradición. Tito Livo dice que la acusación surgió de la volubilidad del populacho, mutabilis vulgi animi, proclive a los rumores: regnum eum adfectare fama ferebat, quia nec collegam subrogaverat in locum Bruti, 2, 7, 6. En Dionisio de Halicarnaso, la ambición de Publícola por el reino es fruto asimismo de las sospechas del pueblo: μετὰ δὲ τὴν Βρούτου τελευτὴν ὁ συνύπατος αὐτοῦ Οὐαλέριος ὕποπτος γίνεται τοῖς δημοτικοῖς ὡς βασιλείαν κατασκευαζόμενος (D. H., V 19.1). 15 La casa de la Velia era una fortaleza, como señala Livio: alto et munito loco arcem inexpugnabile (II 7.6). La inaccesibilidad de la casa, δυσπρόσοδος δὲ πελάσαι καὶ χαλεπὴν ἔξωθεν, contrasta desde luego con la accesibilidad de Publícola, πᾶσιν εὐπρόσοδος ἦν τοῖς δεομένοις, καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἀνεῳγμένην ἀεὶ παρεῖχε. A simple vista, la philanthropia del protagonista se pone en entredicho. La situación revierte sin embargo en el capítulo dedicado a la domus Flavia de Domiciano, al que Plutarco tilda de presuntuoso parafraseando unos versos de Epicarmo sobre el manirroto: οἷον ἐστι τὸ λεγόμενον Ἐπιχάρμου πρὸς τὸν ἄσωτον· οὐ φιλάνθρωπος τύ γ᾽ ἐσσ᾽· ἔχεις νόσον· χαίρεις διδούς, (Publ. 15.5). Domiciano satisfizo la megalomanía edificando arbitrariamente, en tanto que Publícola destruyó la casa hasta los cimientos a poco de enterarse del malestar del pueblo. El episodio recuerda la visita de Solón al fastuoso palacio de Creso, que no causó ninguna impresión en el político-poeta por la vulgaridad y el mal gusto del anfitrión: δῆλος ἦν τοῖς εὖ φρονοῦσι τῆς ἀπειροκαλίας καὶ μικροπρεπείας καταφρονῶν ( Sol. 27.4). Vid. P. A. Stadter, 2015c, pp. 171-176. Cf. P. A. Stadter, 2015b, pp. 50-52. 16 Al principio de la biografía, resulta difícil desligar la παρρησία del λόγος, o dicho de otro modo, la palabra es empleada con rectitud y franqueza en sostén de la justicia: ἐπιφανὴς ἦν διὰ λόγον καὶ πλοῦτον, ὧν τῷ μὲν ὀρθῶς καὶ μετὰ παρρησίας ἀεὶ χρώμενος ὑπὲρ τῶν δικαίων (Publ. 1.2). En el De adulatore et amico, la παρρησία es por otra parte la virtud contraria a la adulación, κολακεία. “Para Plutarco, la franqueza es pieza clave del concepto de amistad. […] La franqueza verdadera y buena, opuesta a la que profesa el adulador” (A. I. Jiménez San Cristóbal, 2001, p. 269).

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 3-16 Sobre la riqueza de Publícola 11 mo­lición de la casa obligó a todo un τῶν χρημάτων κύριος γενόμενος magistrado a vivir como un sin techo (Publ. 25.2-3). al amparo de los suyos: ὥσπερ ἀνεσ­ Se mostró por otra parte muy τίου παρ᾽ ἑτέροις οἰκοῦντος (10.5). generoso no solo con los pobres, a Recuperada la dignidad en una casa los que eximió de impuestos para que más modesta, μετριώτεραν οἰκίαν, se rindieran en el trabajo (τὰ τέλη τῶν ga­nó el sobrenombre de Publícola, πολλῶν ἀφεῖλε καὶ προθυμότερον ἅπ­ Volks­freund, y comenzó a legislar en τεσθαι τῶν ἐργασιῶν ἐποίησε ἅπαντας, pro de los necesitados. 1.3), sino también con los huérfanos y A partir de entonces, evidenció un las viudas de los caídos en el combate, notable desapego al dinero, sobre to­ que fueron excluidos de tributar en el do si se trataba de caudales públicos. nuevo censo (ὀρφανοῖς παισὶ καὶ χήραις Propició en efecto la creación del erario γυναιξὶν ἀνεθείσης τῆς εἰσφορᾶς 12.3). en el templo de Saturno por la ne­ En la caracterización de Publícola no gativa a ocuparse personalmente de la hay lugar para la avaricia, φιλοχρη­ ματία,­ economía, o a que las finanzas estu­vie­ ni para el afán del dinero, φιλοπλουτία,­ ran en manos de los amigos, o ni mucho enfermedades del alma (νόσημα τῆς me­nos de los particulares: ψυχῆς)­ que no tienen cabida en la polí­ ­ ...οὔτ᾽ αὐτὸς ἅψασθαι τῆς οἰκο­ ­ tica, como el propio Plutarco­ afirma en νομίας οὔτε τοὺς φίλους ἐᾶσαι Praec. ger. reip. 819E: φιλοπλουτίαν βου­λόμενος, οὔθ᾽ ὅλως εἰς οἶκον καὶ φιλοχρηματίαν ἀποδυσάμενος.­ Pu­ ἰδιώ­του παρελθεῖν δημόσια χρή­ blícola­­ fue un hombre honrado hasta el ματα, ταμιεῖον μὲν ἀπέδειξε τὸν final­ de los días, que se hizo acreedor del τοῦ Κρόνου ναόν (Publ. 12.3). an­tiguo­ concepto de kalokagathia: No quiso ni siquiera elegir a los ...εὐθὺς ἐτελεύτησεν, ὡς ἐφικτόν funcionarios del tesoro, los cuestores, ἐστιν ἀνθρώποις μάλιστα τοῖς que fueron nombrados por la asamblea. νενομισμένοις καλοῖς κἀγαθοῖς En la synkrisis, la actitud de Publícola se τὸν ἑαυτοῦ βίον ἐκτελειώσας, justifica para evitar que el buen político (Publ. 23.3). no se descuide de los asuntos importantes, Aun teniendo ocasiones de sobra­ entre los cuales no estaba la economía, y para enriquecerse, como dice Dio­ el malo no incurra en la codicia: nisio de Halicarnaso, en la caída de la ἥ τε τῶν ταμιῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς χρήμασι monarquía, en la confiscación de los κατάστασις ἐκεῖθεν ἦλθεν,­ ὅπως bienes regios, en los cuatro consulados ὁ ἄρχων μήτ᾽, εἰ χρηστός ἐστιν, casi consecutivos, o en los triunfos ἀσχολίαν ἔχῃ πρὸς τὰ μείζω, μήτ᾽ contra los sabinos y los etruscos, se εἰ φαῦλος, ἀφορμὰς τοῦ ἀδικεῖν abstuvo del lucro por muy lícitas que μᾶλλον, καὶ τῶν πράξεων καὶ hubieran sido dichas oportunidades: Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 3-16 ISSN 0258-655X 12 Juan Manuel Cervantes Mauri

τοιαύτας ἀφορμὰς χρηματισμοῦ μὴ κακῶς πλουτεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ λαβών,­­ ἃς οὐδεὶς ἂν ὡς αἰσχρὰς καλῶς ἀναλίσκειν εὐ ποιοῦντι καὶ ἀδίκους διέβαλεν, οὐχ ἑάλω­ τοὺς δεομένους (Sol.-Publ. 1.7). τῇ πάντας ἀνθρώπους καταδου­ λο­ ­ Se trata de la premisa expresada en μένῃ καὶ ἀσχημονεῖν ἀναγκα­­ ζούσῃ­ el prólogo, ἀφ᾽ oὗ [πλούτου] δὲ δεομέ­ ­ φιλοχρηματίᾳ (D.H., V48.2). νοις ἐλευθερίως ἐπαρκῶν, en que los Plutarco no muestra sin embargo adverbios έλευθερίως y καλῶς son in­ una actitud determinante en el desin­te­ tercambiables y en cierto sentido sinó­­ rés de Publícola por la riqueza como­ en ni­mos. La frase de la synkrisis viene a la biografía de Arístides. Al igual que cuen­to de un pasaje de Solón sobre las sucede con Epaminondas, ὃν πάντες ga­nancias fraudulentas: γιγνώσκουσιν ἐν πενίᾳ καὶ τραφέντα χρήματα δ᾽ ἱμείρω μὲν ἔχειν, ἀδι- πολλῇ καὶ βιώσαντα (Arist. 1.4), la κῶς δὲ πεπᾶσθαι po­breza de Arístides es consustancial οὐκ ἐθέλω· πάντως ὔστερον ἦλθε al buen político17. Por el contrario, el δίκη (fr. 1, 7-8 D = fr. 13, 7-8 W.) biógrafo incide en la legitimidad y el uso de la riqueza. Basta con saber que 3 Publícola no se lucró ni legítima ni Pero Publícola se distingue de So­ ilegítimamente, sino que gastó el dinero lón en cuanto a la generosidad, en la con tino, para beneficiar a los pobres: medida en que es malinterpretada como­ Ποπλικόλᾳ δ᾽ ὑπῆρχεν οὐ μόνον dispendio18. El ateniense no tenía apego

17 Vid. A. Pérez Jiménez, 1980, p. 147. Cf. P. A. Stadter, 2015a, pp. 225-228. En el prólogo de la Vida de Arístides, Plutarco defiende la pobreza del personaje en contra de la fuente de Demetrio de Falero, como refleja el hecho de que las dos hijas se quedaron mucho tiempo sin dote por la falta de recursos económicos: περὶ δ᾽ οὐσίας αὐτοῦ λόγοι διάφοροι γεγόνασιν, ὁ μὲν ὡς ἐν πενίᾳ συντόνῳ καταβιώσαντος καὶ μετὰ τελευτὴν ἀπολιπόντος θυγατέρας δύο πολὺν χρόνον ἀνεκδότους δι᾽ ἀπορίαν γεγενημένας (Arist. 1.1). En la synkrisis, rechaza no obstante el vilipendio de Arístides, que abrazó voluntariamente la pobreza, a pesar de tener la oportunidad de enriquecerse tras la victoria de Maratón, con haber esquilmado a un bárbaro o haberse apoderado de una tienda de campaña: γελοῖον γὰρ οἴεσθαι ῥαθυμίας εἶναι τὴν Ἀριστείδου πενίαν, ᾧ παρῆν αἰσχρὸν ἐργασαμένῳ μηδέν, ἀλλ᾽ ἕνα σκυλεύσαντι βάρβαρον ἢ μίαν σκηνὴν καταλαβόντι πλουσίῳ γενέσθαι (Arist.- Cat. Ma. 4.7). Epaminondas es por otra parte el paradigma de la virtud de la pobreza, de la que no hay razón para avergonzarse: πενίαν μὴ δυσχεραίνειν, De genio Socratis, 14, 584 B. La idea se repite en la synkrisis de las Vidas de Arístides y Catón el Mayor, con la salvedad de que solo es indigno quien no es pobre de buen grado: αἰσχύνεσθαι πενίαν προσήκει τοῖς ἀκουσίως πενομένοις (4.6). 18 En el prólogo de la biografía, los dos personajes se encuentran al mismo nivel: τοιούτῳ δὲ γενομένῳ τῷ Σόλωνι τὸν Ποπλικόλαν παραβάλλομεν (1.1). La igualdad se rompe sin ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 3-16 Sobre la riqueza de Publícola 13 a la riqueza, πλοῦτον­ δ᾽ οὐκ ἐθαύμαζεν. τι­­νι τίθεσθαι μήτε χρείας τῶν Cuando el padre­­ hubo dilapido la ha­ ἀναγκαίων καὶ ἱκανῶν κατα­ ­φρο­ cienda en obras filantrópicas y de νεῖν (Sol. 2.1). caridad, εἰς φι­λανθρωπίας τινὰς καὶ χά­ Así que la generosidad, la filantropía ριτας, se dedicó­ de joven al comercio y la caridad están constreñidas por el para evitar­ el bochorno de vivir de pres­ despilfarro. tado, y seguir el ejemplo de la familia, más acostumbrada­ a dar que a recibir 4 di­ne­ro: ἐξ οἰκίας γεγονὼς εἰθισμένης­ En la introducción de la Vie de Pu­ ἑτέροις βοηθεῖν (Sol. 2.1). Al filósofo- blicola, Robert Flacelière señalaba que poeta precedía no obstante la fama de Plutarco había pasado por alto la pobreza espléndido, τὸ δ᾽εὐδάπανον τῷ Σόλωνι, de Publícola en contra de la opinión de de la que se jactaba en sus versos: las fuentes. Desde un punto de vista fi­ πολλοὶ γὰρ πλουτέουσι κακοί, losófico,­ la vida sencilla es admirable. ἀγαθοὶ δὲ πένονται· Arístides fue virtuoso en ex­tre­mo, τε­ ἀλλ᾽ ἡμεῖς αὐτοις οὐ διαμει­ψό­- λει­ό­τεραν πρὸς ἀρετήν, por la ausencia με­θα de deseo­ por la riqueza y el honor. A ve­ τῆς ἀρετῆς τὸν πλοῦτον, ἐπεὶ τὸ ces, el desinterés por el dinero­ no es del μὲν ἔμπεδον αἰεί, to­do deseable en la vida­ pública, en que χρήματα δ᾽ ἀνθρώπων ἄλλοτε pre­valece la vir­tud política, como afir­ ἄλλος ἔχει ma Plutarco­ en Arist.-Cat. Ma. 3.1: ὅτι (fr. 4, 9-12 D = fr. 12, 1-4 W.) μὲν δὴ τῆς πολι­ ­τικῆς ἄνθρωπος ἀρε­τῆς Es claro que el dinero no sustituye a οὐ κτᾶ­­ται τε­­­λειότεραν, ὁμο­λογούμενόν la virtud, esto es, a la justicia, ha­blando­ ἐστι. El hecho de que dejara a sus hijas de Solón. Tanta dadivosidad disgustaba sin dote­­ y no hubiera provisiones para su en­tierro demuestra que Arístides ca­ sin embargo a Plutarco, que no ponía ob­ recía de dicha virtud. A juicio de Plu­ jeciones a que la honradez fuera incom­­ tar­co, la fama de Publícola se debía a la patible en la política con la posesión de elo­cuen­cia y la riqueza, dos cualidades, recursos suficientes y necesarios: una espiritual, otra material, de las que κωλύει δ᾽ οὐδὲν τὸν ἀγαθὸν καὶ no se sirvió en beneficio propio, sino πο­­λιτικὸν ἄνδρα μήτε τῶν πε­ por mor de la justicia y a favor de los ριττῶν τὴν κτῆσιν ἐν σπουδῇ ne­­cesitados19. No era conveniente que

embargo en la synkrisis, en que Publícola supera moralmente a Solón. Vid. T. Duff, 1999, p. 260. Cf. M. Affortunati & B. Scardigli, 1992, p. 110; C. B. R. Pelling, 2004, pp. 98- 103; A. G. Nikolaidis, 2005, p. 304. 19 Quince siglos más tarde, Nicolás Maquiavelo escribirá que la fama de Publícola se debió a la brevedad del gobierno y a la integridad de los romanos de entonces (Discursos sobre la primera década de Tito Livio, Madrid, 1987, p. 367).

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 3-16 ISSN 0258-655X 14 Juan Manuel Cervantes Mauri el más virtuoso de los roma­ ­nos, κρά­ Bombardi, S., τιστος τῶν τότε Ῥωμαίων κατὰ­ πᾶ­ - “Valerio Publicola e la familia Santa­­ σαν ἀρετήν, como afirma Dioni­ ­sio croce”, ArchCla, 46 (1994) 169-198. de Halicarnaso, o el más bello expo­­ Braccesi, L., nente de hombre de Estado, que pu­ - “De viris illustribus e falsificazioni au­ so los cimientos de la república, ἐν τῇ gustee.­ (In margine ai primi due consoli πολιτείᾳ παραδείγματων κάλλιστον ἀν­ della repubblica”, RFIC, 16 (1978) 63-75. δρὶ κοσμοῦντι, como añade Plutarco, Bucher-Isler, B., mu­riera en el cénit de la gloria sin de­ - Norm und Individualität in den jar dinero para el entierro, teniendo en Biographien Plutarchs. Untersuchungen zu seiner Charakterdarstellung, Berna cuenta que la condición de καλὸς κἀγα­ ­ & Stuttgart, 1972. θός hacía de Publícola un hombre acau­ Cerezo, M., dalado que trabajaba en aras de la co­ 20 - Plutarco. Virtudes y vicios de sus héroes munidad . La pobreza y la autarcía se bio­gráficos, Lérida, 1996. transformaron por consiguiente en ri­ Conche, M., que­za y generosidad, con objeto de que - Épicure. Lettres et maximes, 4.ª edición, el héroe se erigiera en benefactor de los París, 1995. me­nesterosos. Por eso, fue mucho más Desideri, P., feliz, εὐδαιμονέστατος ὁ Ποπλικόλας. - “Le formazione delle coppie nelle Vite Bibliografía plu­tarchee”, ANRW, 2, 33, 6 (1992) 4470-4486. Affortunati, M., Dover, K., - “La tradizione sul funerale di Publicola: una nota”, AFLS, 10 (1989) 153-156. - Plato. Symposium, reimpresión, Cam­ - Plutarco. Vite parallele. Solone-Publi­ ­ brid­ge, 2008. co­la, 2.ª edición, Milán, 2000. Duff, T., Affortunati, M. & Scardigli, B., - Plutarch’s Lives. Exploring virtue and - “Aspects of Plutarch’s Life of Publi­ ­ vice, Oxford, 1999. co­la”, en P. A. Stadter (ed.), Plutarch Flacelière, R., and the historical tradition, Londres & - Plutarque. Vies. Solon-Publicola. Thé­ Nueva York, 1992, pp. 109-131. misto­cle-Camille, t. II, reimpresión, Pa­ Aalders, G. J. D., rís, 1968. - Plutarch’s political thought, Ámster­ - “La penseé de Plutarque dans les Vies”, dam, Oxford & Nueva York, 1982. BAGB, 38 (1979) 264-275. Bailey, C., Frazier, F., - Epicurus. The extant remains, Oxford, - Histoire et morale dans les Vies pa­rallè­ 1926. les de Plutarque, París, 1996.

20 “A funeral laudatory term […] It differs from ‘good’ in taking account not merely of moral disposition (as manifested in courage and generosity) but also of attributes (e. g. wealth, good physique and skills) which enhance one’s value to the community”, K. Dover, 2008, p. 143.

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Gagé, J., Pérez Jiménez, A., - La chute des Tarquins et les débuts de la - “Pobreza, justicia y patriotismo en la ré­publique romaine, París, 1976. Vida de Arístides de Plutarco”, So­ dalitas, 1 (1980) 147-153. Ingenkamp, H. G., - Plutarco. Vidas paralelas. Solón-Publí­ - “How to present a Statesman”, en L. co­­la. Temístocles-Camilo. Pericles-Fa­ De Blois, J. Bons, T. Kessels & D. M. bio Máximo, vol. II, Madrid, 1996. Schekenveld (eds.), Plutarch’s States­man - “Los héroes de Plutarco y su elección and his aftermath: political, philo­ ­sophical, entre la justicia y la utilidad”, en L. and literary aspects. Proceed­ ­ings of the De Blois, J. Bons, T. Kessels & D. M. Sixth International Confe­­rence of the Schekenveld (eds.), Plutarch’s States­man International Plutarch Society,­ Nijmegen and his aftermath: political, philo­ ­sophical, / Castle Hernen, May 1-5, 2002, vol. I, and literary aspects. Proceed­ ­ings of the Leiden & Boston, 2004, pp. 67-86. Sixth International Confe­­rence of the Jiménez San Cristóbal, A. I., International Plutarch Society,­ Nijmegen - “La noción de amistad en el De adula­ / Castle Hernen, May 1-5, 2002, vol. I, to­re et amico de Plutarco”, CFC / EGI, Leiden & Boston, 2004, pp. 127-136. 11 (2001) 225-277. Russell, D. A., - “On reading Plutarch’s Lives”, G&R, Martin, H., 13 (1966) 139-154, reeditado en B. - “The concept of philanthropia in Plut­ Scardigli (ed.), Essays on Plutarch’s arch’s Lives”, AJPh, 82 (1961) 164-175. Lives, Oxford, 1995, pp. 75-94. Nikolaidis, A. G., Stadter, P. A., - “Plutarch’s method. His cross-referen­ ces­ - “Plutarch’s Lives. The Statesman as and the sequence of the Pa­rallel Lives”, mo­ral actor”, en C. Schrader, V. Ramón érez iménez itchener en A. P J & F. T & J. Vela (eds.), Plutarco y la historia. (eds.), Historical and biogra­ phical­ va­ Actas del V Simposio Español sobre lues of Plutarch’s works. Studies­ devoted­ Plu­tarco, Zaragoza, 20-22 de junio de to Professor Philip A. Stadter­ by the In­ 1996, Zaragoza, 1997, pp. 65-81, re­e­ ternational Plutarch Society, Málaga & ditado en Plutarch and his Roman rea­ Logan, Utah, 2005, pp. 283-323. ders, Oxford, 2015a, pp. 215-230. - “Morality, characterization, and indi­vi­­ - “Plutarch’s Lives and their Roman duality”,­ en M. Beck (ed.), A Companion­ readers”, en E. N. Ostenfeld (ed.), Greek to Plutarch, Oxford, 2014, pp. 350-372. Romans and Roman Greeks. Stu­dies in cultural interaction, Aarhus, 2002, pp. Pelling, C. B. R., 123-135, reeditado en Plutarch and his - “Do Plutarch’s politicians never learn”, Roman readers, Oxford, 2015b, pp. 45-55. en L. De Blois, J. Bons, T. Kessels & D. - “Plutarch and Trajanic ideology”, en M. Schekenveld (eds.), Plutarch’s States­ P. A. Stadter & L. Van der Stockt man and his aftermath: political, philo­ ­ (eds.), Sage and emperor. Plutarch, sophical, and literary aspects. Proceed­ ­ Greek intellectuals, and Roman power ings of the Sixth International Confe­ rence­ in the time of Trajan (98-117 A. D.), of the International Plutarch Society,­ Lo­vaina, 2002, pp. 222-241, reeditado Nijmegen / Castle Hernen, May 1-5, 2002, en Plutarch and his Roman readers, vol. I, Leiden & Boston, 2004, pp. 87-103. Oxford, 2015c, pp. 165-178.

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Stibbe, C. M., Colonna, G., de Simone, C., philosophy­ in Plutarch’s Lives”, en L. Versnel, H. S. & Pallottino, M., De Blois, J. Bons, T. Kessels & D. M. - Lapis Satricanus. Archaeological, epi­ Schekenveld (eds.), Plutarch’s States­man gra­phical, linguistic and historical and his aftermath: political, philo­ ­sophical, aspects of the new inscription from Sa­ and literary aspects. Proceed­ ­ings of the tri­cum, La Haya, 1980. Sixth International Confe­­rence of the Teodorsson, S.-T., International Plutarch Society,­ Nijmegen - “Plutarch’s thoughts about happiness”, / Castle Hernen, May 1-5, 2002, vol. II, Plou­tarchos, n. s., 3 (2005-2006) 127-140. Leiden & Boston, 2005, pp. 75-112. orelli T , M., Volkmann, H., - “Le popolazioni dell’Italia antica: - “P. Valerius Volusi f. Poplicola”, RE, so­­cietà e forme del potere”, en A. 15, 2, (1955) 180-188. Momigliano & A. Schiavone (eds.), Sto­­ria di Roma. Ro­ma in Italia, vol. I, Von Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, U., Tu­­rín, 1988, pp. 53-74. - “Plutarch als Biograph”, en Reden und Tromp de Ruiter, S., Vor­trägen, vol. II, 5.ª edición, Berlín,­ - “De vocis quae est φιλανθρωπία signi­fi­ 1967, pp. 247-279, reeditado en B. Scar­ ca­tione et usu”, Mnemosyne, 59 (1932) digli (ed.), Essays on Plutarch’s Lives­ , 271-306. Oxford, 1995, pp. 47-74. Usener, H., Wardman, A. E., - Epicurea, reedición, Stuttgart, 1956. - Plutarch’s Lives, Berkeley & Los Ánge­­ Valditara, G., les, California, 1974. - Studi sul magister populi. Dagli ausiliari Wesch-Klein, G., militari del rex ai primi magistrati re­ - Funus publicum. Eine Studie zur öffent­ pubbli­cani, Milán, 1989. li­chen Beisetzung und Gewährung von Van Raalte, M., Ehrengräbern in Rom und den West­pro­ - “More philosophico. Political virtue and vin­zen, Stuttgart, 1993.

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 3-16 Plutarch’s Animal and Vegetarian Treatises and the Concept of Maghata in Sinhalese Culture* by Isha Gamlath University of Kelaniya [email protected]

Abstract Plutarch’s concern for animal life, in treatises devoted to the significance and preservation of animal life in the Moralia, expand upon his appreciation of simplicity in human life, specifically in the form of abstention from the unnecessary slaughter of animals and the consumption of their meat. The present paper studies a similarity between Plutarch’s concern for simplicity in human life by the rejection of the slaughter of animals and indulgence in a meat diet, and its appearance in Sinhalese literature. The Pali meaning of maghata is not to kill. Maghata, as part of a broader project for introducing Buddhism into Sinhalese culture, assumes the specific form of concern for animal life. Maghata was introduced into Sri Lanka by approximately the first century CE in the form of a ceremonial ban on the slaughter of animals and in the abstention from meat on special observance days (upavasa maghata) as well as the sympathetic treatment of animals by providing them food, drink, medicine, and security. The theme became explicit in the context of thaumaturgy. Plutarch’s concern for animal life, in treatises devoted to the significance and preservation of animal life in the Moralia, expands upon his appreciation of simplicity in human life, specifically in the form of avoiding the unnecessary slaughter of animals and the consumption of their meat. The present paper studies a similarity between Plutarch’s concern for simplicity in human life by the rejection of slaughter of animals and indulgence in a meat diet, and that of Sinhalese literature. Key-Words: Plutarch, De sera numinis vindicta, Exegesis, Humanist Translations.

In Loving Memory of My Father, Professor Sucharitha Gamlath

* I am very thankful for the assistance of Frederick E. Brenk, without whom this article might not have seen the light.

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ur attitude toward ani­ doctri­ nes­ shared both by Orphics and mal life and its preser­ ­ Pythagoreans. As Nils­son wrote: vation is one of the chief Thus it seems certain that the con­cerns of modern Pytha­ go­ reans­ originally knew ecoO­logy, such an important topic today. only the special prohibitions­ One can, possibly, learn much from the which are connected with old vegetarian writings of Plutarch and of popular superstitions, and that Sinhalese literatu­ ­re. Plutarch’s sym­ the general prohibition is later pathy for the hu­mane treatment of ani­ and probably­ due to Orphic influ- mals is revealed­ in the reference by ence; for in regard to Orphism it one of his speakers, Autobulus, to the is attested for an early age. This Py­­tha­gorean theory of not injuring ani­ is illuminating. For in Orphism mals, and to Empedocles, who re­garded the prohibition of killing animals­ and eating their flesh has a deeper such treatment as a crime (De sollertia reason. If the body was the tomb ani­malium 964E-F)1. In his own person, of the soul, the body was un- Plutarch suggests killing animals could clean and must be avoided. The be murder. If the transmigration of souls prohibition may be referred to the exists, the soul of a human being might uncleanness of the body,­ or to the be in the animal about to be killed (De crime of the Titans, but usually esu carnium 998F-999A). its reason is said to be the belief Plutarch dismisses the legend of the in metempsychosis, the transmi- mythical crimes of cannibalism (De Iside gration of the soul into animals, a belief which is ascribed to the et Osiride, 996 B-C; De esu carnium­ Pythagoreans as well as to the Or- carnium 997 E-F). His interpre­ tation­ of phics2. the myth of the Titans agrees with the traditionally held primal sin of bloodshed. The objective of the Pythagoreans He is aware that the practice­ of bloodshed may not have been the same: can be associated with the guilt of Rather, the discrepancies in the cannibalism through the possibility of data can be explained as the nor- the transmigration of souls into animals mal features of any social group, (De esu carnium carnium 996B-C; De particularly one whose practices Iside et Osiride 379 F-380D; De E apud are distinctive from those of the Delphos 388E) and through the concept larger society. In any collection of of the kinship of all living­ beings (De people, there will be differing lev- esu carnium­ carnium 993B-996 B-C), els of participation in practices and

1 See Gilhus (2006), p. 38, citing Riedweg (2002), and p. 45. 2 Nilsson (1935), pp. 206-207; cf. also Burkert (1985), pp. 296-304.

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allegiances. That is, there are de- closely allied to the sin of bloodshed. As grees of self-conception (as mem- Frederick Brenk obser­ ves:­ bers of a group) and identification Plutarch’s early writings then (with the group and its practices). reveal an acquaintance with at Some Pythagoreans abstained least one strain of Greek reli- from all meat and sacrifice while gious mysticism, the fall of the others made concessions, larger or soul for a primal sin and its rein- smaller, to traditional practice. The carnation in human or other bod- point is that Pythagorean practices ies. The doctrine is regarded by required at least some modification Plutarch as Pythagorean, and it is of normal animal sacrificial, and in Pythagoreanism that we meet this would have had significant many of the most characteristic social consequences. Detienne and elements of Greek religious phi- Burkert argue that by questioning losophy including the belief in the practices of animal sacrifice, good and evil daemons4. Pythagoreans questioned all the social relationships and hierarchies Brenk moves from Plutarch’s Pytha­ that were based on these practices. go­rean tone to the reference to the Or­ In short, their rejection of animal phic myth of the original sin: sacrifice was a rejection of the main In the two parts of De esu car­ tenants of ancient Mediterranean nium carnium, an early work advo­ ­ religion and society, in particular cating vegetarianism and strongly­­ the idea of reciprocal exchange Pythagorean in tone, we see Plu- with the gods. This conclusion is tarch interested in traditio­ nal­ de- challenged, however, by Rives, monology. At the end of the first who points out that our sources essay (996b), Plutarch uses Em- link the Pythagorean rejection of pedocles’ Purifications in support of his polemic against the eating of animal sacrifice mainly with ab- 5 stention from animal meat3. flesh . According to Plutarch, the punishment of rein­ carnation­ was In his acknowledgement of daimo­ nes­ , meted out to the daimon of Empe- Plutarch reflects Pythagorean sentiments­­ docles for the crime of eating flesh,

3 Ullucci (2011), pp. 59-60; on Deteinne and Burkert, p. 59. He refers to Rives (2011). 4 Brenk (1977) p.79. 5 See Gilhus (2006), pp. 64-77. Gilhus (65) notes that there are two paradoxical reasons for vegetarianism (p. 77), citing Dierauer (1977) pp. 286-290: one should abstain from eating animals because animals and humans belong to the same community; or one should abstain because humans are on a higher level than animals and animals are a source of pollution. Thus, one can appeal to a unity of soul between animals and humans, or humans should distance themselves from animals and move closer to the gods.

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and this ought to deter us from a nence from animal flesh among Py­ similar outrage. The argument is tha­goras and early Pythagoreans10. reinforced by reference to the Or- Trans­­migration of souls, however, is phic legend­ of the dismemberment the most certain motive for abstinence of the young Dionysus by the Ti- from animal flesh. As Beer notes: tans, and though the text breaks off at this point, it is clear that a link is After all, the potential “rights” made between the “Titanic” nature of animals held little sway in a of man and the original atrocity society­ founded upon the wide committed by the Titans6. and systematic exploitation and abuse­ of other humans in the Plutarch discards the theme of vege­ ­ form of slavery. If opposition ta­rianism traditionally associated with arose­ against the consumption of Or­pheus (Septem sapientium convi­­ meat or fish, it seems more likely vium 159C-D). He cites, rather, Ho­mer derived­ from religious or intel- for pro­viding a clear picture of the use lectual arguments. Ultimately, of food in antiquity (Septem sa­pien­tium a premeditated choice not to eat con­vivium 160B-C)7. flesh would probably have been a dietary choice only for those Apart from Orphic and Pythagorean prosperous­ enough not to have to motives there were others that deter­ survive­ upon a subsistence diet11. mined Plutarch’s defense of the Pytha­ ­ The Pythagorean doctrine of the go­rean abstinence from meat. Among 8 transmi­gration of souls evidently was these, are moral and rational motives . not a primary reason for the Pythago­ ­ Rationalism plays an important role in reans in Plutarch’s circle to abstain Plutarch’s arguments in favor of absti­ from certain foods such as meat and nence. For example, there are instances eggs (Quaestionum convivalium 635E, when, because of Plutarch’s rational 660D). Nor was it a principal reason ten­dencies, the Pythagorean doctrine for the Seven Sages, who join in the of the transmigration of souls does not sa­me discussion (De tuenda sanitate 9 play a great role . There are other mys­ praecepta 127A-B). Reasons of health tical and religious motives for absti­ are quite predominant. In Plutarch’s

6 Brenk (1973), p.3. 7 On Plutarch’s defense of animals see Newmyer (1992), (1995), (1999), (2006). 8 Tsekourakis (1986), p. 134, nn. 31-32. 9 Tsekourais (1986), p. 136. 10 Tsekourakis (1987), pp. 370-379; for arguments outside this range: p. 131, nn. 18-20; Aune (1975). 11 Beer (2010) 38.

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 17-40 Plutarch’s Animal and Vegetarian Treat. and the Concept of Maghata in Sinhalese Culture 21 circle, Lucius Philinus, a Pythagorean, 993F-994B) to “unnatural and anti-social brings some young boys along with pleasures” (De esu carnium 993 D-E; him to an unanticipated banquet. One De virtute et vitio 101A-B), which are the of the boys ate nothing but bread, not in tune with human nature (De esu for which Philinus is attacked. The carnium 995 A-C, 995 D-F, 996A-B), boy is compared to Sosater, an un­ leading to the conclusion that “he who known person who lived only on milk, tortures a living creature is no worse than but who is not designated here as a he who slaughters it outright” (996 B-C). 12 Pythagorean . Philinus replies that he Plutarch is concerned with whom exactly is not against an ample meal, but that it was responsible for this drastic social should be a healthy one Quaestionum transition. It was the tyrants, who began convivalium (660D-662B). Still he is by killing the “worst of sycophants” like against meat, and particularly fat, as un­ Niceratus, Theramena, and Polemarchus healthy. The issue of health, however, (998B-C). One of the boys and Plutarch’s may be influenced by the setting, which disapproval of bloodshed is in accordance is in the house of a physician. More sur­ with its description in common Greek prisingly­ we are told that the ancient Py­ practice. As Visser notes: thagoreans abstained more from fish than from any other food, such as meat. We Plutarch thought it was typical then learn that even among Plutarch’s of the Greeks that their historians contemporaries, the pupils of Alexicrates,­­ recorded “the names of those who a Pythagorean philosopher, abhorred­ first slew kinsfolk, or made war on fish, though they ate meat in moderation­ their brothers, or were parricides, (Quaestionum convivalium 728D)13. or matricides”. The Romans, on the other hand, found astonishing, Within his project of reinstituting and therefore memorable, the cases non-violence, Plutarch rejects elements of insubordination among women, of popular culture which involve the or of divorce (Lycurgus and Numa exploitation of animal life, chiefly for 3.6-7; Theseus and Romulus 6.3- food and sacrifice. He attributes this 4). He himself records (here dis- to a social decline which is steadily in playing the preoccupations of a progress (“lawless conduct”, De esu Greek) Rome’s first parricide, and carnium 997B -C). Plutarch laments Romulus thinking that “murder the transformation from previously was abominable, parricide impos- “lawful desires”, when men depended sible”—and being right for six hun- on vegetable produce (De esu carnium dred years (Romulus 22.4-5)”14.

12 Sosatros is unknown, and the text might be corrupt. 13 On Plutarch’ s Pythagorean friends and their food habits, see Hershbell (1984) 73-79. 14 Visser (1984), 194, n.1.

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Plutarch’s concern for animal life esu cranium 998E-999A, 998F-999B, demonstrates, in reality, a departure from Gryllus 987F-987B)17. the accepted social division between Plutarch demonstrated his appre­ humankind and animals16. ciation­ for a simple life style when The program against luxury intro­ he referred to the Pythagorean ban on duced by Plutarch’s description of the injuring animals and plants (De soller­tia legislator­ exemplifies the need for sim­ animalium 964E-F) and to Empedocles plicity. He notes the absence of private (De esu carnium 998F-999A). The property­ (Lycurgus 6, 7, 8, and 13), the guilt involved in the practice of shedd­ introduction of common meals (Ly­ ing blood merges with the guilt of curgus 10, Solon 24, Cimon 5), the re- can­ni­balism, through the concept of distribution­ of land (5, 8), a modest diet transmigration (De esu carnium­ car­ (10), the promotion of agriculture (6, 8, nium, 996B-C, De Iside et Osiride­ 9, 10, 13, 29) and equality of life-style 379F-380B, De E,388E) and that of (Sol­on 16-19). The Stoic and Peripatetic the kinship of all living beings (De acknowledgement­ of the “frugality” of esu carnium 993 B-C, 996B-C). In the first men comes into play, as well as spite of the common Greek practice of the “superstition of the transmigration consuming meat (De esu carnium 984F, of souls.” He advocates refraining from 993B-995F), he argues that it is wrong to harm to animals and plants despite consume the flesh of tame animals (De Stoic and Peripatetic opinions about na­ esu carnium 994B-C, Septem sapientium tural ends in regard to human beings convivium 159 B-C). A meat diet is not (De Stoicorum repugnantiis 1044D, De suitable for human health (De tuenda sollertia animalium 964B) and defends­ sanitate praecepta 123 E-F, 125D-E, the existence of rationality in animals 126F; De esu carnium 995B, 995E- (De sollertia animalium 97D-E). In other F). But he allows the exploitation of places he makes absolutely­ no claim animal life for food in grave occasions that one has an obliga­ tion­ to preserve such as dire necessity (De esu carnium animal life (De Stoicorum­ repugnantiis 997B-C), hunger, and the scarcity of 1044D), nor that they possess reason other food or vegetable produce (De esu (De sollertia. animalium­ 985B, De carnium 994E-F, 9944-997A), in time esu carnium 999B-C), nor makes any of pestilence and war (De esu carnium attempt to treat them as worthy recipients 998B-C), or disease (De tuenda sanitate of justice (Adversus Colotem 1124D; De praecepta 126D-E, 129F-130B). But he

16 On Plutarch’s motives for vegetarianism, see Tsekourakis (1986), p. 129, nn. 5-12; Mossman (2005, 141-163; Newmyer (1992) 38-54; (1999) 99-110. 17 On reason in animals, see Gilhus (2006), pp. 37-62, citing Sorabji (1993) passim; on De sollertia animalium, pp. 45-52.

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 17-40 Plutarch’s Animal and Vegetarian Treat. and the Concept of Maghata in Sinhalese Culture 23 condemns the destruction of animals beings who should be called beasts, simply for luxury and the whim of not animals. Their cruelty exceeds that one’s appetite (De esu carnium 997B- of the most savage animals, serpents, C; C-D), out of cruelty (997E-F), and panthers, and lions (99B-C). Some ani­ because of gluttony (997F). mals, moreover, received worship for Plutarch’s defense of simplicity their great utility (De Iside et Osiride of conduct is explicit when treating 379D-E). Among these are, for example, vegetarianism. Grounded on the de­ the cow, sheep, and ichneumon (381A- fen­se of animal intelligence, Gryllus B), asp, weasel, and beetle (381A-B), is replete with examples to prove the crocodile­ and sheep (381D-E), and the jus­tification of not slaughtering crea­ dolphin (984 B-F). tu­res endowed with countless vir­ Phaedimus’ conversation with He­ tues and even in some ways superior racleon in the Gryllus offers innumerable to men. Animals, for example, abhor instances of the outstanding skills of sub­jection or slavery (987D-E, 989A- animals whether they belong to the sea or B). They never beg or sue for pity, nor to land. Among their good characteristics acknow­ledge defeat (987E-F). They are brevity in speech (977B-C), compre­ ­ possess valor (as part of their bravery) hension, social­ awareness, and mutual (988B-C) and temperance (989B-C, affection (977E-977F), cleverness in 988C-D). They do not violate the order attacking prey (978C-F), foreknowledge of nature through such abnormal sexual (979B-C, 982E-F), cleverness and sen­ practices as intercourse between males sitivity (980D-F), and skills in caring (998E-F), nor in their eating habits, for their young (982A-C, 982E-F). In since carnivores are never herbivores his comparison between land and sea (990F-991B). Some of them are unde­ animals, he argues that sea creatures niably stupid, but others are clever and are more knowledgeable and possess a intelligent (992D-E).The souls of beasts higher degree of virtue than those based­ have a greater natural capacity for virtue on land. Among their virtues are brevity and attain to greater perfection (987B- of speech (976D-E, 977B-C) and C). Their souls are free from passion, assistance in danger (977D-E). How­ luxury, and empty illusions, such as ours ever, on utilitarian grounds, he notes (989C-F).Their “native virtue” makes that few sea creatures can come close­ it possible to train them for useful tasks to land animals (984 B-D). The beauty­ (992B-D). In contrast, human beings are of their flesh, tinted like flowers, their often gluttons (991B-C), ready to eat harmonious voice, habit of cleanliness, anything in sight (991C-D), and go so and unusual intelligence—at least in the far as to commit sexual acts even with type of animals usually slaughtered for animals (990E-F). Therefore, it is human food—induces Plutarch to study how

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 17-40 ISSN 0258-655X 24 Isha Gamlath they reject human injustice and cruelty nature (De tuenda sanitate praecepta (De esu carnium 994 E-F). He finds it 125C-F, 131F-132B). Plutarch­ laments best for human being to eliminate the the transformation from previously­ habit of indulging in sensory pleasures, “lawful desires”, when men depended which are harmful to bodily functions on vegetable produce (De esu cranium (De tuenda sanitate praecepta 123C-D, 993F-994B) to “un­natural­ and anti- 123D-F, 125C-D, 127A-B). social pleasures” (De esu carnium 993D- The process of rejecting sensory E, De virtute et vitio­ 101A-B). These are pleasures­ also aids in safeguarding not in tune with human nature (De esu purity (Septem sapientium convivium carnium 995A-996B). The thought leads 159C-D). Worse is a type of wrongdoing him to conclude that “he who tortures which produces illicit wealth, leading to a living­ creature is no worse than he licentiousness. Its presence, like that of who slaughters it outright” (996B-C). maggots and grubs, engenders many Plutarch dismisses the legends of can­ distempers and emotions in men’s souls nibalism found in myth (996B-C, 997E- (De superstitione 165B-C) and destroys F) and appreciates the efforts made­ by self-control (De tuenda sanitate prae­ philosophers to eliminate the practice­ of cep­ta 128B-D). From the point of view eating flesh (998F-999A). missingDis­ of righteousness, purity belongs to cannibalism, he concludes that the self-sufficiency, and this is not just a tyrants by slaughtering citizens (998B- “quibble” belonging to Orphic teaching C) gradually cleared the ground first (Septem­ sapientium convivium 159B- to kill wild and harmful animals, then D). One can best improve one’s health domestic animals, “the reason for which through vegetarianism, since it offers the was the entertainment of guests, and celebrations of marriage, with friends promise of guarding oneself from the 18 pleasures of gluttony (124E-125D) and and consorts in war (998C-D) . the lust to kill (De esu carnium carnium­ Plutarch’s main authorities on ani­ 997A-D). Plutarch traces the elimination mals are the philosophers, Aristotle of excessive pleasure to the introduction (979E-F, 980F-982B) and Theophrastus of agriculture (126C-D,131F-132B) (979E-F), and the poets, Pindar and and the rise of the educated and the Theog­nis (978E-F). The prescription truly cultured man (132F-133A, 122E- for a less expensive diet is attributed to F). Consumption of meat is totally So­crates (124E-F) and Plato (De tuenda deranging, disturbing, and foreign to sa­nitate praecepta 126F-127B)19. Fi­

18 On these topics, see Newmyer (1995), (2009), (2011), pp. 15-18, 32, 37, 42, 52, 57-58, 62-63, 77-79, 88, 105-107, 115-116. 19 Martin (1979) 103. Since Plutarch seems to be excessively interested in fishing, oddsD (1933) 105, suggested that he was, or had formerly been, a practicing fisherman [!].

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 17-40 Plutarch’s Animal and Vegetarian Treat. and the Concept of Maghata in Sinhalese Culture 25 nally, Plutarch attributes the origin of of ghata (= ghataka, ghatika, ghatita [= war to bloody sacrifice, which was ghatimhi, ghatake]), ghatimant ghateti­ (= common­ to most nations in antiquity. ghatayati), ghatapeti [=ghacca, ghatita, War came about partly through human aghateti]) include­ “murder, destruction, ignorance,­ but also through a cultural and killing” and is extended further as change.­ The violent killing inherent in “bull-slaughter, robbery, brigandage and bloody sacrifice led to a type of wicked­ highway robbery”. Its Sanskrit equivalent ness which first encouraged jus in­ tice­ (ghata [= ghatana ghatin, ghatakara, toward animals and ended in the horrible ghatuka,­ ghatya]) bears similar meanings evils inflicted upon human beings­ in war such as “blow, wound, fowling or the (Septem sapientium convivium­ 158E-F, use of a bird-net”. Sanskrit ghataka is De esu carnium carnium­ 997C-D). “killer”. The Pali abhighata is “striking, slaying, killing”, while the meanings 1. Maghata of anupghata and himsa range from The concern for animal life in Sinha­ “injury, harm to life”, to hurt, mischief, lese culture is similar to that in Plutarch. wrong”. Maghata, ma+ghata, is “not The Buddhist definition of non-violence kill” or more precisely “not to kill”. provides an insight into the perplexing Upa­vasa maghata is abstention from issue of human fragmentation in the killing­ on special observance days. body. Non-violence is one of the car­ The Sanskrit meaning is “keeping a pres­cribed day, fasting, self-denial, dinal virtues of most Hindu sects of the ab­staining from en­joyments”20. The Indian­ sub-continent but particularly San­skrit uposata (= Vedic upavasta) of the Buddhists and Jains. The Pali is the eve of the Soma sacrifice or day meanings­ of non-violence, ahinsa (= of preparation.21 According to the Pali- ahinsaka) include “not injuring, not En­glish Dictionary: hurting,­­ harmlessness, humaneness, kindness”.­­ The Sanskrit equivalent is At the time of the rise of Bud- dhism the word had come to ahinsa­ , ahinsaka, ahinsat, ahinsana, mean the day preceding the four orahinsya,­­ ahinsyamana, ahinsra. The stages of the moon’s waxing and meanings can be filled out as “security, waning (first, eighth, fifteenth, safeness, devotion to harmlessness or twenty-third) nights of the lunar gentleness” and its personification as the month, that is to say, a weekly wife of Dharma. Moving in proximity to sacred day, a sabbath. These days ahinsa is maghata. The Pali meanings were utilized by the pre-Buddhis-

20 Sanskrit-English. Dictionary (2005), pp. 150-151. 21 Uposata is a special observance day when Buddhists are expected to engage in good activities. In Sri Lanka the commonly used word for such a day is Poya Day, since it falls on the full moon of each month. It is a public holiday.

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tic reforming commentaries for ma­dhi, upadharana, silanga, silacara, 22 the expounding of their views . si­la­katha, silakandha, silacarana, si­ 2. Non-violence (ahinsa) latittha, silabbata, silamattaka, sila­­ maya, silasanvuta, silasampatti, sila­­ The Buddhist theory of non- sam­pada, silasampanna)23. violence is a cardinal feature within the confines of the ascetic life, in the form Sila is categorized as pancha (five), of abstinence from killing. The theory as­ta (eight), dasa (ten) sila. The first two types are recommended for the lay is mentioned in the Suttas or Buddhist community.­ In all three types, injury to scriptures, which comprise the teachings life is prohibited. Violation of life is a of the Buddha. Suttas are grouped into para­jika (para+aj;para+ji (= paraji, a number of Nikayas (discourses). para­ jayat,­ jigye, jaishtu, jayishye, jayet, The present study refers to the Digha jayyat, jayet, jayyat, jiyyathu, jaishit, Nikaya (Long Discourses), Majjhima jetum (Vinaya Pitaka, 1, Sutta­vi­bhanga, Nikaya (Middle-Length Discourses), 111.85-88 [= III.5.32-3]. The slaughter Anguttara Nikaya (Further Factored of living beings (Pali ghata [= Sutta Discourses) and Sanyutta Nikaya gha­ta, ghatana] is the first in the­ or (Grouped Dis­cour­ses). Also involved der of sila (panathipatha, veramani, are sections in the Vinaya Pitaka, the sikkha­padam, samadiyami), while as a disciplinary rules intended for Buddhist para­jika it falls into the third category. monastic li­fe. Vi­naya is a set of rules Non-violence in the forms of sila and of conduct impos­ ed­ on the Buddhist parajika occupies a profound position in priests. These are not mentioned in the life of the ascetic (“self-mortifier”) the early texts but appear in late ones. as he will not “harm a living thing, does Non-violence is mentioned in a va­ not cause a living being to be harmed, riety of Suttas and Nikayas such as the and does not approve of such harming” Saleyyaka Sutta 41.8 (= Majjima Nikaya (Udumbarikasihanada Sutta 25.16 [= I.286), Sandaraka Sutta 51.9 (= I.344), Digha Nikaya III.49). Anyone tempted Pataliya Sutta 54.4 (= I.360) and 54.6 of whatever ought never slaughter (= I.363, Jivaka, Sutta 55.12 (=I.371), another (111.68 [=111.1, 1], 111.70-71 Sevitabba Sutta 114.5 (= III.47), and [= 111.1, 4-2] not even for the sake of the Cu­la­kammavibhanga Sutta 135.5 (= Buddha (Jivaka Sutta, 55.12 [= Majjima III.203). Non-violence is expressed pre­ Nikaya I.371]. The sila of the ascetic is do­minantly as sila (from the stem sil, sa­ such that no ascetic harms another. They:

22 Pali-English Dictionary (1997), p. 147. 23 For a comprehensive illustration of sila, see English-Pali Dictionary (1925), pp. 712-713.

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...by abandoning the slaying four qualities belonging to the character of creatures, are abstainers from of a human being who has attained the slaying of creatures, have laid enfranchisement of heart in the four aside the rod; they are modest, sentients (referring to having life and show kindness, they abide friend- being able to sense), muditha (“soft- ly and compassionate to all crea- heartedness, kindliness, sympathy”), tures, to all beings” (Anguttara Ni­ kaya 1.211 [= Book of the Threes often as the triad metta (“active love, 111.7.70] : “. . . having gone forth, preventive love, and disinterested love”) and possessing the bhikku’s train- and upekkha (“hedonic neutrality, in­ ing and way of life, abandoning diffe­rence, the zero point between joy the killing of living beings, with and sorrow, disinterestedness, neutral rod and weapon laid aside, gentle feeling, equanimity”). Karuna, “loving and kindly, he abides compassion- compassion” (Vatthupama Sutta 7.14 [= ate to all living beings” [= Book of Majjima I.39], Ariyapariyesana Sutta the Threes 111.7.70]. 26.21 [= I.169-170], Cula Assapura Non-violence, together with the Sutta 40.10 [= I.284], Maratajjaniya four other precepts, moves within the Sutta 50.14 [= I.335-336], Jivaka Sutta struc­ture of righteous conduct, the 55.8 [= I.370-371], Maharahulovada result of which is a happy afterlife (Sa­ Sutta 62.19 [= I.424-425, AS 118.4- leyyaka Sutta 41.15-17 [= Majjima III.79]. Tevijja Sutta 13.76 [= Digha I.252]) I.289-290; 18.42-433 [= Majjima I.290, associates ahimsa (Culahattipadopama Culakammavibhanga Sutta135.5. [= Sutta 27.13 [= Majjima I.179-180], Gha­ Majjima II.203], 135.6-8 [= Majjima tikara Sutta 81.18 [= I.51-52) and pancha 204), while the reverse is the cause for sila (Sallekha Sutta 8.12 [= I.42.43, an unpleasant after-life (Apannaka Sutta Dvedhavitakka Sutta 19.10 [ = I.116- 60.13-14 [= Majjima I.405-6]). Non- 117, Sevitabbasevutabba Sutta 114-118 violence prevents an unpleasant rebirth [= III.50-57, Culskammavibhanga Sut­ in the realm of the goblins (Samyuttha ta 135.8 [= III.204) as a constituent of Nikaya 1.6.827 [= Yakkhasamyuttha 10). sathara brahma viharana or the path Non-violence assumes a wider coverage to the Brahma world (Makhadeva in the Sathara Brahmaviharana, four Sutta 83.5 [= II.76], Dhananjani Sutta noble ways to Brahma in the forms 97.33 [= II.95, Canki Sutta 95.25 [= of mettha (= metti, metteyyatta [“to II.175). Karuna exceeds maghatha in love, be fat, to desire bringing welfare its application for the wider concerns and good to one’s fellow men, to have of Gauthama Thathagatha (Vattupama a heart full of love”] or as mettayati Sutta 7.14 [= I.39], Ariyapariyesana Sutta [“to feel friendly, to show love and to 26.21 [= I.169-170], Cula Assapura Sutta be benevolent, to have karuna (pity, 40.10 [= I.284], Maratajjaniya Sutta compassion”). The last is one of the 50.14 [= I.335-336, Jivaka Sutta 55.8 [= Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 17-40 ISSN 0258-655X 28 Isha Gamlath

I.370-371], Maharahulovada Sutta 62.19 108 [= 1.2.2] . The original Buddhist [= I.424-425], Anapanasati Sutta 118. 4 theory of non-violence, however, does [= III.79]). The final result of this mode not include a ban on the consumption of life is the emergence of the celibate of meat. Eating meat does not go who is restrained and full of love for all against purity and is not an obstacle to living beings, with the absence of barriers the cultivation of individual perfection, between human and non-human life, the which involves putting an end to the animal and the celestial (Dhammpada, continuous­ cycle of human misery, Dandavagga 9.142 (= 129-141) and through rebirth. It enshrines a sense of whose condition grants nobility to men universal­ solidarity, which bonds the (Buddhavagga 19.270)24. entire structure of living beings into a 3. Destruction of animals single frame. The Buddhist definition of non-violence includes a wider range of One who causes the destruction of non-violence, incorporating compassion life is not an ascetic (Mahapadana Sutta and concern for the salvation of pos­ 14.3.28 Digha Nikaya II.51). In this terity.­ The distortion of the original group are: a butcher of sheep and of pigs, content­ of the ascetical component of fowler, trapper of wild beasts, hunter, non-violence gave birth to the popular fisherman, thief, executioner, son pri­ mode of its dissemination, the practice warden, or a person in any other bloody of vegetarianism, the origins of which occupation­ (Kandaraka Sutta 51.9 [= go back to the time of Buddha. The Majji­mai 344]). Deliberate destruction Devadatta insists that the Samaneans of life is banned. The range even covers abstain from fish and meat, to which causing injury to different forms of life the Buddha’s reaction is that one ought 25 during the construction of lodging . to follow them according to one’s Nothing ought to be begged from animals, individual choice: i.e., snakes (111.146-147 [= 6.1.3-4] and Whoever wishes, let him be a birds (111.148 [= 6.1.5-6] . The monk is forest-dweller; whoever wishes, forbidden from seeing sights such as an let him dwell in the neighbor- army fighting (Vinaya, Suttavibhanga, hood of a village; whoever wish- 4.104 [= Expiation 48.1-3.1, 4.105 (= es, let him be a beggar for alms; 49], sham fights and the sight of horses, whoever wishes, let him accept elephants, chariots, and infantry (4.107- an invitation; whoever wishes,

24 Pali-English Dictionary: metta (pp. 540-541), karuna (p. 197), muditha (p. 537), upekkha (p. 150). Harris, http://www.accesstoinsight.org/lib/authors/harris/b141.html. 25 (Vinaya, 111.148 [= Formal Meeting, 6.1.5-6], 111.149-150 [= 6.2.2], 111.150-151 [= 6.2.3-4], 111.151-152 [= 6.3.2-3], 111.152-153 [= 6.3.6-9], 111.153-154 [= 6.3], 111.155 [= 6.3.16], 111.150-151 [= 6.2.3-4]).

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let him wear rags taken from How can these recluses, sons the dust-heap; whoever wishes, of the Sakyans, walk on tour dur- let him accept a householder’s ing the cold weather and the hot robes. For eight months, De- weather and the rains, trampling vadatta, lodging at the foot of a down the crops and grasses, injur- tree is permitted by me. Fish and ing life that has only one faculty flesh are pure in respect to three and bringing many small crea- points: if they are not seen, heard tures to destruction? Shall it be or suspected (to have been killed that those members of other sects for him) (Vinaya, 3.171-172 [= whose rules are badly kept cling Cullavagga 5.3., 13.4-3,15-16]. to and prepare a rains-residence? 4. Destruction of plants Shall it be that the birds having made their nests in the tree tops The concern­ for and protection of cling to and prepare a rains-resi- vegetation lays a claim to an extreme dence, while these recluses, sons form of non-violence. Whether during of the Sakyans, walk on tour dur- the wandering life, or as monasticism ing cold weather and the rains, developed into­ a complicated system trampling down the crops and within the confi­ nement­ of residential grasses, injuring life that has only surroundings, con­sistency­ with the one faculty, and bringing many principle of frugality was maintained. small creatures to destruction? The two moved in close­ proximity to (Mahavagga, 3.4.1-2 [= Suttavib­ hanga 7.1-2, Dhammadayada non-violence, not just to forms of life 26 like that of insects and animals­ but Sutta 3.3 [= Majjima I.13] . also to plants. This was most evident The underlying reason for vassa was during vassa (stem vassathi) the rainy the protection of crops—the economic season, which was usually from June mainspring of life—and the protection to October. During this time, the bhikku of small creatures. The Vinaya prohibits (the Buddhist monk) remained in a waste water to be spilled in a place vassavasa (“rains-residence”) (= vasati, where there are no crops or no living vassa, vasan, vasati, vassan upethi, creatures (Mahavagga, 10.4, 5-6), vassanupagacchati,­ vuttha vasa, vassan where there are forms of life, and where vasapeti,­ anto vassa, anatara vassan). there is little or no green grass (4.1.4-8, This at one time raised an issue among 6.26.5-8, 10.4.5-6)27. Construction of those who detested this season, on which hedges is encouraged to protect plants occasion the following was uttered: from being trampled by goats and cattle

26 Book of the Discipline, vol.4, p.183. 27 Findly (2002), 252-263;Schmithausen (1997) 1-55.

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(Vinaya 4.1-2 [= Cullavagga 6], which Vegetarianism in the form of upavasa is extended to a ban on cutting down maghata (ceremonial abstention from trees, since they are the abodes of birds meat on special observance days) spread and animals (111.156 [= VII.1-2]; into Sinhalese culture beginning appro­ 111.156-157 [= VII.3.2-6]. ximately­ in the third century C.E. The regular transmission of Buddh­ According to the chronicler, it was ism in­to the island of Sri Lanka from at this time that the bodhisatva ideal India operated as a significant cultural became attributed to Sinhalese kings, factor in defining the philosophical and through them as a medium, maghata explanation of the Buddhist way of life. was imposed upon society at large29. This changed somewhat in a second According to Annalayo: movement during the Mauryan period In the discourses collected in (322-185 B.C.E.) when King Asoka the Pāli Nikāyas of the Theravāda (269-232 B.C.E.) committed himself to tradition, the term bodhisattva is a propaganda campaign­­ of popularizing used predominantly by the Budd- Buddhism, in which protection of animal ha Gautama to refer to his pre- life was a central feature. Concern for awakening experiences, the time animal life merged with Indian religious when he was “the bodhisattva” culture due to the commitment of Asoka. par excellence. Such usage oc- His contribution is notable in the form of curs as part of a standard formu- a ban on the slaughter of animals (Asokan laic phrase, according to which a Rock Edict 1, 3, 4) and measures taken, particular event or reflection oc- among others, for the preservation of curred “before (my) awakening, animal life (Asokan Rock Edict 2)28. The when still being an unawakened bodhisattva” (pubbe va (me) edicts are, however silent, about a ban on sambodhā anabhisambuddhassa beef. The later wave, which introduced bod­hisat tass’ eva sato [hence- a ban on the slaughter of animals and forth referred to as the “before the consumption of their flesh, was the awakening” phrase]”30. result of the penetration of South Indian influence into the Sinhalese religious 5. Maghata in the chronicles scene, by approximately the fifth or sixth The imposition of the order of centuries C.E. Abstention from beef was maghatha is attributed to Sinhalese a prominent element in this context. kings in the chronicles. Among these

28 Epigraphica Indica 2 (1970), pp. 466-467. 29 Bodhisatta is the Pali spelling, while bodhisatva is Sanskrit. 30 Annalayo (2010), p.15. Buddha Gautama is the last of the Buddhas in the Buddhist tradition.

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 17-40 Plutarch’s Animal and Vegetarian Treat. and the Concept of Maghata in Sinhalese Culture 31 are the Mahavamsa, or the Great Chro­ and prescribed a penalty (36.28). nicle, and the Culavamsa, or the Lesser King Sirimeghavanna (304-332 C.E.) Chro­nicle. These chronicles do­cu­ment provided water for animals­ (37.99). the religious ordinances of the kings King Upatissa II (525-526 C.E.) tried in Sri Lanka. King Amandagamini to prevent his subjects from causing (22-31 C.E.) declared that one should trouble to living beings (37.188) and not kill animals (Mahavamsa 25.6-7, made arrangements for their security Dipavamsa 21.37), and distributed gifts (37.193), while King Silakala­ (526- of strainers to prevent injury to small 539 C.E.) issued a decree for the aquatic creatures (Mahavamsa 35.74). He preservation of life for all creatures also showed compassion for apes, wild (Ma­havamsa, 4.30-1). King Aggabohi boars, gazelles, and dogs (Cula 54.32). IV (673-689 C.E.) commanded his Imposition of the rule of maghatha is subjects not to slay animals (46.40) not a proof, however, that he promoted as did Aggabodhi V (726-732 C.E.) a vegetarian ethic. King Aggabodhi (48.34). Kassapa IV (912-929 C.E.) VIII (816-827 C.E.) imposed a ban show­ed concern for the protection of on meat, fish, and intoxicating liquors crea­tures whether living on land or in during upo­satha days (49.49). Sena the wa­ter (Culavamsa 52.15). First (846-866 C.E.) introduced a ban 7. Ahimsa in the chronicles on meat, fish, and intoxicating liquor The concept of ahimsa in Sinhalese on Uposatha days or special religious culture covers concern for animal life observance days (Culavamsa 49.49). by way of ensuring the safety of game, This king’s re­gulations move from fish, and the like on the four Uposatha bhikkus (monks) to kinsfolk, invol­ v­ ing­ days (Cula 73.21). Charity for animals fish, four-footed beasts and birds (50.3), in the form of medical treatment is and ensuring safety for ani­mals on and in recorded as one of the good deeds of water ( 52.15). The kings who imposed King Buddhadasa (341-370 C.E.) (Cula. maghata, however, we­re reacting solely 37.112-123). Protection of animals­ is to their role as bodhi­sattva and for the continuously treated as a good deed (193) safety of their sovereignty.­ and it extends to all creatures on land and in water (52.15): four-footed beasts 6. Bodhisatva in the chronicles and birds (60.3); fish, game, and birds An extension of the bodhisatta ideal (48.97)—including their preservation in the description of Sinhalese kings in (41.3) and a ban on slaughter (48.24)— the form of non-violence, is traceable and providing food for crows, dogs, in both the chronicles and inscriptions. and other animals (60.74). This took Voharika Tissa (215-237 C.E.) the form of feeding places for birds imposed a ban on injuring animals (37.204) and their nourishment (48.18),

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 17-40 ISSN 0258-655X 32 Isha Gamlath with fresh corn containing “milky 9. Inscriptions juice” for cattle (48.147, 49.36), rice The inscriptions are rich in material and cakes for apes, wild boar, gazelle for the diffusion of the concept of non- and dogs (54.32), and rice for crows and other birds (49.36). violence toward animals. Village oxen, do­mesticated (tusk-less) elephants and 8. Karuna in the chronicles cart buffaloes were not to be impress­ ­ ed”32. Killers of buffaloes, oxen, and Compassion (karuna) is profoundly goats were to be punished with death33. associated with the image of 31 Ma­nifold punishments are imposed on bodhisatva . Concern for animal life those who steal these animals and they among Sinhalese kings is a marked are made to stand on heated iron san­ feature of the diffusion of the concept dals and be branded: of karuna. It takes several forms, such as the institution of great alms-giving ... for the offence of causing for all living beings (Cula. 37.71-3), injuries to goats, she-buffaloes medicine for animals, as in the par­ by cutting them…..the Head of ti­cular case of King Buddhadasa the Granary shall levy two ka­ landas of gold (as fine).34 (48.112-123, 124-131, 132-139, 140- 147), appointment of physicians for ... those who have come after ele­phants, horses, soldiers, preventing having committed murder (else- where) shall not be arrested in­juring to fish (48.97), careful walking within the boundaries of the vil- so as not to harm insects (48.199-200), lage but they shall be arrested and food for cattle (48.147-148). An once they have removed them ex­ceptional case is king Buddhadasa from the village35. who cures a snake (37.112-123) and appoints physicians for elephants and The prohibition against violence, hor­ses (37.147). The Tamil king, Elara though in this case theft is involved, is (205-161 B.C.E.) is also represented in not limited to animate nature but ex­ the light of extending care to animals, a tends to the inanimate as well: cow (Mahavamsa 21.18) and a snake ( He who takes grass, wood, Ma­havamsa, 21.20). flowers or fruits from the land

31 Schmithausen (2003) 21-46. 32 Ranawella (2005), p. 42, 33 Kumara-Alla Slab Inscription, in Ranawella (2005),. p. 33. 34 Veheragama Slab Inscription, in Ranawella (2005), p. 9. 35 Niranguna Vehera Pillar Inscription in Ranawella (2005), p. 30.

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given to the Buddha will become from food (and in some cases from im­ a departed one”. proper sexual relations). In Sri Lanka As it has been said that he and South India castes are endogamous who takes fraudulently or by groups based on a hierarchy of purity. force, grass, wood, flowers, or According to Yalman: fruits belonging to the Buddha The kindred are the most im- will become a departed one, so portant kin group. It has an iden- no one should take anything be- tity and very considerable soli- 36 longing to the Buddha” . darity. Kandyans would consider 10. Hindu influence themselves to be “one people” and “one blood”. Hence kindred The consumption of meat, as we is directly associated with caste have seen, was not always subject to ideology. “Blood” is never a restrictions in ancient Sri Lanka. As neu­tral category; it always car- Gunawardhana notes: ries ritual-qualities. In this case, those of “one blood” would as- The sanctions against the eating sert that ipso facto they are of of beef which existed in Sinhalese special ritual status. This idea society would suggest that the idea is at the root of a preference for of ahimsa was not the sole contri- making kindred a closed circle bution of Buddhism; it reflects the and to preserve land, women, and influence of Hinduism, particular- ritual quality within it. Hence the ly of the Saiva variety. This clearly auspicious and the inauspicious, illustrates the collaboration of fecundity and death, fertility and Buddhist and Hindu­ influences in barrenness, purity and pollution the propagation of common ideas appear associated with blood38. within Sinhalese society37. The acceptance of food moves from A connection between low caste and the superior (caste) to the inferior : a meat-eating tradition is traceable in In other words seed and food go from early Sinhalese culture. Consumption superior to inferior. When offered by an of meat was ascribed to those who be­ inferior, the superior rejects the offer. longed to low social castes and thus a Thus a rejection of an offer of food is a connection was made between caste and statement of superiority, and a refusal to the meat-eating tradition. Purity of caste give women in marriage also carried the is assumed to be subject to defilement same implication. In all these respects

36 Salva Rock Inscription, in Uduwara (1992), p.139. 37 Gunawardhana, (1979), p. 166. Saiva is the religion of the god Siva. 38 Yalman (1963), 27.

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 17-40 ISSN 0258-655X 34 Isha Gamlath the connotation of food is similar to act. Otherwise one would be at that in India. So, commensality is the a loss to explain the reported of- central rite in marriage rituals when fering of fecal matter to demons the bride and groom feed each other in Ceylon. But that is evidently 42 publicly with little bits of food, and their gastronomic tradition . family disputes are brought to a head by Demons are treated as being below a refusal to take part in such a marriage the status of ordinary humans, probably feast, which carries a serious insult as 43 39 like members of a very low caste . A well as a rejection . clear distinction between vegetarian Meat, especially beef, is connected and non-vegetarian is made in the with the caste of drum-beaters, bherava food offered to the Buddha, deva, and kula40. An extensive form of meat yakkha, as Yalman observes: consumption such as eating human But just as a categorical dis- flesh and improper sexual relations tinction is made in the case of the between a high caste female and low food (dana) offered to the Bud- caste male was supposedly responsible 41 dha and his monks and the food for the origin of the low rodiya caste . offering made to gods (adukku. As in the later Indian tradition, upper multeng), the food offering for caste persons are vegetarian and offer demons is known as dola. More- vegetarian food to the devas (gods) over, while the food for the first while those of the lower castes eat and two categories is vegetarian, do­ offer meat for yakkhas (demons): la always includes flesh of so­ In the Indian context, the up- me kind. Indeed, the vegetarian/ per castes who are vegetarian, carnivorous distinction is made offer only pure vegetarian food with some emphasis for the Yak- to their deities, whereas the low kha since the dola is sometimes castes, who are carnivorous, of- explicitly intended to contain fer goats and chickens to their some polluting matter. In the deities. The offering is either ap- great variety of food which may propriate to the gastronomic tra- be offered to the Yakkha, one ditions of the caste or of the su- sometimes finds the feathers and pernatural beings involved in the combs, besides the flesh, of new-

39 Yalman (1973), 298. 40 Gunawardhana (1979), 166. 41 Yalman (1965), 454. 42 Yalman (1973), 302. Yakkha is the Pali and Sinhalese word for demon. 43 Yalman (1973), 297.

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ly-killed fowls. Or to drive the is both of meat and meatless substance point home, the dola is cooked (bali dola). The “polluted food offering” in a skull thereby polluting the consists of flesh meat or fish45. food, rice or meat, with the most A cock is sacrificed for recovery from potent thing of all, the pollution illness, while dying persons touch and caused by death44. dedicate wild flowers, rice and flesh as Appeasement of supernatural beings pideni (food offering ). Bali dola consists is the foundation for success which of fried food, since fried foods are 46 is often sought in different kinds of associated with impurity . Among food personal offerings, whether a bloo­ offered to the yakkha are five kinds of dy or bloodless sacrifice. The word fried foods (kilimas or fried flesh). These bali (oblations, religious offerings par­ are die mas or water flesh, that is fish, and ticularly to subordinate divinities) and goda mas or land flesh, that is, meat, and three kinds of grain47. Abstinence from bali yaga (yaga=chantings) are used­ as meat is observed by the exorcist for the a generic term for ceremonies in a class fulfillment of his objectives48. In some featuring appeals and offerings mainly cases the worshippers of certain gods to planetary gods. Blood sacrifice­ is (devas) are strict vegetarians whose way the norm of the bali dana, an offering of living is founded on purity, the range dedicated to the yakkha. Killing­ animals of which includes not just abstinence for sacrificial purpose, then, is confined from meat but also avoidance of sexual to the worship of demons whose offering intercourse, death, and alcohol49.

44 Yalman (1973), 295. Leftovers of the offerings of the deva are eaten but not those of the yakkha (294-295; 295, note 8). 45 Yalman (1964), 300; Tennent (1850), 233. 46 Yalman (1964), 124. The skull of a wild cat was used to cook this food (122-123). On the topic of sacrifice to demons, see Yalman (1973), 287-302. Only men cook food for demons, since they do not menstruate and are, therefore, not impure (1964), 128,131. No impurity or vas is permitted in the Buddhist temple (130). There is no ban, however, against a menstruating woman entering a Buddhist temple (131, n. 13). Vas means inauspicious. A menstruating woman is considered as inauspicious in the context of Hindu religion. This does not apply to Buddhism. 47 Yalman (1963), 124, n. 9. Commonly consumed meats were pig (land), peacock (air), and fish (sea) (131). Fowl, blood, and meat were also in demand (126). Together with these, betel leaves, plantains, and coconuts were offered (123) (Kili is “impure”, mas is “meat”, die is “water”, goda is “land”). 48 Gombrich & Obesekera (1988), p. 188. 49 Gombrich & Obesekera (1988), p. 81.

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Vegetarianism in contemporary Sri tarkeia (self-sufficiency), which was Lanka is something very personal50. fundamental to Greek culture and was Roast­ed flesh is the usual sacrifice for elaborated in Aristotle’s Nichomachean de­mons, while bloodless sacrifice is us­ Ethics. The development of asceticism ed for the devas, in the form of milk. in Greece in the Early Empire, such For example, boiling milk is a ritual as elaborated by Plutarch, stressed offer­ing to the devas.51 In recent times avoidance of violence toward animals the Buddhist concept of ahimsa has ta­ and abstinence from meat. These were ken on the form of a mock sacrifice of also central principles of Orphic and a pumpkin. In Gombrich’s description: Pythagorean teachings. These strains Violence against animals, even of Greek thought associated with ve­ if necessary in peasant life, is al- ge­tarianism the horror of shedding ways considered morally bad and blood and the risk of committing can­ regrettable. This has had the ef- ni­balism. The revival of an ancient fect that in early Buddhist healing mo­de of life, or at least one closer rituals in which the demon of the to nature, is a special concern of disease requires a blood sacrifice Plutarch in many essays, who defends to persuade him to leave, often a the ideas of simplicity and frugality. pumpkin is stabbed, or merely a token amount of blood is offered However, a major concern is compassion (a few drops from the comb of a for animals. In contrast to Sinhalese cockerel who is brought in as if to literature, personal health both of the be sacrificed). In recent years in body and the soul is a major concern. Sri Lanka Sinhala Buddhists have In ancient Sri Lanka such a form of been offering real blood sacrific- life was associated more with mainline es, typically goats, to the goddess Buddhism, propagated by Buddhist Kali at the Saiva temple in the dis- monks and Sinhalese kings, rather than trict of Munnessarama and maybe elsewhere. This violation of Bud- with philosophers or marginal religions dhist ethical norms can be reason- as in Greece. In Greece, however, the ably called syncretistic52. mo­vement was more from philosophers to an intellectual elite, in Sri Lanka, the Conclusion pro­hibition against killing animals and A simple and frugal lifestyle in an­ consuming meat, was often imposed cient Greece involved the idea of au­ from the top down through political

50 Gombrich & Obesekera (1988), p. 480. 51 Yalman (1963), 30. The types of milk in Sinhalese culture are: coconut, breast, cow, and the sap of milk exuding trees: Yalman (1963), 30.The offering of the devas is considered the purest, according to Yalman (1964), 130-131. 52 Gombrich ( 1997) 165-6.

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 17-40 Plutarch’s Animal and Vegetarian Treat. and the Concept of Maghata in Sinhalese Culture 37 authority. It was designed to prevent The Dhammapada. The Gift of Truth Excels exploitation of domestic and wild all Other Gifts, by M. Thera Nārada & animals, and of vegetation, in modern C. A. Pereira, 1940, reprint, North Cla­ terms, to preserve the ecosystem. Still it ren­don, Vermont, 1993. did not omit the element of compassion The Dipavamsa. An Ancient Buddhist Histo­ for animals. On a religious and social rical Record, by Hermann Ol­den­berg, London, 1879. level, vegetarianism was associated with purity and the divine, with the Epigraphica Indica. vol. 2, edited by J. Bur­gess & A. Fuhrer (= Archeological upper castes and with the gods, whereas Sur­vey of India. vol. 14), Delhi and meat eating was associated with the Patna, 1970. lower classes and with demons. Even Inscriptions of Ceylon . Epigraphica Zey­ in contemporary Sinhalese society it la­nica. vol. 5, part 3, by S. Ranawella, is a popular notion that mistreating Co­lombo, 2005. or killing animals and eating meat is Inscriptions of Ceylon. Epigraphica Zeyla­­ wrong, since it indicates lack of com­ nica. vol. 6, part 2, by J. Uduwara, Co­ passion. This attitude also has a re­ lom­bo, 1992. li­gious or even thaumaturgic aspect Thus Have I Heard. The Long Discourses of (in the sense of mixing religion and the Buddha Dīgha Nikaya by Buddha, by magic), since meat is often associated M. O’Connell Walshe, London, 1987. with demons while abstinence from The Mahavaṃsa or the Great Chronicle of meat is associated with the gods. Ceylon, by W. Geiger, London, 1908, re­print, Oxford, 1934. Bibliography Majjima Nikaya. The Middle Length Dis­ cour­ses of the Buddha, by B. Bodhi, English translations of Plutarch’s Mo­ Kan­dy, 1995. ra­lia and Lives are taken from the Loeb The Connected Discourses of the Buddha. Classical Library. A New Translation of the Saṃyutta Ni­ 1. Sinhalese and Indian texts and trans­ kāya, by B. Bodhi, Boston, 2000. lations: Vinaya Pitaka, The Book of the Discipline, The Book of the Gradual Sayings (Angutta­ vol. 1, Suttavibhanga, translated by I. ra-nikaya) or More-Numbered Suttas, Brew Horner, London, 1938, reprint, vol.1, by F. L. Woodward, Oxford, 1932. Lan­caster, 2006. Cūlavaṃsa. Being the More Recent Part of Vinaya Pitaka, The Book of the Discipline. the Mahavamsa, part 1, by C. M. Rick­ vol. 11, Suttavibhanga, translated by I. mers & W. Geiger, London, 1925, re­ Brew Horner, London, 1940, reprint print, Colombo, 1953. Ox­ford, 2004. Cūlavaṃsa. Being the More Recent Part Vinaya Pitaka, The Book of the Discipline, of the Mahavamsa by Mahanama. part vol. 4, Mahavagga, translated by I. 2, by W. Geiger & C. M. Rickmers, Brew Horner, London, 1951, reprint London 1927, reprint, Colombo 1953. Lan­caster, 2007.

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2. Dictionaries: Original Sin”, Classical Antiquity, 18 A Sanskrit-English Dictionary Etymologi­­ (1999) 35-73. cal­ly and Philologically Arranged with Gilhus, I. S., Spe­cial Reference to Cognate Indo- - Animal Gods and Humans. Changing Eur­opean Languages, by M. Monier- Attitudes­ to Animals in Greek, Roman Williams, E. Leumann, & C. Cappeller, and Early Christian Ideas, Abingdon and Ox­ford, 1899, reprint, 1956. New York, 2006. Pali- English Dictionary, by T. W. Rhys Da­ Hershbell, J. P., vids & W. Stede, New Delhi, 1993, re­ - “Plutarch’s Pythagorean Friends”, Classi­ print, New Delhi and Chennai, 2005. cal Bulletin, 60 (1984) 73-79. 3. Secondary literature on Plutarch and Largen, K. J., vegetarianism: - review of D. Grumette & R. Muers (eds.), Eating­ and Believing. Interdisciplinary Aune, D. E., Perspectives on Vegetarianism and - “De esu carnium orationes I and II Theo­lo­gy, London, 2008, in Dialog 51 (Mo­ralia 993A-999B)”, in H. D. Betz (2012) 102–103. (ed.), Plutarch’s Theological Writings and Early Christian Literature. vol. 1, Martin, M., Lei­den, 1975, pp. 301-316. - “Plutarch’s De Sollertia Animalium 959 B-C: The Discussion of the Encomium Beer, M., of Hunting”, AJPh, 100 (1979) 99-106. - Taste or Taboo: Dietary Choices in Antiqui­ ­ty, London, 2010. Mossman, J., - “Plutarch on Animals: Rhetorical Strate­ ­ Brenk, F. E., gies in ‘De Sollertia Animalium’”, Her­ - “A Most Strange Doctrine: Daimon in mathena 179 (2005) 141-163. Plu­tarch”, Classical Journal, 69 (1973) 1-11. Newmyer, S. T., - “Limb Torn From Limb: Mysticism and - “Justice Towards Animals: Ancient In­ the Young Plutarch”, in F. E. Brenk, In sights on a Modern Debate”, Scholia. Mist Apparelled.Religious Themes in Stu­dies in Classical Antiquity (Natal, Plutarch’s Moralia and Lives, Leiden South Africa) 1 (1992) 38-54. and Boston, 1977, pp. 65-84. - “Plutarch on the Moral Grounds for Vegetarianism”, Classical Outlook, 72, Burkert, W., (1995) 41-43. - Greek Religion. Archaic and Classical, - “Speaking of Beasts: The Stoics and Oxford, 1985. Plutarch on Animal Reason and the Dierauer, U., Modern Case against Animals”, QUCC - Tier und Mensch in Denken der Anti­ ­ke. 63 (1999) 99-110. Studien zur Tierpsychologie. An­thro­po­ - “Animal Philanthropia in the Convi­ ­ lo­gie und Ethic, Amsterdam, 1977. vium Septem Sapientium”, in J. Ribeiro Dodds, E. R., Ferreira, D. Leão, M. Tröster, & P. Ba­ - “The Portrait of a Greek Gentleman Au­ rata Dias, (eds.) Symposion and Philan­­ thor”, Greece and Rome, 2 (1933) 99-110. thropia in Plutarch , Coimbra, 2009, pp. Edmonds, R. G., 497-504. - “Tearing Apart the Zagreus Myth: A Few - Animals in Greek and Roman Thought: Disparaging Remarks On Orphism and A Sourcebook, London, 2011.

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Nilsson, M. P., Bālasūriya (eds.), - “Orphism and Kindred Reli­ ­gious Mo­ve­ - Buddhist Studies in Honour of Walpola ments”, Harvard Theo­lo­gi­cal Review, Rahula, London, 1980, pp. 234-241. 28 (1935) 180-230. Findly, E. B., “Borderline Beings: Plant Riedweg, C., Possibilities in Early Buddhism”, Jour­ - Pythagoras. Leben, Lehre, Nachwir­­ nal of the American Oriental Society, 122 kung, Munich, 2002. (2002) 252-263. Gethin, R., Rives, J. B., - “Can Killing a Living Being Ever Be an - “The Theology of Animal Sacrifice in Act of Compassion?: The Analysis of the Ancient Greek World: Origins and the Act of Killing in the Abhidhamma De­velopments”, in J. W. Knust & Z. and Pali Commentaries”, Journal of the Várhelyi (eds.), Ancient Mediterranean Pali Text Society, 11 (2004) 169-202. Sacrifice, Oxford, 2011, pp. 187-202. Gombrich, R., Scott, J. A., - “The Buddhist Attitude to Thaumatur­ ­ - “The Taboo on Fish in the Worship of gy”, Tibeta et Indica, 30 (1997) 165-184. the Great Mother”, CJ, 17 (1922) 226. Gombrich, R., & Obesekera, G., Sorabji, R., - Buddhism Transformed. Religious Chan­ - Animal Minds and Human Morals. The ge in Sri Lanka, New Delhi, 1988. Origins of the Western Debate, London, Gunawardhana, R. A. L. H, 1993. - Robe And Plough. Monasticism and Eco­ Tsekourakis, D., nomic­ Interest in Early Medieval Sri Lan­ - “Orphic and Pythagorean Views on Vege­ ­ ka, Tucson, Arizona, 1979. tarianism­ in Plutarch”, in F. E. Brenk & Harris, E. J., I. Gallo (eds.), Miscellanea Plutarchea. - “Detachment and Compassion in Early Quaderni­ del Giornale Filologico Ferra­ Budd­hism”, https://www.google.com/ rese 8, 1986, pp. 127-138. webhp?gws_rd=ssl#q=HARRIS%2C. - “Pythagoreanism or Platonism and An­ ELI­ZABETH+J.+Detachment+and+Co­ cient Medicine? The Reasons for Ve­ mpassion+in+Early+Buddhism%2C+. ge­ta­rianism in Plutarch’s ‘Moralia’”, Keown, D., ANRW II.36.1, Berlin and New York, - “Attitudes to Euthanasia in the Vinaya 1987, pp. 366-393. and the Commentaries”, Journal of Budd­ Ullucci, D., hist Ethics, 6 (1991) 260-270. - The Christian Rejection of Animal Sa­ - Buddhism and Bioethics, London, 1995. cri­fice, Oxford, 2011. - Buddhism and Abortion, London, 1998. Visser, M, Ruegg, S .D., - “Vengeance and Pollution in Classical - “Ahimsa and Vegetarianism in the History Athens”, Journal of the History of Ideas, of Buddhism”, in W. Rāhula & S. 45 (1984) 193-206. Schmithausen, L., - Maithree and Magic. Aspects of the 4. Secondary literature on Sinhalese and Buddhist Attitude Towards the Dangerous Indian works: in Nature, Vienna, 1997. ANālayo, B., - The Early Buddhist Tradition and - The Genesis of the Bodhisattva Ideal, Ecological Ethics, Cazadero, California, Ham­burg, 2010. 1997.

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- “Aspects of The Buddhist Attitude to Yalman, N., War”, in J. E. M. Houben & K. R. Van - “On the Purity of Women in the Castes Kooij (eds.), Violence Denied. Violence, of Ceylon and Malabar”, Journal of Non-Violence and the Rationalization of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Violence in South Asian Cultural History, Great Britain and Ireland, 93 (1963) Leiden and Boston, 1999, pp. 45-67. 25-58. - “Einige besondere Aspekte der ‘Bodhi­ - “Structure of Sinhalese Healing Ri­ satt­va-Ethik’ in Indien und ihre Hin­ tuals”, Journal of Asian Studies, 23. tergründe, Hörin, 10 (2003) 21-46. - “Dual Organization in the Central Cey­ Tennent, E. J., lon: Or the Goddess on the Tree Top”, - Christianity in Ceylon. Its Introduction Journal of Asian Studies, 24 (1965), and Progress under the Portugese, Dutch, 441-457. British and American Missions, London,­ - “On the Meaning of Food Offerings in 1850. Cey­lon”, Social Compass, 20 (1973) Von Hinüber, O. 287-302. - “The Arising of an Offence: āpattisa­ mutt­ ­ hāna: A note on the Structure and History­ Zimmerman, M., of Theravāda-Vinaya”, Journal of the Pali - “Only a Fool Would Become a King: Text Society, 16 (1992), 55-69, reprint in Budd­hist Stances in Punishment”, in H. Falk & W. Slaje (eds.), Oskar­ von M. Zimmerman (ed.), Buddhism and Hinüber. Kleine Schriften, vol. 1, Wies­ Violence, Nepal and Wiesba­ ­den, 2006, baden , 2009, pp.144-158. pp. 213-242. Waley, A., - “On Power and Punishment: Buddhism - “Did Buddha Die of Eating Pork?: With and Statecraft in Ancient India”, Homo a Note on Buddha’s Image”, Melanges Oe­conomicus, 25 (2008), 225-244. Chi­nois et Bouddhiques, 1-2 (1931- - Anālayo, The Genesis of the Bodhisattva 1932), 343-354. Ideal, Hamburg, 2010.

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 17-40 Un’antica fonte magno-greca nel De musica attribuito a Plutarco: Glauco di Reggio* da Antonietta Gostoli Università di Perugia [email protected]

Abstract Glaucus of Rhegium is often cited in Ps. Plutarch’s De musica as an important source for reconstructing the history of ancient Greek music and lyric poetry. The cultural background of Glaucus’ activity was Rhegium and the Magna Graecia at the end of V century B.C. While Theagenes, his fellow citizen, who was a rhapsode, gave rise to the Homeric studies (VI century B.C.), Glaucus, who was a musician, started the classification and historiography of lyric poetry. He is cited by Ps. Plutarch’s De musica mostly in chapters derived from Heraclides Ponticus. It has been widely questioned whether the author of the De Musica had direct access to Glaucus’ work or deduced its content from Heraclides. Nevertheless, Ps. Plutarch underlined a great difference between Glaucus and Heraclides: the latter founded his research on written sources, whereas, when Glaucus compared Terpander’s melodies to Orpheus’, we cannot think he could have used any sources with musical notation for such ancient pieces of music. Evidently, he referred to orally transmitted melodies attributed to Orpheus and Terpander. Indeed, elsewhere in the De musica Glaucus refers to musical knowledge acquired by directly listening to ritual songs. Key-Words: Ps. Plutarch’s De musica, Glaucus of Rhegium, Heraclides Ponticus, Kitharōidia, Aulōidia, Oral tradition of ancient music.

l De musica attribuito a mu­sica greca e della poesia lirica del Plutarco cita Glauco di passato. Mi sembra utile riesaminare Reg­gio tra le principali la documentazione disponibile con fon­ti utilizzate per ri­ l’intento di lumeggiare in maniera più Icos­­truire la storia della approfondita e aggiornata la sua attività * Questo saggio è stato presentato a Space, Time and Language in Plutarch’s Visions of Greek Culture. 10th International Plutarch Society Congress, University of Patras, Department of Philology, Delfi 16-18 May 2014.

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 41-54 ISSN 0258-655X 42 Antonietta Gostoli di musico e di storico della letteratura e Locri e a Reggio si era sviluppata un’ il suo apporto al disegno delineato nel originale civiltà letteraria, un’intensa trattato pseudo-plutarcheo. sta­gione di poesia e musica. Nella Il contesto culturale in cui nasce e tradizione era rimasto famoso il con­ si sviluppa l’opera di Glauco è quello fronto tra i citarodi Eunomo di Locri e Aristone di Reggio, che sottende una di Reggio e della Magna Grecia della 3 seconda metà del V secolo. Della città rivalità tra queste due città . Durante di origine si ha la precisa indicazione in un’esibizione al concorso citarodico di Diogene Laerzio (IX 38) e nel trattato Delfi, si ruppe una corda della cetra di pseudo-plutarcheo Decem oratorum vi­tae Eunomo e immediatamente una cicala, (test. 5), che designano lo scrittore­ come posatasi sullo strumento, si sostituì con ὁ Ῥηγῖνος, mentre il De musica (test. 1, l. il suo canto alla nota venuta meno, per­ 6) ne indica più genericamente la regione, mettendo così a Eunomo di portare a ἐξ Ἰταλίας. Per la determinazione della termine la gara e conseguire la vitto­ cronologia, Diogene Laerzio ci fornisce ria. Certo nel VII secolo a Locri doveva due ele­menti:­ a) Glauco fece menzione essere fiorita una vivace attività poetico- del trasferimento di Empedocle a Tu­ musicale dal momento che il locrese ri, avvenuto poco dopo la sua fonda­ ­ Senocrito importò a Sparta l’arte zione­ (444/443 a.C.); b) Glauco fu musicale della sua città, partecipando contemporaneo di Democrito1. Consi­ alla fondazione della seconda katastasis derando­ che Democrito rimase famoso (che si realizzò nell’istituzione della per la sua longevità (circa 460-360 a. festa delle Gimnopedie), insieme a Ta­ C.) e che Glauco ebbe occasione di leta di Gortina, Senodamo di Citera, citarlo, possiamo anche pensare che Polimnesto di Colofone e Sacadas di non fosse un suo coetaneo, bensì un Argo4. Che Senocrito abbia avuto un contemporaneo un po’ più giovane. ruolo importante nella storia della lirica Il suo floruit dovrebbe dunque cadere 2 è provato anche dalla testimonianza nell’ultimo quarto del quinto secolo . di Pindaro, che in un suo carme lo in­ Nel contatto tra modelli greci e forze dica come inventore di un canto ar­ autoctone, a partire dal VII secolo, a mo­­nioso accompagnato dagli auli (fr.

1 Vd. rispettivamente Diog. Laert., VIII 52 = Emp., 31 A 1 D.-K.; IX 38 = Dem., 68 A 1 D.-K. 2 Vd. Hiller, 1886, pp. 398 s. 3 Timeo di Tauromenio, FGrHist 566 F 43a-b. Da Timeo derivano Antigono di Caristo, Strabone e molti altri autori greci e latini che ripresero e contaminarono in vari modi il racconto: vd. Bellia, 2012a; Bellia, 2012b, pp. 18 s. 4 Ps. Plut., De mus. 9, 1134b; vd. Gostoli, 2012, p. 146.

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140b Maehl.)5. È verisimile che si l’esegesi allegorica, occupandosi anche riferisse all’invenzione dell’armonia di critica testuale e scelta fra varianti9. locrese, insieme severa e patetica, come Nello stesso ambiente di Teagene si viene definita da Ateneo (ΧΙV 625e) formarono­­ Orfeo di Crotone, Zopiro di verosimilmente sulla scorta di Eraclide Eraclea­ e Onomacrito di Locri che par­ Pontico6. Pindaro è testimone anche teciparono­­ alla redazione pisistratea dei della civiltà atletica di Locri. L’Olimpica poemi omerici10. X e l’Olimpica XI furono composte per Come Teagene diede origine agli la stessa vittoria nel pugilato del fanciullo studi omerici, Glauco dette inizio alla Hagesidamos, figlio di Archestratos, classificazione e alla storia della lirica, rispettivamente nel 474 e nel 4767. Nella basandosi sul rapporto tra poesia e visione pindarica Locri è città ospitale, in musica, come vedremo. I contesti cul­ cui fioriscono musica, poesia, saggezza e arte guerriera. Alla tradizione locrese, tu­rali in cui operava erano quelli della per il tramite di Xanto, viene collegato so­fistica e del pitagorismo. Secondo lo anche Stesicoro8, compositore di poesia Ps. Plutarco, Dec. or. vit. (test. 5), “Vi epica in versi lirici, la cui attività poetica sono alcuni che l’opuscolo di Glau­ presenta dei momenti di collegamento co di Reggio l’attribuiscono ad Anti­ con la storia e i culti locali (battaglia della fonte”. Generalmente si intendeva che Sagra e culto dei Dioscuri). Nella poetica si trattasse dell’Antifonte sofista, non di Ibico di Reggio l’epos cede il posto dell’oratore Antifonte di Ramnunte alla poesia amorosa. La sua attività si (480-411 a. C.), ispiratore del regime dei svolse tra Magna Grecia, Sicilia e l’isola Quattrocento. In particolare, secondo di Samo, alla corte del tiranno Policrate. Müller, Glauco, andato da Reggio ad In rapporto a Glauco, è ancora più ri­le­ Atene, sarebbe stato tra i maestri di vante il fatto che a Reggio, un secolo Antifonte sofista (non Rhamnusium prima,­ abbia operato Teagene, rapsodo esse, verum recentiorem) per il quale e primo interprete di Omero, del quale avrebbe composto il suo opuscolo sui cercò di ricostruire la biografia e iniziò poeti11. Oggi si tende ad identificare i

5 Vd. Fileni, 1987. 6 Per una più ampia rassegna e discussione sulla varietà e sull’originalità della vita musicale di Locri in età arcaica, vd. Gigante, 1977, pp. 623-635. 7 Lomiento in Gentili, 2013, p. 248. 8 Bowra, 1973, p. 117. 9 Vd. Gentili-Cerri, 1983, p. 73; p. 77; p. 86; Biondi, 2015. 10 Per le testimonianze a riguardo, vd. D’Agostino, 2007, p. 27. 11 Müller, 1848, vol. II, p. 23.

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 41-54 ISSN 0258-655X 44 Antonietta Gostoli due personaggi in uno solo, autore sia titolo precedentemente usato dall’au­ di orazioni che di scritti di argomento to­re del De musica; la correzione è sofistico. Non possiamo ipotizzare il accolta­ nel testo da Ziegler. All’uno mo­tivo della falsa attribuzione, che pe­ e agli altri­ si può replicare che i due rò può attestare due cose: a) Glauco termini (σύγγραμμα e ἀναγραφή) sono condivideva con i sofisti metodi inter­ sinonimici perché ἀναγραφή, oltre a pre­tativi e interessi per determinati ‘registrazione’ significa ‘trattazione’ cam­pi della cultura letteraria e (per es. Plut., Per. 2), pertanto è possi­bi­le musicale; b) l’opera di Glauco, per che lo Ps. Plutarco abbia usato ora l’uno passare come ope­ra di Antifonte, ora l’altro termine per indicare un’opera doveva essere scritta in dialetto attico, Περὶ τῶν ἀρχαίων ποιητῶν τε καὶ μου­ cosa possibile nella seconda­ metà del V σικῶν, che era il titolo tradizionale per secolo, quando l’attico si era affermato questo tipo di trattazioni. Pressoché come lingua letteraria.­ Sappiamo con allo stesso modo venne chiamata un’ certezza che Gor­gia, andato in Atene ope­ra del contemporaneo Damaste dalla Sicilia nel 427 a. C., scrisse le sue 12 (Πε­ρὶ ποιητῶν καὶ σοφιστῶν), saggio opere in attico . di storia della letteratura greca simile a 14 Di Glauco vengono menzionate due quella di Glauco . Non è verisimile che opere: quella più famosa è citata come ἀρχαίων sia un’aggiunta dell’autore del Σύγγραμμα περὶ τῶν ἀρχαίων ποιητῶν De musica, ipotesi formulata a causa τε καὶ μουσικῶν, Trattato sugli antichi della menzione, nel trattato di Glauco, poeti e musici (test. 1, l. 7), oppure Ἀνα­ di Empedocle, rispetto a Glauco poeta­ γραφὴ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀρχαίων ποιητῶν (test. “moderno”15: in realtà l’opera nel suo 2, l. 30), o anche semplicemente Περὶ complesso si connotava più distin­ta­­­ ποιητῶν βιβλίον (test. 5). Il termine mente come storia della poesia e della Ἀναγραφή, secondo Hiller13, farebbe musica antica. La menzione, da par­ supporre che l’opera di Glauco avesse te di Glauco, del mitico Museo16 di­ forma non di trattato, ma piuttosto di mostra che le sue ricerche risalivano elenco. Weil e Reinach propongono fino all’età eroica, mentre le citazioni dubitativamente di correggere ἀναγρα­ ­ tramandate dal De musica segnalano φή in συγγραφή, per analogia con il una particolare, approfondita attenzione

12 Cfr. l’utile discussione sull’argomento in Presta, 1965, pp. 87-89. 13 Hiller, 1886, p. 405. 14 FGrHist 5 F 11a-b. 15 Lanata, 1963, p. 271; Presta, 1965, p. 90. 16 Cfr. Harpocr., p. 207, 13 Keaney s.v. Μουσαῖος = Aristox., fr. 91 Wehrli.

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 41-54 Un’antica fonte magno-greca nel De musica attribuito a Plutarco: Glauco di Reggio 45 alla lirica del VII sec. a.C.17 Βιβλίον, certe, se quest’ultimo leggesse egli nel testo pseudo-plutarcheo della test. stesso l’opera­ di Glauco o viceversa ne 5, ne sottolinea l’aspetto “editoriale” di desumesse il contenuto dal trattato di “opuscolo”18. Eraclide Pontico:­ questa seconda ipotesi è oggi quella più accreditata21. L’opera L’altra opera attribuita a Glauco è di Glauco fu certamente utilizzata da denominata Περὶ Αἰσχύλου μύθων, Aristotele nel Περὶ ποιητῶν e da Era­ Le trame di Eschilo19. Non essendo cli­de Pontico nella Συναγωγὴ τῶν ἐν utilizzata dal compilatore del De musica μουσικῇ <εὐδοκιμησάντων> ma dalle non sarà presa in considerazione in questo saggio. quali fu poi probabilmente sostituita e quindi non più utilizzata direttamente. Passiamo ora all’analisi dei fram­ È comunque evidente che l’autore del men­ti dell’opera Sugli antichi poeti e De musica nella stesura dell’opera non musici trasmessi dal De musica attri­ amalgama le sue fonti, ma procede 20 buito dalla tradizione a Plutarco . secondo il moderno metodo del “copia Questa è un’opera che presenta la storia­ e incolla”22, affiancando cioè una fon­ della musica e della poesia lirica dall’età te all’altra senza preoccuparsi di colle­ eroica al IV secolo, cioè all’età delle garle o armonizzarle fra di loro. Perciò sue fonti principali, Eraclide Ponti­co­ la lettura è spesso difficile e niente e Aristosseno, entrambi eruditi appar­ affatto univoca, con il vantaggio però di tenenti alla scuola di Aristotele. Glauco esse­re molto fedele ai diversi testimoni viene citato quattro volte (4, 1132e = test. di­retti e indiretti. 1, l. 6; 7, 1133f = test. 2, l. 30; 10, 1134d = test. 3, l. 9; 10, 1134e = test. 4, l. 7), in La prima occorrenza del nome capitoli che derivano per la maggior parte Glau­co si trova alla fine del cap. 4 (test. da Era­clide­ Pontico, menzionato dallo 1, l. 6) con riferimento a Terpandro, stesso autore del De musica (3, 1131f) che secondo Glauco è più antico di come sua fonte diretta. Si è discusso a Ar­chiloco. In questo capitolo e nel lungo, sen­za giungere a conclusioni precedente l’autore del De musica,

17 Così Huxley, 1968, p. 48. 18 Presta, 1965, p. 90. 19 Vd. Hypoth. Aesch. Pers. 20 I frammenti dell’opera Sugli antichi poeti e musici sono tutti trasmessi dal De musica, eccetto quello su Museo (cfr. n. 16) e i frammenti su Democrito ed Empedocle (cfr. n. 1) che non hanno alcun rapporto con il De musica e che per questo non vengono presi in esame nella presente trattazione. 21 Barker, 2014, pp. 36 s. 22 Barker, 2014, p. 37. Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 41-54 ISSN 0258-655X 46 Antonietta Gostoli rifacendosi esplicitamente all’autorità che Olimpo dalla Frigia­ avrebbe di Eraclide Pontico, aveva tracciato portato la musica in Grecia.­ Lui sarebbe una storia della citarodia a partire stato allievo di Marsia, Marsia sarebbe dall’inventore mitico Anfione e dai stato figlio di Hyagnis, che per primo più famosi cantori leggendari (Lino, suo­nò l’aulo. Il brano successivo, da Antes, Filammone, Tamiri, ecc.) fino ai ἐξη­λωκέναι ἔοικε (ll. 17-23), secondo citarodi storici Terpandro e Stesicoro, Ja­coby, faceva ancora parte della cita­ ­ autori di epica lirica. A Terpandro zione da Alessandro Poliistore25. Ma, veniva attribuita anche l’invenzione dei a ben vedere, sono notizie che non nomoi citarodici, cioè di arie musicali hanno molto a che fare con la Frigia. tradizionali da eseguire sulla cetra, È verisimile invece che da ἐζηλωκέναι delle quali vengono elencati i nomi. I (l. 17) fino a γενέσθαι (l. 29) riprenda nomoi aulodici, cioè le arie musicali l’esposizione della teoria di Glauco da eseguire con l’aulo, sono invece (cfr. l. 9 φησί), secondo cui Terpandro attribuite a Clonas. La testimonianza avrebbe imitato i versi da Omero e le di Glauco viene invocata al fine di melodie da Orfeo, che sarebbe stato il stabilire la cronologia di Terpandro. primo citarodo dato che prima di lui Il cardine del sistema crono­ ­logico è c’erano stati solo i poeti di aulodie. costituito da Archiloco, probabilmente­ Si noterà dunque la discrepanza fra la per il suo sincronismo con Gige, tradizione seguita da Glauco che, nel suggerito da Archiloco stesso (fr. 19 genere citarodico, metteva in primo West) e confermato da Erodoto­ (I 13)23. piano la figura e la poesia di Orfeo, e Secondo Glauco, Terpandro sarebbe quella seguita da Eraclide Pontico (3, vissuto dopo i primi compositori di 1131f), per il quale l’inventore della au­lodie (l. 10 μετὰ τοὺς πρώτους ci­tarodia era stato Anfione, sulla base ποιήσαντας αὐλῳδίαν)24. Segue un dell’Epigrafe di Sicione, un’antica brano tratto da Alessandro Poliistore che iscri­­zione depositata a Sicione, una ha la funzione di spiegare queste parole cro­naca di contenuto poetico-musicale contestualizzandole geogra­ ­ficamente che riportava i nomi di inventori, poeti e storicamente. Nella sua Raccolta di e musici a partire dall’età eroica di An­ notizie sulla Frigia Alessan­dro diceva fione fino al V secolo26. Ma non si tratta

23 Vd. Lasserre, 1954, p. 156. 24 Ma non si può nemmeno escludere che αὐτόν (l. 9) si riferisca ad Archiloco: cioè Archiloco sarebbe vissuto dopo i primi compositori di aulodie. Vd. la discussione di questo passo in Gostoli, 1990, p. 74. 25 Jacoby, 1943, IIIa Kommentar, p. 287. 26 De mus. 3, 1132a = FGrHist 550 F 1. Cfr. anche 8, 1134b = FGrHist 550 F 2.

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 41-54 Un’antica fonte magno-greca nel De musica attribuito a Plutarco: Glauco di Reggio 47 solo di tradizioni mitiche diverse, bensì del suo tempo, che teorizzavano e in­ anche di metodi e strumenti di studio segna­vano senza far riferimento a differenti. Come ha ben evidenziato testimonianze scritte più antiche29. Andrew Barker, Eraclide, allievo di Diverso il modo di procedere di Aristotele, amava fondare la sua ri­cer­ Glauco. Abbiamo già visto che parago­ ­ ca su fonti scritte: per la storia della citarodia e dell’aulodia, nomina come nava le melodie di Terpandro a quelle di sua fonte la sopra menzionata Epigrafe Orfeo. Non possiamo pensare che fosse in possesso di notazioni musicali su di Sicione; per le vittorie di Terpandro 30 e di Sacadas negli agoni pitici attinge testi attribuiti ad autori così antichi ; alla lista dei Pythionikai compilata da evidentemente alludeva a melodie tra­ Aristotele e dal nipote Callistene27; per mandate oralmente e attribuite a Orfeo­ la successione dei citarodi di Lesbo si e a Terpandro. Del resto, un altro passo basa sui Vincitori alle Carnee, ope­ del De musica attribuibile a Glauco ra di Ellanico28. Talora ammette l’im­ fa riferimento a conoscenze musicali­ possi­bilità di pronunciarsi su un certo ac­quisite dall’ascolto diretto di canti argomento perché non trova fonti scritte rituali. Così si esprime riguardo a Olim­ su di esso (test. 3, l. 1 ss.): po (test. 2, ll. 12-17): Anche Polimnesto compose Questi, essendo l’eromenos nomoi aulodici. Ma se nel compor­ di Marsia e avendo imparato­ da re le sue melodie si sia servito del lui a suonare l’aulo, portò i no­ nomos Orthios, come dicono gli moi enarmonici in Grecia, dei harmonikoi, non possiamo affer- qua­li i Greci si servono ancora marlo con certezza, poiché gli nelle feste degli dei. antichi scrittori (οἱ ἀρχαῖοι) non Esisteva dunque un corpus di mu­ dicono nulla su questo argomento. si­che per cetra o per aulo attribuite per È da sottolineare che per harmonikoi tradizione orale agli inventori delle due Eraclide intende i maestri di musica correnti musicali, la citarodia e l’au­

27 Test. 1, ll. 2-4; De mus. 8, 1134a. Per la dipendenza di queste notizie dalla lista dei Pythionikai, vd. Gostoli, 1990, pp. 98-100; Gostoli, 2012, pp. 143 s. 28 De mus. 6, 1133cd; per la dipendenza della trattazione da Ellanico, vd. West, 1992, p. 330, n. 8. Franklin, 2012, p. 748, che attribuisce a Glauco molto più materiale del De musica di quanto si faccia tradizionalmente, ritiene che questo passo discenda da Ellanico per il tramite di Glauco. Ma trattandosi di argomentazioni di tipo storico (predilette da Eraclide) e non tecnico-musicale (tipiche di Glauco) è verisimile che il tramite sia ancora Eraclide: vd. Barker, 2014, p. 48. 29 Vd. Barker, 2014, p. 34. 30 Vd. il magistrale saggio di Pöhlmann, 2011.

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 41-54 ISSN 0258-655X 48 Antonietta Gostoli lodia. Le righe che abbiamo letto fanno minenza alla tradizione auletica, facendo parte del capitolo 7 in cui l’autore del di Olimpo una figura archetipica. Per lui De musica vuole affrontare il tema dei le linee fondamentali della storia della nomoi aulodici separatamente da quelli musica greca sono: 1) Olimpo; 2) Orfeo; citarodici.­ È un capitolo che in parte ripe­ te­ 3) Omero; 4) Terpandro. quanto­ già detto nel capi­ to­ lo­ 5 (che abbia­ ­ L’interesse di Glauco per l’auletica mo discusso sopra) sulla successione de­ e l’aulodia, nonché notizie precise su gli inventori dell’arte auletica e aulodica suoi esperimenti musicali, dei quali­ e sul ruolo­ archetipico di Olimpo. L’ope­ parleremo tra breve, hanno fatto ipo­­ ra di Glauco,­ sostanzialmente alla base dell’intero capitolo 731, viene citata tizzare che egli appartenesse ad una famiglia di auleti e che fosse lui stes­ esplicitamente­­­ per attribuire a Olimpo 34 l’invenzione del nomos Harmateios32. so auleta . Come tale, secondo Jaco­­ ­by, Glauco sosteneva che Stesicoro non sarebbe andato ad Atene e avrebbe scrit­ imitò Orfeo, Terpandro, Archiloco o to la sua opera in attico, co­me dimostra il fatto che qualcuno po­té attribuirla ad Taleta, ma la musica di Olimpo, avva­ 35 len­dosi del nomos Harmateios e del An­tifonte . Jacoby­ afferma anche che il gene­ re­ dattilico (test. 2, ll. 36-37). La le­game dell’esercizio pratico di un’arte testimonianza sembra doversi leggere con la sua trattazione letteraria sarebbe in senso musicale, cioè nel senso che sta­­to usuale nel periodo della sofistica. Stesicoro adottò un modello melodico Sot­to­lineerei piuttosto il confronto con mutuandolo dal contesto della musica Tea­gene di Reggio: anche Teagene fu per aulo, diverso da quello adottato da sia esecutore della poesia omerica, cioè Terpandro33. È verisimile che Glauco rapso­do, sia studioso di Omero, della sia giunto a queste conclusioni sulla base sua stirpe, dell’epoca in cui fiorì, e fu dello studio della musica ascoltata nella il primo ad introdurre l’esegesi di tipo realtà del suo tempo. E, mentre nella allegorico­ 36. Glauco un secolo dopo ricostruzione di Eraclide la musica per ri­­percorre le orme del conterraneo: co­­ eccellenza è quella citarodica inventata niu­­gano l’uno l’esercizio della poesia­ da Anfione, Glauco al contrario dà pre­ ome­rica, l’altro dell’aulodia e dell’aule­ ­

31 Vd. Barker, 2014, p. 35. 32 Un’indagine sulla natura e sulle caratteristiche del nomos Harmateios in Grandolini, 2002. 33 Vd. Barker, 2001; Ercoles, 2009, pp. 162-168. 34 Weil-Reinach, 1900, p. XII. 35 Vd. anche supra, p. 43, e Jacoby, 1912, col. 1419. 36 Vd. Biondi, 2015.

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 41-54 Un’antica fonte magno-greca nel De musica attribuito a Plutarco: Glauco di Reggio 49 tica, con la discussione storica e teorica senso platonico-aristotelico­­ di imitazione su questi temi. della­ ‘realtà’ naturale e umana, ma in Che Glauco praticasse egli stesso quello di imitazione artistica di autori l’arte musicale lo apprendiamo da uno precedenti,­­ inventores delle singole for­ scolio al Fedone di Platone, che riporta un me prese in esame. Come al solito frammento di Aristosseno37: nella prima con­tinua ad avere un ruolo chiave metà del V secolo il pitagorico Ippaso la figura di Olimpo come iniziatore aveva condotto esperimenti con quattro e πρῶτος εὑρετής, nonché quella di dischi di bronzo, dimostrando che, se Archi­loco come anello fondamentale i diametri erano uguali e gli spessori nella linea di sviluppo ipotizzata. Ta­ stavano tra loro nel rapporto di 2 a 1, 3 le­­ta, cronologizzato da Glauco come a 2, 4 a 3, i dischi percossi produ­ cevano­ po­steriore ad Archiloco, avrebbe imi­ note separate dagli intervalli di ottava, ta­­to i modi della sua poesia lirica, ri­ spet­to alla quale innovò ampliando le quinta e quarta. Glauco sfruttò questa strut­ture strofiche dei canti corali38 e scoperta per usare dischi dello stesso tipo in­tro­ducendo nella melopea il peone non solo per la teoria, come aveva fatto e il cretico, dei quali non si sarebbero Ippaso, ma per eseguire musica vera, serviti i poeti lirici greci precedenti, ma configurandosi quindi come­ inventore di che Taleta, secondo Glauco, avrebbe strumenti e musicista sperimentale. pre­­so dal repertorio musicale degli au­ Finora il testo di Plutarco ci ha infor­ ­ leti di origine frigia, attenendosi alla mato esclusivamente sulla sua tratta­ zione­­ tra­­dizionale attribuzione ad Olimpo di relativa a musica solistica. Sull’inte­ resse­ tale repertorio. Con la frase che ha ini­ di Glauco per la storia della liri­ ca­ corale zio con περὶ δὲ Ξενοκρίτου... ἀμ­φισ­ lo Ps. Plutarco ci informa nel cap. 10 (test. βη­­τεῖται (test. 4, l. 1) l’autore del De 3). Come si vede anche in questa sezione, mu­­sica sospende momentaneamente Glauco­ procedeva per ricostruzioni l’illustrazione delle tesi di Glauco e cronologiche­ messe costantemente­ in passa a focalizzare una discussione fra relazione con la linea­ di sviluppo delle più trattatisti antichi, tra i quali ovvia­ forme metriche e musicali, sempre incen­ ­ mente­ anche Glauco. Si tratta della nota­ trata­ sulla nozione­­­­ di “mimesi”, termine questione sul genere poetico cui ascri­ da lui usato in questo contesto non nel vere le composizioni di Senocrito di

37 Schol. Plat., Phaed. 108d = Aristox., fr. 90 Wehrli. 38 L’enunciato di Plutarco potrebbe essere anche inteso più banalmente nel senso che le composizioni liriche di Taleta fossero più lunghe di quelle di Archiloco. Dato il carattere tecnicistico dell’opera di Glauco, mi sembra più probabile che qui si voglia parlare invece di una maggiore complessità delle strutture strofiche. Tra i μέλη di Archiloco si possono annoverare, oltre agli epodi, anche peani e ditirambi (frr. 120 e 121 West).

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 41-54 ISSN 0258-655X 50 Antonietta Gostoli

Locri: dalle sue parole sembra evincersi dissen­tendo da lui per importanti aspetti che fossero chiamate ‘peani’, secondo della sua ricostruzione storica. una loro denominazione tradizionale, Appendice ma che alcuni settori della critica suc­ cessiva­ dichiararono erronea questa Testimonianze antiche relative al de­­­no­minazione, perché il contenuto trattato Sugli antichi poeti e musici di effettivo dei canti senocritei a loro noti Glauco di Reggio discusse nel testo consisteva­ in narrazioni di gesta eroiche, 1. Ps. Plut., De mus. 4, 1132e-5, ar­gomento­ tipico del ditirambo, non del 1133a (p. 4, 22 ss. Ziegler) peana;­ ragion per cui proponevano che Senocrito­ fosse riconosciuto autore di ἔοικε δὲ κατὰ τὴν τέχνην τὴν κιθα­ ­ ditirambi, non di peani39. Il De musica ρῳδικὴν­ ὁ Τέρπανδρος διενη­νοχέναι·­ τὰ non precisa quale sia stata la posizione Πύθια γὰρ τετράκις ἑξῆς νενικηκὼς­ ἀνα­ di Glauco in questa controversia, limi­ γέγραπται. καὶ τοῖς χρόνοις δὲ σφόδρα tando­ si­ a concludere il discorso con παλαιός ἐστι· πρεσβύτερον γοῦν αὐτὸν l’affermazione secca che, secondo Glau­ ᾿Αρχιλόχου­ ἀποφαίνει Γλαῦκοs ὁ ἐξ co, Taleta doveva essere considerato cro­ ᾿Ιταλίας­ ἐν συγγράμματί τινι τῷ Περὶ nologicamente­­ anteriore a Senocrito. τῶν ἀρχαίων ποιητῶν τε καὶ μουσικῶν· L’insieme di questa documentazione φησὶ­­ γὰρ (FHG II 23 fr. 2) αὐτὸν δεύτε­ ­ conferisce a Glauco la statura di un no­ ρον γενέσθαι μετὰ τοὺς πρώτους ποιή­ tevole tecnico, teorico e storico della pro­ σαντας­ αὐλῳδίαν. (5) ᾿Αλέξανδρος δ᾽ ἐν du­zione poetico-musicale; so­prattutto τῇ Συναγωγῇ τῶν περὶ Φρυγίας (FGrH lo configura come il più antico autore­ di 273 F 77) κρούματα ῎Ολυμπον ἔφη πρῶ­ questo genere di trattati, dunque come τον εἰς τοὺς ῞Ελληνας κομίσαι, ἔτι δὲ un πρῶτος εὑρετής della storiografia καὶ τοὺς ᾿Ιδαίους Δακτύλους· ῞Υαγνιν δὲ sulla poesia e sulla musica. Tale lo do­ πρῶτον­ αὐλῆσαι, εἶτα τὸν τούτου­ υἱὸν vette considerare anche Eraclide Pon­ Μαρσύαν, εἶτ᾽ ῎Ολυμπον· ἐζηλωκέναι δὲ ti­co, principale fonte dei capp. 3-10 τὸν Τέρπανδρον ῾Ομήρου μὲν τὰ ἔπη, del De musica, se gli attribuisce un ᾿Ορφέως δὲ τὰ μέλη. ὁ δ᾽ ᾿Ορ­φεὺς οὐ­ co­sì ampio spazio nel suo trattato, pur δέ­­να φαίνεται μεμιμημένος· οὐ­δεὶς

39 La critica moderna ha dibattuto lungamente questo problema proponendo interpretazioni diverse: a) la fusione del peana col ditirambo fu realizzata da Senocrito a livello musicale, con l’introduzione della musica degli auli in un genere (il peana) originariamente citarodico: vd. Gigante, 1977, p. 628; b) in età arcaica, la dinamica dei diversi generi melici operava più a livello pragmatico che non sul piano dei contenuti e delle strutture; la fine del V secolo, attraverso lo sviluppo del commercio librario, segnò l’inizio della classificazione in base a criteri interni di tipo retorico. Di qui l’impossibilità di classificare coerentemente, con il trascorrere del tempo, i carmi dei poeti antichi: vd. Gentili, 1984, pp. 49 s. = 2006, pp. 65 s.; Fileni, 1987, p. 29. ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 41-54 Un’antica fonte magno-greca nel De musica attribuito a Plutarco: Glauco di Reggio 51

γάρ πω γεγένητο, εἰ μὴ οἱ τῶν αὐλῳ­ ­ ναι δ᾽ αὐτὸν ῾Υάγνιδος υἱόν, τοῦ πρώ­ δικῶν ποιηταί· τούτοις δὲ κατ᾽ οὐθὲν του εὑρόντος τὴν αὐλητικὴν τέχνην. τὸ ᾿Ορφικὸν ἔργον ἔοικε. Κλονᾶς δ᾽ ὅτι δ᾽ ἐστὶν ᾿Ολύμπου ὁ ῾Αρμάτειος ὁ τῶν αὐλῳδικῶν νόμων ποιητής, ὁ νό­μος, ἐκ τῆς Γλαύκου συγγραφῆς ὀλίγῳ ὕστε­ρον Τερπάνδρου γενόμενος, (ἀνα­γραφῆς codd.) τῆς ὑπὲρ τῶν ὡς μὲν ᾿Αρ­κάδες λέγουσι, Τεγεάτης ἀρχαίων ποιητῶν (FHG II 23 fr. 3) ἦν, ὡς δὲ Βοιωτοί,­ Θηβαῖος. μετὰ δὲ μά­θοι ἄν τις, καὶ ἔτι γνοίη ὅτι Στησί­ ­ Τέρπανδρον καὶ Κλονᾶν ᾿Αρχίλοχος χο­ρος ὁ ῾Ιμεραῖος οὔτ᾽ ᾿Ορφέα οὔ­τε παραδίδοται γε­νέσθαι. Τέρπανδρον οὔτ᾽ ᾿Αρχίλοχον οὔτε Θα­ 2. Ps. Plut., De mus. 7, 1133d-f (p. 6, λή­­ταν ἐμιμήσατο, ἀλλ᾽ ῎Ολυμπον, χρη­ 19 ss. Ziegler) σά­μενος τῷ ῾Αρματείῳ νόμῳ καὶ τῷ κατὰ­­ δάκτυλον εἴδει, ὅ τινες ἐξ ᾿Ορθίου ᾿Επεὶ δὲ τοὺς αὐλῳδικοὺς νόμους νό­­μου φασὶν εἶναι. ἄλλοι δέ τινες ὑπὸ καὶ κιθαρῳδικοὺς ὁμοῦ τοὺς ἀρχαίους Μυ­­σῶν εὑρῆσθαι τοῦτον τὸν νόμον· ἐμ­πεφανίκαμεν, μεταβησόμεθα ἐπὶ γε­γο­νέναι γάρ τινας ἀρχαίους αὐλητὰς [μό­νους] τοὺς αὐλητικούς. λέγεται Μυσούς. γὰρ τὸν προειρημένον­ ῎Ολυμπον, αὐ­ λητὴν­­ ὄντα τῶν ἐκ Φρυγίας, ποιῆσαι 3. Ps. Plut., De mus. 10, 1134d (p. 8, νόμον αὐλητικὸν εἰς ᾿Απόλλωνα τὸν 28 ss. Ziegler) καλούμενον Πολυ­κέ­φαλον· εἶναι δὲ τὸν Καὶ Πολύμνηστος δ᾽ αὐλῳδικοὺς ῎Ολυμπον τοῦ­τόν φασιν ἕνα τῶν ἀπὸ νόμους ἐποίησεν· εἰ δὲ τῷ ᾿Ορθίῳ νό­ τοῦ πρώτου ᾿Ολύμ­που τοῦ Μαρσύου μῳ <ἐν> τῇ μελοποιίᾳ κέχρηται, κα­ <μαθητοῦ>, πεποιη­ ­κό­τος εἰς τοὺς θά­περ οἱ ἁρμονικοί φασιν, οὐκ ἔχομεν θεοὺς τοὺς νόμους· οὗτος γὰρ παιδικὰ [δ᾽] ἀκριβῶς εἰπεῖν· οὐ γὰρ εἰ­ρή­κασιν γενόμενος Μαρσύου καὶ τὴν αὔλησιν οἱ ἀρχαῖοί τι περὶ τούτου. καὶ περὶ μαθὼν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ, τοὺς νόμους­ τοὺς Θαλήτα δὲ τοῦ Κρητὸς εἰ παιάνων ἁρμονικοὺς ἐξήνεγκεν εἰς τὴν ῾Ελλάδα γε­­γένηται ποιη­τὴς ἀμφισβητεῖται. οἷς <ἔτι καὶ> νῦν χρῶνται οἱ ῞Ελληνες Γλαῦ­­κος γὰρ (FHG II 24 fr. 4) μετ᾽ ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς τῶν θεῶν. ἄλλοι δὲ ᾿Αρ­χίλοχον φάσκων γε­γε­νῆσθαι Θα­ Κράτητος εἶναί φασι τὸν Πολυ­ ­κέφαλον λή­­ταν, μεμιμῆσθαι μὲν αὐτόν­ φησι τὰ νόμον, γενομένου μαθητοῦ ᾿Ολύμ­που· ᾿Αρχιλόχου μέλη, ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ μακρότερον­ ὁ δὲ Πρατίνας (fr. 713 (I) P.) ᾿Ολύμ­που ἐκτεῖναι, καὶ Παίωνα καὶ Κρητι­ ­κὸν φησὶν εἶναι τοῦ νεωτέρου τὸν νόμον ῥυθμὸν εἰς τὴν μελοποιίαν ἐν­θεῖ­ναι· οἷς τοῦτον. Τὸν δὲ καλούμενον ῾Αρμά­ ᾿Αρχίλοχον μὴ κεχρῆσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ τειον νόμον λέγεται ποιῆσαι ὁ πρῶτος­­ ᾿Ορφέα οὐδὲ Τέρπανδρον· ἐκ γὰρ τῆς ῎Ολυμπος, ὁ Μαρσύου μαθητής. τὸν ᾿Ολύμπου αὐλήσεως Θαλήταν φασὶν­ δὲ Μαρσύαν φασί τινες Μάσσην κα­ ἐξειργάσθαι ταῦτα καὶ δόξαι ποιη­ ­τὴν λεῖσθαι· οἱ δ᾽ οὔ, ἀλλὰ Μαρσύαν· εἶ­ ἀγαθὸν γεγονέναι. Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 41-54 ISSN 0258-655X 52 Antonietta Gostoli

4. Ps. Plut., De mus. 10, 1134e (p. 9, D’Agostino, E., 11 ss. Ziegler) - Onomacrito, Testimonianze e Frammen­ ti, Pisa-Roma, 2007. περὶ δὲ Ξενοκρίτου, ὃς ἦν τὸ γένος ἐκ Ercoles, M., Λοκρῶν­ τῶν ἐν ᾿Ιταλίᾳ, ἀμφισβητεῖται εἰ - “La musica che non c’è più ... La poesia παιάνων ποιητὴς γέγονεν· ἡρωϊκῶν γὰρ greca­ arcaica nel De musica pseudo-plu­ ὑποθέσεων πράγματα ἐχουσῶν ποιητὴν­ tarcheo”,­ in: Daniela Castal­do-Do­ γεγονέναι φασὶν αὐτόν· διὸ καί τι­νας δι­ na­tella Restani-Cristina Tassi (edd.), Il sapere musicale e i suoi contesti da θυράμβους καλεῖν αὐτοῦ τὰς ὑποθέ­ σεις·­ Teofrasto­ a Claudio Tolemeo, Ravenna, πρεσβύτερον δὲ τῇ ἡλικίᾳ φησὶν­ ὁ Γλαῦ­ 2009, pp. 145-169. κος Θαλήταν Ξενοκρίτου γε­γονέναι. Fileni, M.G., - Senocrito di Locri e Pindaro, ‘Bi­blio­ 5. Ps. Plut. Dec. or. vit. I, 19, 833d teca di Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura εἰσὶ δ’ οἳ καὶ τὸ Γλαύκου τοῦ Classica’ 2, Roma, 1987. ῾Ρηγίνου περὶ ποιητῶν βιβλίον (FHG II Franklin, J., 23) εἰς ᾿Αντιφῶντα ἀναφέρουσιν. - “The Lesbian Singers: Towards a Reconstruction of Hellanicus’ Karneian Victors”, in: Daniela Castaldo-Fran­ Bibliografia cesco G. Giannachi-Alessandra Ma­nie­ri Barker, A., (edd.), Poesia, musica e agoni nella Gre­ - “La musica in Stesicoro”, QUCC n.s. cia antica (Rudiae 22-23, 2010-2011), 67 (2001) 7-20. Galatina,­ 2012, vol. II, pp. 719-763. - Ancient Greek Writers on their Musical Gentili, B., Past. Studies in Greek Musical Historio­­ - Poesia e pubblico nella Grecia antica. graphy, ‘Syncrisis’ 1, Pisa-Roma, 2014. Da Omero al V secolo, Roma-Bari, 1984 Bellia, A., (Edizione aggiornata Milano, 2006). - “Competizioni musicali di Greci d’Occi­ - Pindaro, Le Olimpiche. Introduzione, dente: il caso della cicala di Locri”, testo critico e traduzione di B. G. Com­ in: Daniela Castaldo-Francesco G. mento a cura di C. Catenacci, P. Gianni­ Giannachi-Alessandra Manieri (edd.), ni, L. Lomiento, ‘Fondazione L. Valla’, Poesia, musica e agoni nella Grecia Milano, 2013. antica (Rudiae 22-23, 2010-2011), Ga­ Gentili, B.- Cerri, G., la­tina, 2012, vol. I, pp. 127-138 (a). - Storia e biografia nel pensiero antico, - Il canto delle vergini locresi. La musica a Roma-Bari, 1983. Locri Epizefirii nelle fonti scritte e nella documentazione archeologica (secoli VI- Gigante, M., III a.C.), Pisa-Roma, 2012 (b). - “La cultura a Locri”, in Locri Epizefirii. Atti del XVI Convegno Internazionale Biondi, F., di Studi sulla Magna Grecia (Taranto 3-8 - Teagene di Reggio, rapsodo e interprete di ottobre 1976), Napoli, 1977, pp. 619-699. Omero, ‘Syncrisis’ 2, Pisa-Roma, 2015. Gostoli, A., Bowra, C. M., - Terpander. Veterum testimonia collegit, - La lirica greca da Alcmane a Simonide, Fragmenta edidit, Romae, 1990. trad. it. Firenze, 1973 (ed. orig. Oxford - “Agoni poetico-musicali nel De musica 2 1961 ). attribuito­ a Plutarco”, in: Daniela Castal­ ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 41-54 Un’antica fonte magno-greca nel De musica attribuito a Plutarco: Glauco di Reggio 53

do-Francesco G. Giannachi-Alessandra Lasserre, F., Ma­nieri (edd.), Poesia, musica e agoni - Plutarque, De la musique, Olten-Lau­ nella Grecia antica (Rudiae 22-23, 2010- sanne, 1954. 2011), Galatina, 2012, vol. I, pp. 139-148. Müller, K., Grandolini, S., - Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum - “Natura e caratteristiche del ΜΕΛΟΣ II, Parisiis, 1848, pp. 23-26. ΑΡΜΑΤΕΙΟΝ”, GIF 54 (2002) 3-11. Pöhlmann, E., Hiller, E. - “Ps. Plutarch, De musica. A History - “Beiträge zur griechischen Litteratur­ge­ of Oral Tradition of Ancient Greek schi­chte. 4. Die Fragmente des Glaukos Music”, QUCC n.s. 99 (2011) 11-30. von Rhegion”, RhM 41 (1886) 398-436. Presta, A., Huxley, G., - “Glauco di Reggio”, Almanacco cala­ - “Glaukos of Rhegion”, GRBS 9 (1968) 47-54. bre­se 15 (1965) 87-95. Weil, H. -Reinach, Th., Jacoby, F., - s. v. ‘Glaukos von Rhegion’, R.E. VII - Plutarque, De la musique, Paris, 1900. (1912), coll. 1417-1420. West, M. L., - Die Fragmente der griechischen Histo­ - Ancient Greek Music, Oxford, 1992. ri­ker, IIIa, Berlin, 1943. Ziegler, K. - Pohlenz, M., Lanata, G., - Plutarchi Moralia VI 3. Tertium recen­ ­ - Poetica pre-platonica. Testimonianze e suit, indices adiecit K. Ziegler, Lipsiae, frammenti, Firenze, 1963, pp. 270-281. 1966.

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 41-54 ISSN 0258-655X (Página deixada propositadamente em branco) Griegos y Bárbaros, una Relación Intercultural por Dámaris Romero González Universidad de Córdoba [email protected]

Abstract In his Lives Plutarch warns about a (possible) barbarization of people living under or around non-Greeks, as in Tim. 17.3, where he notices the consequences of the invasion of the Carthaginians on the Sicilians. Though it isn’t an usual phenomenon, Plutarch collects three more examples in Lys. 3.2, Pyrrh. 1.4, and Arat. 38.6. I will focus on the causes that provoke this attraction of the Greeks to adopt some barbarian customs, and, therefore, make them to separate from or forget some of the symbols of their identity, and the solution to recover the Greekness. Key-Words: Barbarism, Persianization, Macedonization, To become a Carthaginian, Greekness, Argos, Ephesus, Epirus, Sicily, Philanthropia, Humanitas.

e hablaré de esos lo corromperá todo (…)1 griegos en su momento,­ Mar- En este pasaje, que leemos dentro co, hijo mío, de de una disertación sobre la medicina la expe­rien­cia helena, Catón expresa su opinión sobre queT adquirí en Atenas y lo bue­ los griegos: los tacha, como se ha visto, no que es echarle un vistazo a su de pueblo nefasto, inútil (bueno para cul­tura, sin estudiarla a fondo. nada) e intratable, difícil de manejar (no Te demostraré que el suyo es un educable), y con cuyo trato la gente se pue­­blo nefasto (nequissimum) e corrompería. Estos calificativos, si bien intratable (indocile), y puedes estar seguro de que mis palabras son fruto del anti-helenismo del censor, son proféticas: en el momento en también pueden ser la repetición del que esa gente difunda su cultura, topos griego con relación a los bárbaros

1 Plin., NH 29.7.14. 2 Cf. Nikolaidis, 1986, pp. 229-244; Schmidt, 1999; Schmidt, 2000, pp. 455-464; Schmidt, 2002, pp. 57-72. Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 55-64 ISSN 0258-655X 56 Dámaris Romero González recogido por Plutarco2: éstos pervierten de su cultura a la de otro extranjero, lo a las personas a través de su continuo que provoca cambios en los esquemas trato hasta llegar a cumplirse el dicho culturales de ambos grupos debido al 3 de “Si habitas con un cojo, aprenderás continuo contacto entre ellos o puede a cojear” (De lib. educ. 4A). llegar a ocasionar la pérdida de la de uno de los dos, en cuyo caso no se hablaría ya Esta perversión es plausible cuan­ de aculturación, sino de deculturación4. do se trata de culturas aún no tan desarrolladas como la griega, pero Cuando nos referimos a los griegos resulta extraño hablar de la barba­ ri­­ y el contacto que tuvieron con otros zación­ (ἐκβαρβάρωσις) de un pueblo pueblos, el mundo heleno tuvo un prin­ que estaba especialmente orgulloso de cipio de aculturación en época clásica 5 su civilización como es el griego y, sin con los persas , aunque fue durante los embargo, se encuentran referencias a siglos IV y III a.C. cuando el fenómeno una posible -y en algunos casos exis­ fue más intenso y estuvo más centrado tente-­ barbarización de los helenos en en un espacio geográfico determinado, 6 Plutarco.­ Esto lleva a preguntarnos qué los griegos de ultramar , aunque no se provoca ese cambio. La respuesta es limitó­ a éste. Ciñéndonos a Plutarco, los sencilla: la interacción entre los grie­ ejemplos se centran en Sicilia (con una gos y los no griegos (y aquí Plu­tarco­ cartagenización, Tim. 17.3; 20.7), en incluye a los macedonios) en momentos Éfeso (una persianización, Lys. 3.2), en determinados de la historia afecta a Epiro (una barbarización sin especificar, espacios concretos de la cultura griega o Pyrrh. 1.4) y, finalmente, en Argos (una macedonización, Arat. 38.6). a toda ella. No obstante, esta respuesta queda incompleta si no se especifican Ahora bien, cabe preguntarse sobre los casos en los que puede producirse las causas que provocaron esa acultu­ ­ra­ este proceso y las áreas de la civilización ción y cómo afectó a la cultura griega. afectadas mediante la explicación de las Plu­tarco, a través de los ejemplos que causas que ocasionan esa barbarización. nos ofrece en Vidas, muestra que la bar­ ba­rización no siempre se produce de la 1. El sentido de ἐκβαρβαρ- misma manera, aunque el resultado sea De acuerdo con los autores, la barba­ un proceso de degradación o de de­ca­ rización­ de un pueblo es la asimilación den­cia de la cultura griega.

3 Cf. Balcer, 1983, p. 257. 4 Cf. Dubuisson, 1982, p. 5. 5 Balcer, 1983, pp. 258-261, considera como respuestas aculturativas a la invasión militar persa la representación en el teatro de la visión griega de esa invasión o los monumentos que tenían inscritos epigramas laudatorios de Maratón, Salamis y Platea, entre otras.

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 55-64 Griegos y Bárbaros, una Relación Intercultural 57

2. Barbarizaciones en Plutarco con­quistar un territorio lo más extenso Un primer modo de barbarización po­sible, aquí Siracusa y toda Sicilia, tie­ne lugar mediante la invasión militar co­mo así se lo hace ver un mercenario o el asentamiento de tropas durante un grie­go al servicio del cartaginés a un amplio período de tiempo, como su­ce­ soldado co­rintio: de a los siracusanos en tiempos de Ti­ τοσαύτην μέντοι πόλιν τὸ μέ­ mo­león (Tim. 17.3, 20.7). γεθος καὶ τοσούτοις ἐξησκη­ μέ­­ νην καλοῖς ὑμεῖς Ἕλληνες­ ὄν­ Las tropas cartaginesas, llamadas por τες ἐκβαρβαρῶσαι προθυμεῖσ­ θε,­ Hicetas, estaban establecidas en Sira­ τοὺς κακίστους καὶ φονι­ κω­­ τά­­ cusa desde hacía bastante tiempo (Tim. 7 τους Καρχηδονίους ἐγγυ­ τέρω­ κα­ 2.1) . Los sicilotas pidieron ayuda pa­ τοικίζοντες ἡμῶν (...) ἢ δοκεῖτε ra liberarse de tal yugo a Corinto, que τούτους­ στρατὸν ἀγείραν­ τας­ ... 8 envía a Timoleón . Ante la llegada del κινδυνεύσοντας­ ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἱκέτου general y su pequeña compañía, los δυναστείας;­ bárbaros aumentaron su presencia con Sin embargo, siendo la ciu- un nuevo y numeroso contingente de dad tan grande y provista de tan- soldados dirigidos por Magón, de mane­ ­ tas bellezas, vosotros, que sois ra que Plutarco califica la ciudad como griegos, os esforzáis por con- “un campamento de los bárbaros” (Tim. vertirla en bárbara, consintiendo 17.3). Para contrarrestar el poderío mili­ ­ que se instalen cerca de nosotros tar cartaginés, Timoleón no cuenta con los muy malvados y sanguinarios un gran número de soldados –eso es algo cartagineses (…) ¿Acaso pensáis propio de los bárbaros-, tan sólo­ con su que éstos reunieron un ejército… capacidad de estrategia y la Fortuna9. para arriesgarse por el dominio de Hicetas? (Tim. 20.7-9)10 Inicialmente, el objetivo del aumento de la presencia militar del bárbaro en tierra Por supuesto, la primera consecuen­ ­ griega­ es parar el avance de Timoleón, de cia de este asentamiento de tropas bárba­ ­ modo­ que no termine con el régimen de ras es, pues, un cambio de sistema po­lí­ Hicetas, para, posteriormente, intentar ti­co en Sicilia, la expansión de la tiranía

6 Cf. Bowersock, 1995, p. 5. 7 Cf. Nep., Timol. 1.1. 8 Plutarco (Tim. 2.1) habla de una embajada sicilota; Dioniso de Halicarnarso (XVI 65.1), de una siracusana y Nepote (Timol. 2.1), de enemigos de Dioniso. 9 La Fortuna de Timoleón se resalta durante toda la Vida. Así Tim. 3.3, 16.1; cf. Nep., Timol. 1.2, 2.1. 10 Cf. Nep., Timol. 3.1.

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 55-64 ISSN 0258-655X 58 Dámaris Romero González bajo su dominio (Tim. 22.8; 25.1-2; animales que pastaban en lo que ha­ 28.11; 30,5)11. Dubuisson expone que la bía sido la acrópolis (Tim. 22.4-6)14. única preocupación de los griegos ante An­te esta situación, la casi ausencia la presencia cartaginesa era puramente de hablantes, es factible pensar que política y no tanto la semitización la lengua griega corría el riesgo de no 12 cultural o étnica de la isla . Por ello, con­servar su presencia en Sicilia15. Timoleón, tras vencer y expulsar a los cartagineses y derrocar a los tiranos Un segundo modo de barbarización, –incluyendo la destrucción de todo no tan violento como el anterior, resulta edificio relacionado con la tiranía-, del continuo contacto pacífico entre dos instaura un sistema cuyos basamentos culturas. En la Vida de Lisandro el Que­ son las leyes y la construcción y puesta ro­nense relata la llegada de Lisandro a en marcha de tribunales (Tim. 22.2-3)13. Éfe­so y cómo la ciudad era proclive a los espartanos. A pesar de ello, también Sin embargo, no parece que la pre­ era una ciudad bastante permeable a las sen­cia de los cartagineses pudiera li­ mi­tarse únicamente a mantener un ré­ costumbres persas, puesto que los efe­ gimen político determinado, de modo­ sios estaban acostumbrados a ellas, al que no resulta arriesgado creer que lindar por todas partes con Lidia y los la barbarización a largo plazo po­ generales del Rey pasar allí mucho tiem­ dría extenderse a otro área como es po (Lys. 3.2), ya que éstos tenían allí la lengua. Quizá la desaparición de la sus residencias, lo que instigó que las lengua griega no sería el objetivo prio­ élites­ locales emulasen la fastuosidad 16 ri­tario de los cartagineses, pero sí una de las casas . Esta imbricación de las con­secuencia que se daría de manera costumbres­ persas en Éfeso no es una gra­dual. Plutarco describe un panorama novedad,­ pues, tanto en época arcaica que favorece esta idea: debido al gran y como en época clásica, formaron par­ nú­mero de cartagineses en la isla, la te del imperio aqueménida, lo que fa­ ciu­dad de Siracusa estaba casi sin ciu­ voreció no sólo el contacto cultural entre­ da­danos por las muertes de unos en las ambos mundos (el aprendizaje mutuo­ de guerras y por el exilio de otros, y los las respectivas lenguas) sino también la pocos que quedaban cuidaban de los existencia de matrimonios mixtos.

11 D.S., LXXIII 3; LXXVII 4; cf. Talbert, 1974, p. 85. 12 Cf. Dubuisson, 1982, p.19. 13 Lo mismo sucedía en todas las ciudades sicilianas en las que los tiranos fueron derrocados, cf. Tim. 35.4. 14 cf. Nep., Timol. 3.1 15 Algo que ya constató Platón, cf. Pl., Ep. 8.353e. 16 Cf. Gómez Espelosín, 2013, p. 181.

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El general espartano repara en esa artesanía con la construcción de una mezcla de las costumbres griegas con las flota de trirremes, de modo que la dotó persas que existe en la ciudad, mezcla­ que del esplendor y grandeza que tenía en no se refiere a la mera presencia de dos época de Plutarco (Lys. 3.3)19. grupos de costumbres en un lugar -para Así pues, con los ejemplos ello se emplea μιγάς, como en Ages. 38.1 expuestos, puede apreciarse una gra­ donde Nectanabis se refiere, en sentido da­ción en la barbarización de una cul­ despectivo, a los soldados enemigos tu­ra. Un primer momento, en el que se como una reunión de diferentes tipos de presentan los síntomas de ésta, como artesanos (μιγάδες δὲ καὶ βάναυσοι)-, en el caso de Siracusa (Timoleón), y un sino a una fusión (ἐπιμιξίας) de la segundo momento en el que la cultura cultura persa con la griega que trae como griega está seriamente amenazada consecuencia que ésta se contamine y pero aún no se ha olvidado, como con acabe destruida17 u olvidando muchas el de Éfeso (Lisandro). No ocurre lo de sus costumbres e instituciones18. mismo en Epiro, donde, durante un tiempo,­ fue bárbaro, ya que la cultura Esta fusión había llevado a la ciudad, grie­ga, traída por Neoptólemo, hijo al estar en un proceso de pérdida de su de Aquiles, desapareció por completo grecicidad, a ser gobernada de manera (“su poder y modo de vida quedaron penosa y a la pobreza material, porque su­midos en la oscuridad”, Pyrrh. 1.3) carecía de comercio y puertos por donde hasta que es reintroducida por Tarripas, canalizar las mercancías. La llegada quien civilizó las ciudades a través­ de Lisandro subvierte la situación de de la philanthropía helena, “por me­ la ciudad: crea riqueza al hacer que dio de las costumbres y escritura de todos los barcos de mercancías fueran Gre­cia, así como a través de sus leyes a Éfeso y al reanimar el comercio y la humanitarias” (Pyrrh. 1.4).

17 Cf. Dubuisson, 1982, pp. 19-20, 23. Lidia reúne todos los topoi aplicados a los persas y, en consecuencia, a los bárbaros: es conocida por su refinamiento en el modo de vestir (Xenoph. fr. 3) y sus accesorios (Cons. ad Apoll. 112f-113b), por su riqueza (Hdt., I 30.1, I 71.4), por sus manifestaciones femeninas en el luto, por su precipitación en la acción (De vit. aer. 831) y por su inclinación a la servidumbre. 18 Cf. D.H., I 89.3 en relación a la mezcla de bárbaros y romanos. 19 Cf. Duff, 2000, p. 185. No obstante, Lisandro también favorece la continuidad de la “persianización” al adoptar aquellas costumbres persas que se amoldaban a su carácter, tales como la codicia -él mismo la favorecía con su clientelismo (Lys. 5.4); la crueldad –el espartano planeó y ejecutó matanzas (Lys. 13.2; 13.4), o incluso un sistema de gobierno no democrático –Lisandro “disolvió los gobiernos populares y el resto de los sistemas políticos y dejó en ciudad a un gobernador lacedemonio y a diez magistrados escogidos de las sociedades que él mismo había formado” (Lys. 13.3; 13.5; 14.1). Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 55-64 ISSN 0258-655X 60 Dámaris Romero González

Plutarco no ofrece causa alguna por o bien a la vuelta a un estadio anterior al la que esta barbarización sucedió, nin­ contacto con el mundo griego. guna invasión o ningún contacto con 3. Un caso especial: la macedoniza­ ­ otros pueblos. No obstante, una hi­pó­ ción de Argos tesis podría ser que ésta aludiría a un sistema político y legal diferente al El último de los casos en los que griego si se considera, en primer lu­ se produce una barbarización es el de gar, la opinión de Cross20, quien cree Argos. Hasta ahora, en los ejemplos que los reyes anteriores a Tarripas no an­­teriores, los bárbaros eran pueblos se­rían tan bárbaros culturalmente como no griegos y los restauradores de la el queronense los presenta, teniendo en grecicidad eran griegos. En esta oca­ cuenta las alusiones pindáricas a Epiro­ sión, empero, se da una situación espe­ ­ en las Nemeas 4 y 7; en segundo lugar, cial: los bárbaros son griegos –al menos si se tiene en cuenta que Tarripas vi­ considerados así por algunos autores23- vió en Atenas y obtuvo la ciudadanía y los restauradores de la grecicidad son ateniense y fue a su regreso cuando no griegos. 21 instauró las leyes griegas ; y, en tercer Arato, campeón de la lucha contra lugar, si se aprecia la repetición de la los tiranos y adalid de la expulsión de estructura γράμμασι καὶ νόμοις φιλαν­­ los bárbaros, ante el poder y el avance θρώποις en otros autores como Aristó­ de Cleómenes, quien buscaba la hege­ ­ teles (Pol. 1286a15) para referirse a las mo­nía espartana, el detrimento de la reglas y leyes griegas y no a la lengua in­fluencia de la Liga Aquea en Grecia 22 helena . Sin embargo, debido a la falta y su debilitada posición en ella24, se ve de información, en esta ocasión, hay en la obligación de llamarlos, dejando que entender que la barbarización es así que “el Peloponeso quedara en ma­ equivalente a la degradación de la cultura nos bárbaras (ἐκβαρβαρῶσαι) con guar­

20 Cf. Cross, 1971, pp. 8 y 13. 21 Cf. Hammond, 1967, p. 507. Por otra parte, Saïd, 2001, p. 291, resalta la repetición que Plutarco hace del esquema rey griego-barbarización-“re-helenización” por otro rey del presentado por Isócrates en su Evágoras. Así Neoptólemo-barbarización-Tarripas frente a Teucro-barbarización-Evágoras. 22 Cf. Hammond, 1967, p. 507. 23 Así, la ambigua ubicación del pueblo macedonio dentro de los griegos o los no griegos está en los mismos autores clásicos, cf. Hdt., I 56.3; I 8.43; I 8.137-138 –contra V 20.4- y Tuc., II 99-101 –contra IV 124; IV 125.1-. 24 Walbank, 1933, p. 91, ofrece otra explicación para la actuación de Arato: “Spartan hegemony was wholly inconsistent with Federalism in Greece; Federalism might continue to exist under Macedonian patronage: under Sparta it was doomed”.

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 55-64 Griegos y Bárbaros, una Relación Intercultural 61 ni­ciones de macedonios” (Arat. 38.1), identidad helena perdida, será un ro­ma­ en concreto dos mil soldados, un pa­­saje no, debido a que los griegos, por sus lu­ muy similar al de Timoleón. chas internas, se veían impedidos. Dejando a un lado la cuestión mace­ ­ Así, con este episodio en el que se dó­nica25, Plutarco considera bárbaros­ a presenta a los romanos como benefactores los macedonios26 por su comportamiento de los griegos, Plutarco establece una (insultan­ y son codicio­ sos,­ Cleom. 16.1) y correlación entre la philanthropía griega por el sistema político que instauran (una y la humanitas romana, equiparando la monarquía al estilo persa, en la que se preocupación­ romana a la griega por la ofrece culto al monarca, Cleom. 16.5-6). conservación­ de los valores propios de la cultura griega27. Al igual que con Timoleón y los car­ ta­gineses, la única preocupación de los 4. Conclusiones grie­gos ante la presencia cartaginesa Encontramos, por tanto, tres causas era puramente política: la introducción por las que la cultura griega puede de un régimen monárquico y tiránico barbarizarse: por la invasión militar les privaría de la democracia y, por de un pueblo bárbaro, por un contacto ende, de la libertad. Su preocupación cercano y continuo con éste y por la no era baladí, puesto que Acaya estu­ decadencia de la propia cultura helena. vo dominada por los macedonios hasta­ Y, a la misma vez, aparece la manera la llegada de Flaminio, al que Plutar­ ­co de contrarrestar los nocivos efectos de califica como “libertador de Gre­cia” la barbarie y para sacarlos del atraso (o (Flam. 13.2), al devolverles la liber­ ­ bestialidad) en el que se encuentran: la tad sin imponerles guarniciones o im­ philanthropía griega28. Sólo gracias a puestos y restaurarles sus antiguas le­ ella, en la figura de Tarripas, el reino de yes tras derrotar a Filipo (Flam. 10.4). Epiro puede salir de la oscuridad en la que Ya no será un griego quien restituya la se halla y volver a sus orígenes griegos.

25 Para eso, cf. Hall, 2001, pp. 159-186. 26 En el caso de Arato, Plutarco califica de bárbaras a las tropas macedonias, por lo que parece distinguir entre los reyes macedonios y las tropas, a las que considera bárbaras, cf. Bréchet, 2008, p. 90. 27 Cf. Hidalgo de la Vega, 2001, pp. 142-143. 28 Cf. Martin, Jr., 1961, p. 166. Esto no implica obviar razones particulares de la aparición en cada Vida. Así, en Pirro, la barbarización aparece para resaltar la griegicidad de Pirro y sus antepasados comunes con Alejandro Magno (cf. Mossman, 1992, p. 93) y sugerir cierta inexperiencia en la consecución de sus ambiciones (cf. Stadter, 1988, p. 288). En el caso de Timoleón, Plutarco inserta este episodio para resaltar la figura del estratego como derrocador de tiranías bárbaras y dador de la civilización (cf. De Blois, 2000, p. 133).

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Sólo gracias a la philanthropía griega, De Blois, L., traída por Timoleón, los siracusanos - “Traditional commonplaces in Plutarch’s dis­frutaron de una democracia. Sólo image of Timoleon”, in L. Van der Stockt (ed.), Rhetorical Theory and Praxis in gra­cias a la philanthropía griega de Li­ Plutarch. Acta of the IVth International sandro logró recuperar Éfeso parte de Congress of the International Plutarch su esplendor portuario. Y será otra ver­ Society, Leuven, July 3-6, 1996, Leuven- sión de la philanthropía griega, la hu­ Namur, 2000, pp. 131-139. manitas romana de Flaminio, la que de­ Dubuisson, M., vuelva la libertad a los aqueos. - “Remarques sur le vocabulaire grec de l’acculturation”,­ Revue belge de philo­ lo­ ­ Bibliografía gie et d’historie, 60.1 (1982) 5-32. Plinio, Duff, T., - Historia natural (edición y traducción - Plutarch’s Lives. Exploring Virtue and de Josefa Cantó, Isabel Gómez Vice, Oxford, 2000. Santamaría, Susana González Marín y Gómez Espelosín, F.J., Eusebia Tarriño), Madrid, 2002. - Memorias perdidas: Grecia y el mundo Plutarco, oriental, Madrid, 2013. - Vidas paralelas. Demetrio-Antonio, Dión- Hall, J. Bruto,­ Arato-Artajejes-Galba-Otón (Intro­ ­ - “Contested Ethnicities: Perceptions of ducción, traducción y notas de Juan Pa­ Macedonia within Evolving Definitions blo Sánchez Hernández y Marta Gon­ of Greek Ethnicity”, in I. Malkin (ed.), zález González), Madrid, 2009. Ancient Perceptions of Greek Ethnicity (Center for Hellenic Studies Colloquia, Balcer, J.M., 5), Cambridge, MA, 2001, pp. 159-186. - “The Greeks and the Persians: The pro­ cesses of acculturation”, Historia, 32 Hammond, N.G.L., (1983) 257-267. - Epirus, Oxford, 1967. Bowersock, G.W., Hidalgo de la Vega, M.J., - “The Barbarism of the Greeks”, Har­ - “Identidad griega y poder romano en el vard Studies in Classical Philology 97 Alto imperio: Frontera entre los espa­ cios­ (1995) 3-14. culturales e ideológicos”, in P. López Barja - S. Reborera Morillo (eds.), Bréchet, C., - “Grecs, Macédoniens et Romains au Fronteras e identidad en el mundo ‘test’ d’Homère. Référence homérique griego antiguo, Vigo, 2001, pp. 139-156. et hellénisme chez Plutarque” in A.G. Martin, Jr., H., Nikolaidis (ed.), The Unity of Plutarch’s - “The Concept of Philanthropia in Work: Moralia Themes in the Lives, Plutarch’s Lives”, The American Journal Features of the Lives in the Moralia of Philology, 82.2 (1961) 164-175 (Millennium Studies Series Volume 19), Mossmann, J.M., Berlin, 2008, pp. 85-109. - “Plutarch, Pyrrhus and Alexander”, in P.A. Cross, G.N., Stadter (ed.), Plutarch and the Historical - Epirus: A Study in Greek Constitutional Tradition, London-New York, 1992, pp. Development, Cambridge, 1971. 90-108.

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Nikolaidis, A.G., the IVth International Congress of the - “Hellenikos-Barbarikos. Plutarch on International Plutarch Society, Leuven, Greek and Barbarian characteristics”, July 3-6, 1996, Leuven-Namur, 2000, WS, 20 (1986) 229-244. pp. 455-464. Saïd, S., - “Plutarch’s Timeless Barbarians and the - “The Discourse of Identity in Greek Age of Trajan,” in P.A. Stadter - L. van Rhetoric from Isocrates to Aristides”, der Stockt (eds), Sage and Emperor: Plu­tarch, Greek Intellectuals, and Ro­ in I. Malkin (ed.), Ancient Perceptions of Greek Ethnicity (Center for Hellenic man Power in the Time of Trajan (98- Studies Colloquia, 5), Cambridge, MA, 117 A.D.), Leuven, 2001, pp. 57-72. 2001, pp. 275-299. Stadter, P.A., - “The Proems of Plutarch’s Lives”, ICS, Schmidt, T., - Plutarque et les Barbares. La rhétorique 13.2 (1988) 275-295. d’une image, Louvain-Namur, 1999. Talbert, R.J.A., - “La rhétorique des doublets chez - Timoleon and the Revival of Greek Plutarque: le cas de βάρβαρος καὶ […],” Sicily 344–317 B.C., Cambridge, 1975. in L. Vαν der Stockt (ed.), Rhetorical Walbank, F.W., Theory and Praxis in Plutarch. Acta of - Aratos of Sicyon, Cambridge, 1933.

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 55-64 ISSN 0258-655X (Página deixada propositadamente em branco) Barbarian Comparisons by Philip A. Stadter University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill [email protected] Abstract When comparing two heroes, who both fought barbarians, Plutarch does not draw parallels between Greek and Roman campaigns. Instead, in the four pairs of Parallel Lives studied here (Pyrrh.-Mar., Them.-Cam., Cim.-Luc., Alex.-Caes.), Plutarch broadens the significance of barbarian contact, allowing the barbarian enemy, the external Other, to draw attention to Hellenic traits of freedom, culture, and prudence in his heroes and in their cities, both Greek and Roman. Equally important, this Other serves to uncover traces of the barbarian in those same heroes and cities. Key-Words: Barbarians, Hellenism, Themistocles, Camillus, Cimon, Lucullus, Alexander, Caesar, Pyrrhus, Marius, Plutarch, Parallel Lives.

t has long been recognized­ gory2. A significant, and rather iro­ that the Pa­rallel Lives do nic, example occurs in Pyrrhus, when not set up a contrast or com­ Pyrrhus makes his initial contact with pe­tition between ci­vilized Romans. Pyrrhus observes a Roman Greek heroes and barbarian Ro­­mans1. In fact, Plutarch never pre­ army drawn up for battle, and marvels, I “This battle formation of the barbarians sents Romans as barbarians, but draws them into the Hellenic cultural sphere is not barbarian” (τάξις μέν . . . αὕτη τῶν as partners in a civilizing mission. The βαρβάρων οὐ βάρβαρος, Pyrrh. 16.7). Parallel Lives set Greek next to Roman, Thus Plutarch leads Pyrrhus to realize with the barbarians as a separate cate­­ that the Romans were not barbarians3.

1 Cf. e.g. C. Jones, 1971, pp. 124-25, T. Duff, 1999, pp. 304-5, Schmidt 1999, p. 8. 2 Note the entry Barbarian Questions in the Lamprias catalogue (139), an apparent companion to the extant Greek and Roman Questions. 3 Mossman, 2005, Buszard, 2005. In other lives, Plutarch exploits earlier, chiefly legendary contacts, such as Numa’s with Pythagoras.

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In fact, his narrative implies, the judges a person’s worth on inner Romans could teach Pyrrhus a thing qualities and virtuous behavior, not on or too about being Greek. One vivid ethnic background or native language. example is furnished by C. Fabricius, Rash and anti-social behavior could be who is neither swayed by money nor seen as barbarian; calm, prudent, and terrified by the surprise appearance temperate behavior as Hellenic and and trumpeting of an elephant (20.1-5). cultivated, the result of education or Moreover, when an admiring Pyrrhus paideia5. Greek and Roman cultures urges Fabricius to return with him to merged, to create, in different degrees Epirus, where he could be first among and at different times, a blended Greco- the king’s comrades and generals, Roman world. Greeks and Romans the Roman declines. His excuse is would continue to define themselves unexpected: he declines not because he against one another, but could unite in wished to remain at Rome, but because defining themselves against a barbarian it would be a bad deal for Pyrrhus: Other. However, such self-definition Those men who now hold you in Plutarch’s eyes was always subject in honor and awe, if they were to evaluation. Thomas S. Schmidt has to become acquainted with me, shown how Plutarch used barbarian would prefer to be ruled by me negative qualities to enhance his heroes’ rather than by you. virtues. However, the biographer may also use these same qualities to de­ Pyrrhus is not enraged: apparently monstrate their weaknesses6. he accepts Fabricius’ words as in some measure true, despite their arrogance This paper will consider how Plutarch (20.8-10). In fact, the Roman possesses deploys his fundamental technique of the qualities of a Greek sage4. The parallel lives in combination with the confrontation of Fabricius and Pyrrhus category of barbarian to illuminate the destabilizes the Greek/barbarian dicho­ behavior and moral stance of his heroes tomy: Pyrrhus himself appears less and their cities. In comparing heroes, Greek than the Roman. Plutarch here Plutarch frequently chooses men who

4 This reading also explains Cinesias’ report that the Roman senate seemed to him “a senate of many kings” (βασιλέων πολλῶν συνέδριον). Mossman 2005, 509, sees this as a “back- handed compliment”, since Romans hated kings. But I suspect that Plutarch thinks rather of the Platonic kingship of the virtuous: the Roman senators had a dignity and simplicity which separated them from the norm. Cf. Pericles’ “aristocratic and kingly (βασιλικήν) government” (Per. 15.1). 5 Cf. Pelling 1989, Swain 1990. 6 Schmidt, 1999, 311-14, recognizes the portrait of Crassus as an exception. Cf. also Nikolaidis, 1986. ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 65-82 Barbarian Comparisons 67 have had to respond to barbarian more if we consider the preliminaries; attacks or have attempted to conquer Camillus’ battle on the via Gabina is barbarians. But does he expect us to dispatched in a few lines (Cam. 29.6)9. see parallels? Are his portraits of his There are numerous­ obstacles to protagonists enriched by the resonance exploiting a comparison­ of this sort. between their diverse barbarian con­ Nevertheless, I believe Plutarch was fron­tations?7 able to develop parallels and contrasts On the face of it, no. The worlds regarding barbarians in ways as diverse are different, the actors dissimilar, the as the lives themselves. I will take as problems faced distinctive. Consider test cases three pairs. Two of these, the pair Themistocles-Camillus. The Themistocles-Camillus and Alexander- Persians represented an enormous Caesar, lack the usual epilogue offering­ multi-national empire with a long-term a comparison or syncrisis10. The syn­ policy of expansion; the Gauls faced crisis of the third pair, Cimon-Lu­cullus, by Camillus are a relatively small tribe offers little help, but the prologue­ touches looking for a place to settle. The Persians themes relevant to this inquiry, as shall have interacted with Greek cities for be shown, as does the first chapter of decades and subjected many of them; the Themistocles. A useful element in my Gallic attack is sudden, and not initially analysis will be the presence of the directed at Rome. Themistocles builds a word βάρβαρος or its cognates in these navy and by his victory in a great sea- lives. Not that Plutarch’s references battle allows the Athenians to reclaim to barbarians or barbarisms of various their city8, the Romans fight on land sorts are coextensive with his use of the and finally defeat the Gauls only after Greek term, but attention to that term the barbarians have withdrawn from the permits a more restricted focus, and city. The account of the battle of Salamis alerts the reader to interpretations not occupies three chapters (Them. 13-15), otherwise apparent.

7 Pairs of Lives in which barbarians are particularly prominent: Them.-Cam., Arist.-CMaj., Cim.-Luc., Nic.-Crass., Ages.-Pomp., Pyr.-Mar., and Alex.-Caes. This is not the place to consider Plutarch’s typology of different barbarians, such as Persians, Medes, Parthians, Armenians, Egyptians, Mauretanians, Celtiberians, Celts, Gauls, Germans, Britons, etc. 8 Plutarch gives Themistocles no role in the battle of Plataea. 9 In this he is similar to Livy, V 49.6. 10 The question whether these epilogues were ever written is vexed: see recently Duff, 2011, 259; Pelling, 2011, 32-33 (purposeful omission, at least for Alexander-Caesar). On prologues or proemial openings, see Duff, 2011, 216-42, esp. 216-24. Note that the end of Alexander probably and the beginning of Caesar certainly have been lost.

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1. Themistocles and Camillus οὔτε βαρβάροις ἐνάλιον ἔργον εἴργασται Themistocles λαμπρότερον (15.3, F 5 West). The first chapter of Themistocles, Two incidents mark the sharp line in which we are told that Themistocles which Themistocles drew between restored the telesterion at Phlya, which barbarians and Greeks as they confronted had been burnt by the “barbarians” each other and the fierce opposition he (1.4), immediately indicates the threat championed. When an interpreter came that barbarians would present to the from the King to ask for earth and water, protagonist and alerts the reader to the Themistocles moved that he be executed, destruction that the barbarian invasion for «having dared to use the Greek brought11. Throughout the greater part language to convey barbarian demands». of the life, Plutarch will continue to In addition, according to Plutarch, he speak of the invaders as “the barbarians” moved that Arthmios of Zelea, together rather than Persians12. Chronologically with his children and descendants, be Themistocles’ preoccupation with the deprived of their rights, for having brought Median gold to Athens (Them. barbarians begins with Miltiades’ vic­ 13 to­ry at Marathon, which he recognizes 6.3-4) . It appears that Themistocles was will only lead to greater conflicts (3.4-5). relentlessly hostile to the barbarians. It gradually builds as Xerxes advances, Yet Plutarch destabilizes this neat until it reaches its high point in the dichotomy from the very beginning, confrontation with Xerxes and his fleet where he reports that Themistocles at Salamis, highlighted in Plutarch by himself was only half Greek, his mother the reference to Simonides’ description being variously remembered as Thracian of the victory, “No more brilliant naval or Carian (Them. 1.1-2)14. At Salamis, action has been achieved by either Themistocles employed a Persian, Greeks or barbarians”: οὔθ Ἕλλησιν Sicinnus, to work his trick on Xerxes15.

11 Duff, 2008, makes a number of excellent observation on this opening paragraph, but does not discuss the points I make here and in the following paragraph. 12 In the same way, Plutarch speaks of the King, or Xerxes, but not the Persian king. 13 The interpreter’s crime: ὅτι φωνὴν Ἑλληνίδα βαρβάροις προστάγμασιν ἐτόλμησε χρῆσαι. The chiastic order places Greeks and barbarians in sharp confrontation. For the controversy surrounding the case of Arthmios, see R. Meiggs, 1972, 508-12 and C. Habicht, 1961, 18-19, 23-25. 14 Plutarch cites an epigram, Phanias of Eresos, and Neanthes. This barbarian mother is notably absent from Herodotus’ introduction of Themistocles at 7.143. Nepos Them. 1.2 says his mother was an Acarnanian citizen, possibly a corruption of Carian. 15 Them. 12.4: ἦν δὲ τῷ μὲν γένει Πέρσης ὁ Σίκιννος αἰχμάλωτος, εὔνους δὲ τῷ Θεμιστοκλεῖ καὶ τῶν τέκνων αὐτοῦ παιδαγωγός.

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The tricks by which he deceived Xerxes, Camillus: Plutarch on Gauls and both at Salamis and later during the Ro­mans at Clusium Persian retreat, could equally be taken Just as significantly, Plutarch’s ac­ as attempts to aid the barbarian, as count of the Gallic threat to Rome in Themistocles himself suggested when Camillus challenges the neat dichotomy he came to the Persian court (28.2). barbarian-civilized. An example is his So Themistocles was a Greek, but also account of the Roman embassy to the a bit barbarian. He tricked Xerxes, Gauls who were threatening Clusium but also helped him. The barbarian- (Cam. 17.1-5), an embassy which would Greek contrast is unstable, even for become­ the proximate cause of the Gallic Greece’s great hero. Perhaps for this capture of Rome. The Gauls received the reason, Plutarch changes terminology Romans­ courteously (φιλανθρώπως), when narrating Themistocles’ flight to but laughed off the Roman request for Asia. The Persians then are no longer an explanation of why they felt they barbaroi, but Persai. Themistocles had been wronged. Plutarch quotes the says he has been a benefactor to the extraordinary response of their king, Persai, meets with the Persian king, Brennus, in extended direct discourse. and learns the Persian language16. It is only when his hero is threatened by The Clusians wrong us, be­ a disgruntled satrap that Plutarch shifts cause they although they are register and refers to the satrap as ὁ able to till a small land area, they βάρβαρος. Finally, Themistocles dies think they should possess more, and are unwilling to share it with not from the barbarian envy (τὸν φθόνον us, who are foreigners, nume­ τῶν βαρβάρων, 31.2) that he had feared, rous, and poor (17.3). but from the conflict between the Persian king’s orders to fight against the Greeks Livy gives a similar argument to (τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἐξάπτεσθαι 31.4) and the Gauls (5.36.3): the Clusians have his own sense of honor and respect for more than they need, and the invaders his victories (31.5). Themistocles was are willing to fight for their land. But in a great Greek hero for his recognition Plutarch, Brennus goes on to assert that of the barbarian danger and his ability the Romans act in a similar fashion. to force a battle under favorable In the same way the people of conditions, and so keep Greece free, Alba and of Fidenae and of Ardea but was rejected by his own and forced wronged you, Romans, and now to live in an alien culture --which it the people of Veii, of Capena, seems, was not so alien after all. and many of the Faliscans and

16 Benefactor: Them. 28.2, 4; the King: 28.6; the Persian language (τὴν Περσίδα γλῶτταν ἀποχρώντως ἐκμαθὼν): 29.5.

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Volscians. If these cities do not suggest a Realpolitik far removed from share their wealth with you, you Plutarch’s idea of virtuous action. In enslave them, plunder them, and closing, Brennus suggests that the destroy their cities. Nor do you Gauls, acting as good and pious men, do anything strange or unjust, might even decide to defend those who but you are observing the most suffer from Roman aggression. ancient of laws, which gives to The blend of hard truths and irony the strong the goods of the weak, recalls the words of Tacitus’ Calgacus beginning from god down to the (Agr. 30-32), but the literary echoes beasts. In fact, this is a fact of na­ place the speech also in a Hellenic ture, that the strong seek to have context, though not one of philosophical more than the weak. So stop paideia. The Romans at this point in the sympathizing with the besieged story cannot be compared simply to the Clusians--you might teach the freedom-loving Greeks repelling the Gauls to be noble and sympathe­ Persian invader. Livy, when introducing tic to those who are wronged by the scene, had noted that the legates had the Romans. (17.4-5)17. acted more like Gauls than Romans18. Plutarch has the Gallic leader echo Plutarch, giving Brennus this speech, two fifth century historians. The idea of chose a different way to point the issue reciprocal injustice recalls Herodotus’ of the Romans’ barbarian behavior. account of intercontinental rapes as Moreover, in Plutarch, the Romans’ prelude to the Trojan and ultimately violation of their own religious practices Persian wars (Hdt., I 1-4), while the is an additional weakness. Plutarch rule of the strong reflects Thucydides’ a­lo­ne among our sources introduces report of the Athenians’ speech at Sparta, the role of the Fetiales in regard to the reinforced by their reply to the Melians (I Roman legation’s violation of the law, 76.2, V 105.1-2). Brennus the barbarian and also recalls Numa’s establishment is referencing Hellenic wisdom, doubly of that priesthood as guarantor, either to cutting because both Greek models maintain peace or to declare a just war

17 Brennus’ speech refers to the earlier conquests of Alba and Fidenae mentioned by Plutarch in Romulus (Ardea only appears in Plutarch later in Camillus 23.2 ff. as Camillus’ place of exile). Plutarch had referred to the other cities earlier in this life (Cam. 2, with more on the Volsci in later chapters). These cities are not named in our other sources for this episode: Plutarch has brought them into this speech from his earlier chapters. I consider it likely that Plutarch has invented this part of the speech, although he may of course have derived it from an earlier historian. It is not in Diodorus, XIV 113-4 or what we have of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, XIII 11-12. 18 Liv., V 36.1: Mitis legatio, ni praeferoces legatos Gallisque magis quam Romanis similes habuisset.

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(18.1-3). In the fury of the moment, disaster which reached Greece (22.2- the Romans have pushed aside the 4). Rome’s fall marks a crisis point in good practices they had for declaring Roman history, he insists, just as Athens’ war. Later, Plutarch stresses the lack of capture did, and like Herodotus, who proper religious ritual and the confusion had given an archon date to Athens’ fall caused by multiple commanders as the (Calliades, Hdt., VIII 51.1), Plutarch Romans prepare to meet the Gauls in fixes the year of the defeat at the Allia20. battle (18.5). The following disaster at Both are seen as critical moments for the Allia river will leave the city open to Hellenic and Roman identity. Camillus the invader (18.6-8). His narrative, by appears as a savior of civilization, as highlighting the Romans’ irrationality Themistocles had been. and their contempt for religious prac­ If the Gallic attack and victory at tice, suggests that, in a sense, they act the Allia were brought on by Roman like barbarians19. insolence, incompetence, and irreligion, The fall of Rome to the Gauls, all characteristics incompatible with like the fall of Athens to the Persians, Hellenic paideia, Plutarch nevertheless was an epochal event. Plutarch goes also preserves moments which establish out of his way to highlight by a series the dignity and nobility of the Romans of digressions and vignettes the and the savagery of the Gauls. Note significance of the Roman defeat and especially that unforgettable scene of the barbarian capture of Rome. There the priests and the elderly consulars and is a chapter-long account of other un­ triumphators, garbed in their ceremonial lucky days in Greek and Roman history dress, awaiting the invaders in the (19), followed by the narrative of the forum, in an extraordinary act of devotio dramatic flight of refugees from the city, (καθιεροῦντες, 21.4)21. When the Gauls with special digressions on the Vestal confront these men, they are in awe. One fire (20.3-8) and the story of Lucius gently (πρᾴως) touches Papirius’ cheek, Albinus’ aid to the Vestals (21.1-3), then then plucks his beard --and receives a the scene of the old senators taking their whack on the head from Papirius’ staff. place in the forum (21.4), and finally Suddenly, the tone shifts: the barbarian- the cautious estimate of the date of the -for thus Plutarch now calls him, ὁ fall of Rome and the dim echoes of the βάρβαρος - draws his sword and runs

19 Camillus is absent from the battle of the Allia, but his leadership and his unjust exile are recalled by the Romans immediately before the battle (18.7). 20 In Themistocles, the fall of Athens is not dated, presumably to avoid too close a parallel to Herodotus. 21 Livy, V 41.1-3 has the old men go each to his own house, but Plutarch imagines them in the forum (ἐν ἀγορᾷ).

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 65-82 ISSN 0258-655X 72 Philip A. Stadter the old man through. Then all hell What then can we say about bar­ breaks loose. At once the Gauls enact barians­ in the comparative rhetoric of at Rome what all fear of barbarians: these two lives? Both show barbarians killing, plundering, burning, with no capturing­ and sacking Athens and distinction of men or women, young or Rome, the centers of Greco-Roman civi­ old (22.7-8). lization, of Hellenicity, if you will. Yet Only with the arrival of Camillus on in both lives Plutarch includes items the scene, first at Ardea then at Rome, which weaken the opposition barbarian- can the Gauls be put in their place and civilized. Themistocles is half-barbarian, made to retire in confusion (23, 29). uncultured, and takes refuge among The Romans’ wrongful behavior at the barbarians. The Romans appear as Clusium and the Allia provides a foil aggressive and irreligious. Both heroes for the exemplary actions of Camillus, are driven from their cities by irrational who will impress all by his prudence political forces which do not respect and nobility (e.g., 24.4, εὐλαβείας καὶ their good qualities. Themistocles was καλοκαγαθίας, cf. his μετριότης and rejected for his pride in his accom­ φρόνησις at 1.4.). Camillus appears plishment, yet it was this same pride as a twofold savior: one who would which forbade him from returning to observe proper religious ritual and who Greece as the leader of a barbarian ar­ 23 as dictator would lead with intelligence my and an enemy to his people . Ca­ rather than emotion. His calm, prudent millus was forced into exile by envy: the demeanor marks him as imbued with the echo of Achilles’ withdrawal and recall supplies a strong Hellenic resonance to spirit of Hellenic paideia. When thirteen 24 years later the Gauls attempt to return the Roman story . Neither city appears in greater numbers, Camillus’ tactical as the peaceful, harmonious polity en­ genius again defeats them (40-41.6). visioned in Precepts for Politicians­ . Finally the Romans are liberated from Yet each city also demonstrates mo­ their fear and thanks to their victory ments of nobility, and their victories laid gain a firm confidence regarding their the groundwork for future growth. The barbarian opponent22. barbarian attacks in fact strengthen­ ­ed

22 Cam. 41.7: βέβαιον ἐξ αὐτῆς φρόνημα κατὰ τῶν Κελτῶν ἐγγενέσθαι Ῥωμαίοις. 23 The double ending to the life, speaking of Themistocles’ supposed tomb (or cenotaph) in Piraeus and of his descendant and Plutarch’s friend Themistocles (Them. 32.5-6), suggests a spiritual, if not physical, return to Athens. 24 Cf. Cam. 12.3: οὐκ ἀνασχόμενος ἔγνω μεταστῆναι καὶ φυγεῖν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως πρὸς ὀργήν, and 13.1, Ἐκεῖνος μὲν οὖν ὥσπερ ὁ Ἀχιλλεὺς ἀρὰς θέμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς πολίτας..., with Homer, Il. 1.240-44, 338-44.

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 65-82 Barbarian Comparisons 73 the cities that suffered it. Without The­ invasion of Boeotia by the original mistocles’ navy and walls, Athens could Greek settlers, Peripoltas and his not have acquired its empire; without family, who drove the barbarians out Camillus’ defeat of the Gauls, he would of Chaeronea, but then were largely not have had the stature to resolve the wiped out during the successive bar­ claims of patricians and plebeians, an barian invasions of the Persians in 480- essential step in Rome’s rise to power. 79 and the Gauls in 279 (Cim. 1.1-2). Another crisis then arose as a result In both lives, the barbarian attack of the Roman presence at the time of reveals the underlying tension between Sulla. Peripoltas’ descendant Damon, Hellenic ideals and the lower passions though a Greek of ancient lineage, that Plutarch associated with barbarism. was “uneducated and unyielding in In this pair the apparently clear categories temperament” (ἀπαίδευτος καὶ σκληρὸς of barbarian and civilized are questioned τὸ ἦθος, 1.2). The Roman officer who and become objects of irony, without desired him, despite the fact that the being rejected or made meaningless. young man had recently passed the In both cases Plutarch asks us to look 26 beyond labels to behavior, attitudes, and age for boy love , threatened to resort values. Apart from the two cities’ fall to rape to satisfy his passion. Damon to the barbarians and their subsequent reacted with violence, killing first the rescue, there are no direct parallels, but Roman, then the Chaeronean town the issues raised by the barbarian attack council.The citizens tricked the young are similar. outlaw with “talks and decrees full of good will”, and he was killed27. Hoping 2. Cimon-Lucullus to gain an advantage over a rival The unique preface to the second pair city, the people of Orchomenos then to be examined, Cimon and Lucullus, denounced Chaeronea to the Romans, dramatically introduces themes of ex­ and only the testimony of Lucullus, ter­nal and internal conflict at Chaeronea­ who had investigated the matter at which similarly suggest the uncertainty the time, averted complete disaster. of the barbarian/civilized distinction In this preface, who is barbarian, who (Cim. 1-2)25. The story starts with the civilized? Both Greek and Roman act

25 On the interpretation of this preface, cf. Ma, 1994 and Beck, 2007. 26 Cim. 1.3: ἄρτι τὴν παιδικὴν ἡλικίαν παρηλλαχότος. 27 The whole sentence, Cim. 1.7, is quite dramatic: τὸν δὲ Δάμωνα λῃστείαις καὶ καταδρομαῖς πορθοῦντα τὴν χώραν καὶ τῇ πόλει προσκείμενον ὑπηγάγοντο πρεσβείαις καὶ ψηφίσμασι φιλανθρώποις οἱ πολῖται, κατελθόντα δὲ γυμνασίαρχον κατέστησαν· εἶτ᾽ ἀλειφόμενον ἐν τῷ πυριατηρίῳ διέφθειραν.

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 65-82 ISSN 0258-655X 74 Philip A. Stadter with passion, and Damon, the Greek Aegean cities. The Spartan commander at the center of the piece, is explicitly enraged the allies by his arrogance, identified as lacking the paideia which his attempt to betray Greece to “the ideally defined Greekness28. The Chae­ barbarians”, and most dramatically, his roneans hide their murderous intentions murder of a Greek girl of noble birth, with gentle (φιλανθρώποις) words. Cleonike, whom he had forced to come When Plutarch begins his narrative, to his bedroom (Cim. 6.2-7): acts which then, with the assertion that both Cimon make Pausanias appear more barbarian and Lucullus were brilliant warriors than Greek. Cimon’s mildness stood against the barbarians, but mild (πρᾷοι) in sharp contrast. Moreover, Cimon’s in internal politics29, he directs us to campaign led to many victories against a theme already foreshadowed in the the barbarians, culminating in his ex­ preface, the potential for barbarian tra­ordinary double triumph on land behavior even in the heart of Greco- and sea at the Eurymedon river (Cim. Roman society and the need for 12-13). These campaigns permitted civilized, ‘Hellenic’, restraint. him to keep Persian forces far from the Aegean coast and bring back enormous Cimon, like Themistocles, had a wealth to Athens. His political struggle Thra­­cian mother30, and like him, lacked with Pericles led to his ostracism, but a good Greek education. Stesimbrotus soon his absence was felt and he was re­ported that “he was never taught any of recalled, negotiated a peace between the subjects usually studied by free men Sparta and Athens, and redirected the of Greece, such as music” (4.5, FGrHist 31 Athenians’ energy against their “natural 107F4) . One might almost say he was enemies”, the “barbarians” (τῶν φύσει a barbarian, although Plutarch prefers πο­λε­μίων ... βάρβαροι), whose wealth to suggest that he had a Peloponnesian it was only right to plunder for Greece directness, rather like Heracles. But (18.1). After reporting Cimon’s death Plutarch also contrasts his mild ways at Cyprus, Plutarch reminds the reader with Pausanias’ behavior toward the of two points: first, his unmatched

28 He also possesses ψυχῆς φρόνημα (1.2), often taken in a bad sense as a barbarian trait (cf. Schmidt, 1999, 80). 29 Cim. 3.1. 30 Cim. 4.1. For an interpretation of the importance of Cimon’s Thracian connection, cf. Fuscagni, 1989, 92-101. 31 This report seems to be contradicted by Ion of Chios, who contrasted Pericles’ haughtiness with Cimon’s “tact, informality, and refinement in society” (ἐμμελὲς καὶ ὑγρὸν καὶ μεμουσωμένον ἐν ταῖς περιφοραῖς, Per. 5.3, FGrHist 392F15). Apparently both Cimon and Ion enjoyed good parties. ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 65-82 Barbarian Comparisons 75 success against the barbarians and Lucullus second, the indescribable ruin (φθόρον Lucullus’ act of civility in protecting ἀμύθητον) that the hostility among the Chaeronea after an outburst of ‘barbarian’ Greek states, which Cimon had tried violence, in Plutarch’s esti­­mation, to remove, brought to Greece. This confirms his virtues in war and at home. ruin followed not only immediately Like Cimon, he directs Roman energy after his death, but also in the fourth away from internal wars and outward century. After the peace of Antalcidas, against the Asiatic ‘barbarians’ of his Plutarch laments, Persian tax collectors own day, Mithridates and Tigranes, and (φορολόγους) operated in Greek cities then on his return to Rome, he refuses where previously not even a messenger to contest Pompey for primacy (1.6). (γραμματοφόρος) would have dared set However, differently from Cimon, he foot (19.3-4, with a nice play on φόρος). loved liberal education as a young man In Plutarch’s mind, the necessity (τὴν ἐμμελῆ ταύτην καὶ λεγομένην to control the arrogance and violence ἐλευθέριον ἐπὶ τῷ καλῷ προσεποιεῖτο often associated with barbarian beha­ παιδείαν) and after his wars he relaxed 32 vior unifies Cimon’s twofold activity: with philosophy (1.5-6) . one facet is the peacekeeping which But of course, the picture is not sought to ease the rivalries of Athens so clear, nor so positive. It is true that and Sparta within Greece and of po­ Lucullus did defeat the barbarian army pular and elite factions in Athens, the of Tigranes (τὸ βαρβαρικὸν στρατεῦμα, other the brilliant military campaigns 27.5, cf. 35.6). Plutarch offers an im­ which humiliated the external enemy, pressive list, resembling those of He­ barbarian Persia, and kept him from the rodotus,­ of barbarian peoples in that sea (13.4). The struggle of Chaeronea army and numbers their variously armed under Roman domination to preserve troops, citing Lucullus’ dispatch to the itself against both external and internal senate (26.3-7)33. Lucullus’ Asian op­ barbarity is reflected in Cimon’s effort ponents made a good parallel to the to deflect violence from fellow Greeks great King’s armies which Cimon had and direct it toward «a natural enemy.» opposed, but unlike Cimon, Lucullus as

32 Lucullus even wrote a history of the Marsian war in Greek: Cim. 1.8, cf. Cic., Ad Att. 1.19.10. 33 There would have been some Greeks present as well, since Tigranes had brought together both Greeks and barbarians to populate his new city of Tigranocerta (26.1, cf. 27.1, 29.3 and 5). Plutarch remarks that the victory led Crassus later to foolishly suppose that Lucullus had demonstrated that “the barbarians” were easy spoil, and so decide to attack the Parthians (Cim. 36.6).

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 65-82 ISSN 0258-655X 76 Philip A. Stadter general­­ faced the determined opposition as has often been noted: he shared his of rebellious soldiers. His arrogant tem­ excellent library with all comers, so perament rejected any attempt to plea­ that it seemed a sort of residence of the se his soldiers, or indeed most anyone Muses (Μουσῶν τι καταγώγιον, 42.1), --the very opposite of Cimon’s easy the “hearth and Greek prytaneum” (ἑσ­ manner--and thus he found it impossible τία καὶ πρυτανεῖον Ἑλληνικὸν, 42.2) for to win his troops over to himself (33.2, all visiting Rome35. 36.5). Plutarch certainly saw Lucullus’ In this pair the barbarians fight as harshness and lack of philanthropia in part of empires and kingdoms, and this regard as an un-Hellenic weakness­ 34. are only beaten back, not completely Lucullus, on his return to Rome, defeated. Cimon was able to establish sensibly refused to contest political for a time an inland boundary which the pri­macy with Pompey, but still attemp­ Persians dared not cross, and Lucullus t­ed with others to block Pompey’s eas­ thrust Roman armies farther than they tern settlement, thus provoking the had ever gone. Cimon prepared the creation of the triumvirate. Moreover, ground for Alexander, Lucullus for his renunciation did not free him Pompey. Equally impressive for both from barbarian vices, exemplified for men was the enormous quantity of Plutarch in the incredible luxury with loot they each brought back from their which he surrounded­ himself, “worthy victories, and the pacific stance they of a satrap” (σα­­τραπικήν, Comp. 1.5). took at home. Lucullus wins approval Lucullus treats his wealth arrogantly, for being well educated according to Plutarch writes,­ as if it were a captive the best Greek training, but criticism barbarian (ὑβριστικῶς ἐχρῆτο τῷ πλούτῳ for his inability to manage his soldiers. καθάπερ ὄντως αἰχμαλώτῳ καὶ βαρβάρῳ, Acknowledging that both were vic­ 41.7). And it is indeed that, for it is torious against the barbarians, in the wealth looted from barbarians. Lucullus Comparison Plutarch evaluates the did have one redeeming Hellenic feature, men especially by how well--that is,

34 Luc. 33.2: τῶν δ᾽ αἰτιῶν αὐτὸς οὐχὶ τὴν ἐλαχίστην εἰς τοῦτο παρέσχεν, οὐκ ὢν θεραπευτικὸς πλήθους στρατιωτικοῦ, καὶ πᾶν τὸ πρὸς ἡδονὴν τοῦ ἀρχομένου γινόμενον ἀρχῆς ἀτιμίαν καὶ κατάλυσιν ἡγούμενος· τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, οὐδὲ τοῖς δυνατοῖς καὶ ἰσοτίμοις εὐάρμοστος εἶναι πεφυκώς, ἀλλὰ πάντων καταφρονῶν καὶ μηδενὸς ἀξίους πρὸς αὑτὸν ἡγούμενος. On the other hand, Plutarch commends Lucullus’ justice and humanity (philanthropia) toward the barbarians after the fall of Tigranocerta, Luc. 29.6. 35 Luc. 42.1-2: ἀνειμένων πᾶσι τῶν βιβλιοθηκῶν, καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὰς περιπάτων καὶ σχολαστηρίων ἀκωλύτως ὑποδεχομένων τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ὥσπερ εἰς Μουσῶν τι καταγώγιον ἐκεῖσε φοιτῶντας . . . καὶ ὅλως ἑστία καὶ πρυτανεῖον Ἑλληνικὸν ὁ οἶκος ἦν αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἀφικνουμένοις εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην.

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 65-82 Barbarian Comparisons 77 how much in accordance with civic and vivid description of Alexander’s mortal moral values--they used those barbarian danger, his opponents are four times riches (Comp. 1.5). He praises Cimon’s barbaroi, but never Mallians. Twice, at public benefactions while condemning the Granicus and among the Mallians, he Lucullus’ conspicuous luxury. In both risks being killed by a barbarian weapon lives Plutarch seems pleased to see the (Alex. 16.10, 63.9). Plutarch’s insistence barbarian king humbled, but he employs on calling Alexander’s enemies bar­ his heroes’ victories over the barbarians baroi confirms Alexander’s position as to reveal the two men’s moral strengths champion of Hellenicity, even though and weaknesses. Greek independence had been lost to the 3. Alexander and Caesar Macedonians at Chaeronea. Alexander And yet barbarian influences power­ fully shaped the Macedonian, especially While it goes without saying that both in his final years. Alexander’s claims Alexander and Caesar were enormously of a divine father are tinged with the successful in their campaigns against exotic: early in the life Plutarch asso­ barbarians, the function of barbarians in ciates­ Olympias’ “more barbaric” (βαρ­ the two lives and especially the parallels βαρικώτερον)­ Dionysiac rites with the between the campaigns is harder to story of a divine serpentine lover, pu­ define, nor is there a final comparison to tative father of Alexander (Alex. 2.9). indicate special issues. The Alexander Later Ammon’s oracle may have been offers a complex picture. If we follow merely a barbarian priest’s garbled Plutarch’s use of barbaros (the word Greek greeting, ὦ παῖ δίος for ὦ παιδίον appears some 41 times in the life), (7.9). More significant to both Greeks several nodes of interest surface. The and Macedonians was his adoption of great moments, as we might expect, are barbarian clothing (τὴν βαρβαρικὴν the battles of the Granicus, Issus, and στολήν) and customs, although he Gaugamela, and in each case Plutarch rejected Median costume as being speaks of Alexander’s opponents not as “completely barbarous and alien Persians, but as barbaroi36. The final (παντάπασι βαρβαρικὴν καὶ ἀλλόκοτον, great struggle occurs in India, where 45.1-2)”37. His comrades’ fear that he Alexander, caught inside the Mallian had forgotten his Hellenic origins­ and town, is almost killed. In the whole his occasional favoring of barbarians

36 Alexander against the barbaroi: northern tribes: Alex. 11.2, 3, 5; against the Persians, Granicus: 16.10, 15, 18; Issus: 20.8, 11; Gaugamela: 31.10, 33.1, 4; against Porus: 60.2; the Mallian town: 63.3, 4, 7, 9. 37 There are three references to barbarian costume in c. 45, and another three to dealings with barbarians in c. 47.

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 65-82 ISSN 0258-655X 78 Philip A. Stadter over Macedonians provoked Cleitus’ his ambition to achieve primacy in protest and the disastrous con­frontation Rome did not require accommodation which followed (cc. 50-51). Finally, to barbarian practices. In general as the end of the life draws to a close, Caesar portrayed himself, and was Plutarch reminds us that Alexander regarded, as not given to grudges or almost killed Cassander for laughing at revenge. Yet there is a hint of a different barbarians prostrating themselves before character early on. As a young man, him. Alexander’s anger and violence Caesar mocks his pirate captors as toward Philotas, Cleitus, Callisthenes uncultured barbarians (ἀπαιδεύτους and others, as well as his defense of καὶ βαρβάρους, 2.4), who cannot barbarian practices, reveal barbarian appreciate his literary productions. traits, despite his training with Aristotle. Released, he returns and crucifies Thus Plutarch sets out the fundamental them all (2.7). He fulfills his promise, issue of the life: could Alexander as Plutarch recognizes. Is this simply conquer himself as well as the external quick justice, or a sign of unexpected enemy, that is, could he conquer the violence? Suetonius makes Caesar less barbarian within himself? harsh: he has the pirates’ throats sliced 38 Caesar first (Suet. Iul. 74.1) . Not so Caesar. In his life, Plutarch’s Ambition is Caesar’s weakness. Bar­ references to barbaroi are few, except barian­ poverty and simplicity give a for the chapters devoted to the Gallic special­ poignancy to one anecdote that campaigns, Caes. 18-26. In contrast to reveals the depths of that ambition, which the life of Marius (cf. Mar. 11), there Caesar’s companions could hardly have is no introductory excursus on the appreciated at the time. While passing Gallic tribes and their migrations: the a tiny, impoverished, barbarian village introduction in cc. 15-17 to the Gallic in the Alps on his way to Spain, his wars focuses on Caesar himself. Like friends mocked the inhabitants’ supposed Alexander, Caesar battles against contests for preeminence. Caesar cut barbaroi, especially when fighting the through their joking: “I would prefer Germans (22), but there is not the same to be first among these men than to be suggestion that he takes on barbarian second among Romans” (11.3-4). In this ways. One explanation might be that case Caesar chooses ruling barbarians he had had a thorough training in to being ruled by a Roman. Apocryphal Greek rhetoric (cf. 3.2); another that surely, but the anecdote captures the man.

38 Plutarch omits the revolt of Uxellodunum in 51, when Caesar, confident of his reputation for clemency, decided to chop off the hands of all who had taken arms against him on this occasion (Hirtius, BG 8.40).

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According to another anecdote, Caesar And yet, Caesar’s victories could measured himself not only against his have a different effect, as Plutarch contemporaries, but against Alexander, notes elsewhere. Speaking of the infant the supreme achiever: he wept on reading prince Juba, who was paraded in an of all the Macedonian had accomplished ear­lier triumph, Plutarch remarks, “his by his own age (11.5-6)39. Caesar, of cap­ture was most fortunate, for from course, went on to the greatest honors at be­ing a barbarian and a Nomad, he Rome, and in that very pursuit of honor came to be numbered among the most lay the basis of his downfall. In reporting learn­ed writers” (55.3)40. Conquest Caesar’s triumph after the Munda could be a catalyst for change. Plutarch campaign, a reference to “barbarian knew, of course, that Caesar’s victories kings” marks a turning point for Plutarch: had brought the Gauls into the Greco- This was Caesar’s final war. Roman world, so that they could share Nothing distressed the Romans in Hellenic paideia and even enter the more than the triumph he cele­ Roman senate. Moreover, Caesar’s brated. These were not alien lea­ victories had paved the way for the ders or barbarian kings (οὐ ... monarchy under which he lived. ἀλλοφύλους ἡγεμόνας οὐδὲ βαρ­ Alexander had triumphed over a βάρους βασιλεῖς) he had defeated; Caesar had destroyed the sons and barbarian enemy, but gradually had the entire family of a man who had become more like his defeated oppo­ been the greatest of the Romans, nents, adopting not only oriental dress and and who had fallen on misfortu­ ritual abasement, but the short temper and ne. It was not right to celebrate the superstition of a tyrant41. Caesar showed nation’s disasters like this, nor to more self-control than Alexander, and preen oneself on a victory whose was noted for his clemency. His curse only possible defence before gods was that his greatest opponents were and men was one of necessity not the barbarian Gauls, but Roman cit­ (56.8-9, Pelling trans.). i­zens. The war with the Gauls had Caesar no longer was a victor over a demonstrated his incredible gifts as barbarian foe, but over Roman armies: a commander, but had only served as in the eyes of some at least, he himself preliminaries for the struggle for power had become the feared conqueror. at Rome. Alexander’s great rivals had

39 This sole mention of Alexander in Caesar marks him as the ultimate comparandum, and the two heroes as the outstanding leaders of Greece and Rome respectively. 40 At Sert. 9.10, Plutarch calls him “the most historically minded (ἱστορικώτατος) of all kings”; at Ant. 87.2, “the most accomplished (χαριεστάτῳ) of kings.” 41 Cf. Schmidt, 1999, 296-99.

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 65-82 ISSN 0258-655X 80 Philip A. Stadter been Darius and the Indian Porus; the way to the principate. However, in Caesar’s had been Pompey and a large all three pairs studied here, Plutarch part of the Roman senate. Both leaders broadens the significance of barbarian were possessed by irresistible ambition. contact. The barbarian enemy, the Alexander’s tragedy was that he had no external Other, draws attention to more worlds to conquer; Caesar’s that Hellenic traits of freedom, culture, in defeating Pompey and his sons, he and prudence in his heroes and in their had defeated his own people. Each had cities. Equally important, and perhaps plans to resume their conquests over the more surprising, this Other serves to barbarians, Alexander taking the southern uncover traces of the barbarian in those and western route, Caesar the eastern same heroes and cities. An element and northern. For these two restless of irrationality and passion is always souls, renewing the struggle against the present, even in cities that we may have barbarians, like Odysseus’ final quest, thought outstanding representatives of promised an open-ended road to glory. Greco-Roman culture. But death is the final victor, and neither We may return to my initial example lived to see those dreams even begun. of Pyrrhus, an outlier in several ways. Conclusion Pyrrhus in Plutarch seems neither fish nor fowl, but oscillates between It is time to return to our initial Greek and barbarian, as Mossman has question: how does Plutarch deal suggested42. The army he meets in with the resemblances and contrasts Italy is not Greek, but not barbarian involved in pairing two heroes who either. On his return to Epirus, he takes both fought barbarians? He does not, in Gauls into his own army, but then fact, generally attempt to draw parallels smashes the opposing Gauls who were between Greek and Roman campaigns fighting for Antigonus (Pyr. 26.3-9). at all. In Themistocles and Camillus, Yet the Gallic garrison he then leaves he recognizes the epochal significance at Aegae greedily plunders the tombs of the capture of Athens and of Rome of the Macedonian kings (26.11-13), by barbarians, and their liberation. with Pyrrhus’ acquiescence. Finally, Alexander’s victories spread Hellenicity he is killed fighting in Argos, as if he across Asia and Egypt; Caesar’s brought were a barbarian invader, stunned by a them to the western Ocean and opened pot thrown by a simple Greek woman

42 Mossman, 2005. 43 To complete the picture, Plutarch reports that Antigonus’ son Alcyoneus brought him Pyrrhus’ head and threw it as his feet. Antigonus struck his son in anger, and called him cursed and barbaric (ἐναγῆ καὶ βάρβαρον), then wept, remembering the fates of his own grandfather and father, his own family’s examples of Fortune’s mutability (Pyr. 34.8).

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 65-82 Barbarian Comparisons 81 defending her husband (34.2-6)43. Beneker, J., Marius’ end seems even worse. In - The Passionate Statesman. Eros and Po­li­tics in Plutarch’s Lives, Oxford, his command against the Cimbri and 2012. Teutones, he had displayed exemplary Buszard, B., prudence and self-control, training - “The decline of Roman statesmanship his troops, refusing to be intimidated in Plutarch’s Pyrrhus-Marius”, CQ n.s. by barbarian numbers and boasts, and 55 (2005) 481-497. choosing for himself the best moment Duff, T., to fight. His final years show him - “The opening of Plutarch’s Life of Themistocles”, GRBS 48 (2008) 159-79. driven by mad ambition, slaughtering - “The Structure of the Plutarchan Book”, his fellow citizens as the whole state ClAnt 30 (2011) 213-78. collapses into civil war44. - Plutarch’s Lives. Exploring Virtue and Vice, Oxford, 1999. The barbarians are external, but also Fuscagni, S., within. As the comic strip character - Plutarco, Vite parallele: Cimone, Lu­ Pogo once said, “We have met the cullo, Milan, 1989, pp. 35-134. 45 enemy, and he is us” . Plutarch’s Habicht, C., barbarian comparisons allow him to - “Falsche Urkunden zur Geschichte remind his readers of the overwhelming Athens im Zeitalter der Perserkriege”, Hermes 89 (1961) 1-35. importance of Hellenic paideia, and Jones, C. P., how difficult it is to behave consistently - Plutarch and Rome, Oxford, 1971. according to its enlightened principles. Ma, J., - “Black Hunter Variations”, PCPhS 40 Bibliography (1994) 49-80. Asirvatham, S. R., Meiggs, R., - “Olympias’ snake and Callisthenes’ - The Athenian Empire, Oxford, 1972. stand : religion and politics in Plutarch’s Mossman, J., ‘Life of Alexander’“, in Asirvatham, S. - “Τάξις οὐ βάρβαρος: Greek and Roman R., Pache, C. O. and Watrous, J. eds., in Plutarch’s Pyrrhus”, CQ n.s. 55 (2005) Between magic and religion: inter­ ­­­ 498-517. disciplinary studies in ancient Mediterra­ ­ Nikolaidis, A. G., nean religion and society, Lanham MD, - ‘Ἑλληνικός – βαρβαρικός: Plutarch on 2001, pp. 93-125. Greek and barbarian characteristics’, Beck, M., WS 20 (1986) 229-44. - “The Story of Damon and the Ideology Pelling, C., of Euergetism in the Lives of Cimon and - “Plutarch: Roman Heroes and Greek Lucullus”, Hermathena 182 (2007) 53-69. Culture”, in M. Griffith and J. Barnes

44 Note the ironic reference at the end of the life to Plato’s prayer of thanks that he had been born a Greek, not a barbarian, Mar. 46.1. 45 Cf. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pogo (comic strip), seen 3 April 2015.

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(eds.), Philosophia Togata: Essays on ques 14, Louvain-Namur, 1999. Philosophy and Roman society, Oxford, Swain, S., 1989, pp. 199-232. - “Hellenic culture and the Roman heroes - Plutarch Caesar, Oxford, 2011. of Plutarch”, JHS 110 (1990) 126-45; Schmidt, T. S., reprinted in B. Scardigli (ed.), Essays - Plutarque et les barbares. La rhétorique on Plutarch’s Lives, Oxford, 1995, pp. d’une image. Collection d’études classi­ 229-64.

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Antonietta Gostoli (ed.), Poesia, titi, da cui difficilmente si sarebbero potute can­to, accompagnamento strumentale nel desumere­ alcune caratteristiche salienti dei De musica attribuito a Plutarco. «Atti del diversi stili musicali (ad es. il semitono an­ seminario internazionale. Arcavacata di cora indiviso dello Spondeion di Olimpo, su Rende, 26-28 novembre 2009», Pisa-Ro­ cui cf. Aristox. fr. 83 Wehrli ap. [Plut.] Mus. ma 2012 (= QUCC n.s. XCIX/3, 2011, 11, 1134f-1135b). 1-287), € 265,00, ISSN 00334987 (ISSN Nel contributo successivo (pp. 31-42), elettronico 17241901). An­­tonietta G(ostoli) rilegge il De musica Il volume – un numero speciale dei – in particolare la sua prima parte, basata Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica – sulla testimonianza di Eraclide Pontico – raccoglie gli Atti del seminario internazionale come una storia della lirica greca dall’epoca orga­nizzato da Antonietta Gostoli presso dei cantori mitici, quali Anfione, Lino, De­ l’Università della Calabria ed incentrato modoco e Femio, sino alla cosiddetta Nuo­ sul De musica dello Ps.-Plutarco, un breve va Musica. Al centro di questa storia si trattato­ in forma dialogica che costituisce collocano la figura di Terpandro, autore di una delle più importanti fonti sulla storia no­moi citarodici ed esecutore sia dei propri della musica greca antica. I contributi poemi eroici, sia di versi omerici musicati, affrontano­­ diversi aspetti dell’opera e sono e quella di Archiloco, responsabile di inno­ ­ ripartiti­ in quattro sezioni: Poesia e musica vazioni ritmiche ed esecutive, come la pa­ (pp. 9-96), Estetica e teoria musicale (pp. rakataloge. Secondo la G., l’opera si pone, 97-188), L’autore (pp. 189-226), Tradizione di fatto, come una correzione/contesta­ ­zione e fortuna (pp. 227-287). dell’impostazione adottata da Aristo­tele Il primo articolo (pp. 11-30), firmato da nella Poetica, dove la poesia di taglio non E. Pöhlmann, rappresenta una buona intro­ narrativo risulta esclusa. duzione­ al volume: lo studioso pone in ri­ A. B(arker) (pp. 43-57) offre un quadro lievo­ l’assenza di riferimenti alla notazione com­plessivo delle testimonianze antiche mu­sicale nel De musica e rapporta questa sulla musica di Olimpo o, per meglio dire, situazione alle fonti principali dell’opera, i sulla musica «to which Olympus’ name was peripatetici Aristosseno ed Eraclide Pontico, attached in the fifth and fourth centuries» (p. nonché­ Glauco di Reggio, un musicologo del 44). Secondo B., l’idionimo designerebbe V sec. a.C. citato da Eraclide. Questi studiosi, in realtà l’antico stile musicale proprio di vissuti­ in un periodo in cui la semiografia alcune composizioni auletiche, effettiva­ ­ musicale­ stava diffondendosi, mostrano di men­te ascoltate dagli autori ateniesi che ne basare­ le proprie riflessioni e valutazioni par­lano: Glauco di Reggio e Aristosseno, sulla diretta esperienza uditiva e non su spar­ ci­ta­ti nel De musica, ma anche Platone e ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 83-88 84 Book Reviews

Aristotele. Accanto ad alcuni tratti unifi­ ­­ Dio­gene di Babilonia riportate – per essere canti, come il carattere enarmonico delle criticate­ e smentite – nel De musica di Filo­ melodie e la quasi totale assenza di mo­ de­mo di Gadara. Sia per lo Ps.-Plutarco che dulazioni, emerge anche una certa varie­ ­ per Diogene (e per gli Stoici), la musica tà connessa all’impiego di differenti har­ rappresenta un elemento utile all’uomo in moniai e ritmi e, per conseguenza, a diversi­ va­ri contesti e dotato di valore etico, mentre ethe musicali: alla severa austerità dei no­ per Filodemo (come già per Epicuro) essa moi attestati nel De musica si affianca il costituisce un semplice strumento di pia­ carattere estatico dei Metroa, cui fanno ri­ ce­re. Alcuni elementi, come la medesima ferimento Platone (Symp. 215b-c) e Aristo­ versione della leggenda relativa a Taleta tele (Pol. 1340a)1. di Gortina, fanno pensare alla possibile di­ Manuela G(iordano) (pp. 59-71), a pen­denza dello Ps.-Plutarco e del filosfo dispetto del titolo generico e piuttosto am­ stoi­co da una fonte comune (p. 79), come pio (Gli dei nel De musica), si occupa di un sugge­riscono G.M. Rispoli (che pensa ad aspetto specifico: la statua delia di Apollo Era­clide Pontico mediato da Cameleonte) e D. Delattre (che pensa a Crisippo) nei descritta da Soterico (Mus. 14, 1136a). 3 Nella mano sinistra il dio regge le Cariti, rispettivi commenti a Filodemo . ciascu­na con uno strumento: una lira, un Mariella De Simone (pp. 83-96) affron­ au­­lo doppio e una syrinx. La G. scorge ta il complesso rapporto tra la realtà stori­ ca­ qui la traccia di «una generale tendenza del fenomeno artistico che va sotto il no­ a fare di Apollo il protos heuretes in tutti me di ‘Nuova Musica’ e la sua rappresenta­ ­ i campi della musica», affacciatasi «forse zione, legata quasi esclusivamente a fonti­ già dal IV secolo a.C.» e, nel contempo, ‘conservatrici’ e ostili al nuovo gusto mu­ «un’operazione di recupero di tradizioni sicale, tra le quali il De musica occupa un più o meno minoritarie» (p. 69) che asso­ posto di rilievo per la ricchezza di informa­ ­ cia­­­no Apollo con gli ambiti musicali gene­ ­ 2 zioni­ storiche che fornisce (risalenti per lo ral­mente connessi con Dioniso e Pan . più ad autori d’età classica). Proprio questo Matilde Ferrario (pp. 73-81) individua carattere­ dell’opera permette di andare al va­­ri punti di convergenza tra il dialogo di là del rigido schematismo che oppone pseudo-plutarcheo e le opinioni dello stoico l’‘antico’ e il ‘nuovo’ stile compositivo e di

1 A p. 45 r. 11 «Polykephalos nomos» è una svista per Pythikos nomos: si veda p. 53. 2 Una precisazione, che non intacca la tesi di fondo del contributo: i passi odissiaci citati a p. 63 a sostegno dell’at­tribuzione dell’azione di cantare allo strumento a corde non risultano in realtà appropriati, dal momento che in entrambi il canto è riferito all’aedo che si accompagna con lo strumento (Od. 1.155 ἦ τοι ὁ φορμίζων ἀνεβάλλετο καλὸν ἀείδειν, 8.266s. αὐτὰρ ὁ φορμίζων ἀνεβάλλετο καλὸν ἀείδειν / ἀμφ’ Ἄρεος φιλότητος ἐϋστεφά­ ­νου τ’ Ἀφροδίτης. 3 Per la valutazione epicurea della musica, con particolare riferimento a Filodemo, meritavano di essere indicati anche i seguenti contributi di G.M. Rispoli: “Filodemo sulla musica”, CErc, 4 (1974) 57-87; G.M. R., “Elementi di fisica e di etica epicurea nella teoria musicale di Filodemo di Gadara”, in R.W. Wallace-B. MacLachlan (edd.), Harmonia mundi. Musica e filosofia nell’anti­ ­­chità. Music and Philosophy in the ancient World, Roma, 1991, pp. 69-103; “Sesto Empirico e Filodemo contro i musici”, in A.H.S. El-Mosalamy (ed.), Proceedings of the XIXth International Congress­ of Papyrology. Cairo, 2-9 September 1989, I-II, Cairo, 1992, I, pp. 213-248.

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 83-88 Book Reviews 85 osservare che i tratti più innovativi attribuiti sessuali (Δωδεκαμήχανος era, non a caso, il (e rimproverati) a compositori come Timoteo, nome di una celebre prostituta: cf. Ar. Th. Agatone e Filosseno sono in realtà la ripresa 97s., Ra. 1327s.). Quanto poi allo στρόβιλος e lo sviluppo di innovazioni introdotte già dai di Frinide (v. 14), il cui significato osceno musici antichi (Olimpo, Terpandro, Stesicoro, è evidente, P. chiarisce il referente tecnico- Polimnesto). La Nuova Musica appare pertan­ ­ musicale: si tratta di un particolare bischero to un fenomeno non isolato, ma ben radicato con ‘testa’ triangolare, di cui due esemplari nella tradizione musicale greca. di V sec. a.C. sono stati rinvenuti a Lefkada La seconda parte è inaugurata dal (antica Leucade). Risultano così chiariti contributo di Eleonora R(occoni) (pp. 99- in maniera convincente due punti del 115) sui capitoli 22-25 del De musica, frammento ampiamente dibattuti. incentrati sul rapporto tra harmonia Liana L(omiento) (pp. 135-152) si musicale e ordine armonico del cosmo: occupa del concetto di ‘appropriatezza’ nei questi mostrano una coerente opera di capp. 32-36 del De musica, laddove si tratta assemblaggio di pareri sull’argomento del ruolo della musica nell’educazione e si (Pitagorici, Platone, Aristotele) e derivano espone la teoria del carattere etico della con ogni probabilità da una medesima musica. La L. individua nel passo, ge­­ fonte. L’identificazione di quest’ultima neralmente ritenuto di ascendenza ari­ appa­re un’operazione particolarmente ar­ stos­se­nica, alcune incoerenze lessicali e dua: all’ipotesi (A. Barker) che si tratti ideo­logiche rispetto al pensiero del Ta­ dei Τὰ ἐκ τοῦ Τιμαίου καὶ τῶν Ἀρχιτείων ren­tino (così com’è attestato dagli Ele­ di Aristotele, considerata con favore, si menta harmonica): ciò fa pensare ad un aggiunge un’ulteriore possibilità, ovvero il impiego non diretto o non esclusivo di commentario al Timeo platonico di Adrasto Aristosseno come fonte. In definitiva, la di Afrodisia (prima metà del II sec. d.C.). studiosa ipotizza la convergenza di almeno Questi si presenta come un buon candidato due fonti: il cap. 32 attingerebbe ad «un «in virtù dei suoi interessi sia platonici che autore fortemente connotato in senso mo­ aristotelici (avendo cioè tutto l’interesse a ra­listico», come lo stoico Diogene di mostrare una convergenza di idee tra i due Babilonia; i capp. 33-36 alla trattazione di filosofi), degli argomenti trattati nel suo «un professionista dell’arte, un technites» commento al Timeo […] e, non da ultimo, che «senza ovviamente ignorare la teoria della datazione (che, essendo quasi coeva ar­monica di Aristosseno, è disinteressato a quella dell’opera pseudoplutarchea, ren­ agli aspetti realmente filosifici» (p. 150). de più probabile una sua circolazione e Adelaide F(ongoni) (pp. 153-163) rie­ reperibilità quale materiale di studio da sa­mina le testimonianze sulla melodia parte del compilatore» (pp. 113s.). dei Misii di Filosseno, ovvero Arist. Pol. Segue un secondo contributo di Egert VIII 1342b 4-12 e [Plut.] Mus. 1142e-f, un P(öhlmann) (pp. 117-133), relativo al ben passo di ascendenza aristossenica: il brano noto Pherecr. fr. 155 K.-A. Lo studioso aristotelico, in cui si parla di una modu­ ­ mostra che nel sintagma χορδαῖς δώδεκα lazione dall’harmonia Dorica alla Frigia, (vv. 5, 25) vi è un duplice gioco osceno: induce a ritenere che il termine τόνος im­ χορδή indica non solo la corda della lira, piegato dallo Ps.-Plutarco vada inteso in ma anche il membro maschile (come ad es. questo senso e non in quello (aristossenico) in Ar. Ach. 1118-1121 e Ra. 338s.), mentre di “scala caratterizzata da una certa into­ δώ­δεκα richiama il numero delle posizioni na­zione”. Ciò porta la F. a ritenere che il

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 83-88 ISSN 0258-655X 86 Book Reviews passo del De musica attinga ad Aristosseno La terza sezione, sull’autore del attraverso una fonte intermedia, che ha trattato, include due contributi tra loro sostituito τόνος al più appropriato ἁρμονία, opposti e complementari. Nel primo, Ma­ o che lo stesso compilatore del trattato ria C(annatà) F(era) (pp. 191-206) passa abbia compiuto questa operazione. in rassegna i vari argomenti stilistici e Massimo R(affa) (pp. 165-176) rico­ lin­guistici addotti contro la paternità plu­ struisce il background filosofico e culturale tarchea del trattato (in particolare da B. del cap. 40 del dialogo pseudoplutarcheo, Weissenberger), escludendo tra questi dov’è riportata la famosa scena di Il. IX l’inosser­vanza dello iato, e aggiunge nuovi 186-189 (Achille canta sulla cetra le ge­ ele­menti – contenutistici, lessicali, stilistici – sta eroiche) per mostrare l’utilità della a supporto della non autencità. A conclusione della serrata analisi, la C.F. ritiene probabile mu­sica nel lenire l’ira e nel temprare che il De musica sia un’opera pseudepigrafa (πα­ραθήγειν, lett. ‘affilare’) l’animo. databile­ al III sec. d.C., confluita­ nel corpus Quest’ultima espressione, in particolare, plutarcheo­ per un’erronea attribuzione (for­ pare riconducibile, sulla base di Sen. Tr. se di Massimo Planude, come proponeva 834s., ad una trattazione aristotelica, o U. Wilamowitz von Moellendorff), favorita comunque peripatetica, sull’ira. Al pe­ dall’aneddoto iniziale relativo al generale rio­do imperiale riconduce invece la pre­ Focione­ (per cui cf. Plut. Foc. 29). sen­tazione del centauro Chirone come Gennaro D’I(ppolito) (pp. 207-225), maestro di musica di Achille e come em­ invece, difende l’autenticità del De mu­ blema di un sapere ‘enciclopedico’, in­ sica, ritenendolo un trattato in forma clu­sivo di medicina e giustizia: R. pone dialogica lasciato incompiuto da Plutarco, questa figura in connessione con il dibattito ormai in tarda età, e pubblicato postumo sull’enkyklios paideia e ritiene «che la linea da un editore. A tale conclusione D’I. Chirone-Achille potesse ben trovare posto per­­­viene dopo una pars destruens in cui nell’opera di Dionigi il Musico, spesso in­ pone in rilievo la «precarietà» (p. 208) dei dicato, dal Lasserre in poi, tra le fonti del tradizionali criteri utilizzati per stabilire il nostro compilatore» (p. 173). carattere pseudepigrafo di un’opera e rie­ Paolo Emilio Carapezza (pp. 177-188), samina gli argomenti del Weissenberger, ed una pars costruens, in cui enuclea alcuni cui già si deve un tentativo di musicazione elementi sintattici e tematico-concettuali a degli Inni delfici d’età ellenistica­ (DAGM 4 favore del carattere plutarcheo dello scritto; 20-21) , propone un’analisi della loro par­ «la caratte­ ­ri­sti­ca più squisitamente plu­ ti­tura come composizioni basate su un tarchiana» è ravvisata «nell’avere eletto prin­cipio di variazione ritmica e armonica a fonte principale Aristosseno» (p. 219), che risponde al concetto aristossenico di mo­dello del Plutarco biografo e per lo più ‘appro­priatezza’, così com’è enunciato in ideologicamente affine al pensiero plu­ [Plut.] Mus. 33, 1143a-c. tarcheo sulla musica5.

4 P.E. C., Antiche Musiche Elleniche, Perugia, 1997. 5 A proposito dell’affermazione di p. 220, secondo cui «l’autore del De musica, da nessuno […] meglio rappresentato che da Plutarco, difende ad oltranza il suo filosofo amato [i.e. Platone] esibendo importanti prove della sua profonda competenza in campo musicale (cfr. soprattutto 17, 1136e-f)», mette il conto di richiamare la nuova interpretazione del brano del De musica (= Aristox.

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L’ultima sezione è aperta dallo studio di invece, si coglie in particolare «l’attenzione Angelo M(eriani) (pp. 229-258) sulle fon­ rivolta all’orecchio, all’ascolto e al confronto­ ti manoscritte che furono alla base della con le musiche eseguite al suo tempo» (p. traduzione latina del De musica compiuta da 270), non disgiunta dalla «consapevolezza­ Carlo Valguglio (1507): questa appare basata di una forte discontinuità tra i suoni del sulla famiglia dei codd. vqs – in particolare su passato e quelli del presente» (p. 269). v, il ms. Vind. phil. gr. 176, per cui si fornisce Paola Volpe Cacciatore (pp. 273-279) una nuova datazione alla prima metà del XV si concentra sul ruolo del De musica nella sec., suggerita privatamente da Giuseppe De cultura italiana del XVIII secolo, con par­ Gregorio – probabilmente consultati negli ticolare attenzione per i riferimenti (espliciti anni Settanta del Quattrocento, durante i o meno) al trattato nello scambio epistolare soggiorni nell’area toscana (qs) e in quella tra Pietro Metastasio e Saverio Mattei sul veneta­ (v). Dalla traduzione si ricava peraltro tema dei vizi e delle virtù della musica che Valguglio dovette procedere talora a antica e di quella moderna: al secondo, sanare alcuni punti del testo greco ope inge­­ che idealizza la musica greca anti­ca­ e la nii: «alcune congetture, comunemente accolte contrappone alla decaduta musica­ con­ dagli editori e registrate negli apparati correnti temporanea, il poeta risponde riven­ dicando­ sotto altro nome, vanno in effetti assegnate a l’importanza del gusto estetico. lui». Di ciò non si potrà non tenere conto in Il contributo conclusivo, firmato da Diana una futura edizione del De musica. De Bartolo (pp. 281-287), non si focalizza Con l’intervento successivo il focus su un particolare periodo, ma propone un si sposta su una fase immediatamente rapido excursus sulla fortuna moderna del successiva della fortuna del trattato: la Roma trattato, con maggiore attenzione per il pe­ della seconda metà de Cinquecento, animata riodo umanistico-rinascimentale. Dato il ca­ dalle ricerche storico-musicali di Girolamo rattere generale della trattazione, l’articolo Mei (pp. 259-271). Donatella Restani, che meritava­ forse di comparire all’inizio della ha fornito già vari contributi sul Mei6, si sezione, a mo’ di introduzione. dedica ora a cinque missive composte tra Al termine di questa rassegna, tra i 1551 e 1572 e indirizzate a Pier Vettori e a tanti punti degni di interesse, meritano di Vincenzo Galilei. Nella corrispondenza con esserne richiamati almeno alcuni, comuni il primo emerge, tra l’altro, una notevole a più contributi, che delineano precise ten­ prudenza metodologica, soprattutto quando denze nell’approccio al De musica rispetto è un brano di poesia comica a fornire notizie al problema delle fonti e del loro impiego. sulla musica antica; nella lettera al secondo, (1) Aristosseno si conferma come una

fr. 82 Wehrli2) proposta da A. Barker (“Did Aristoxenus write musical history”, in C.A. Huffman [ed.], Aristoxenus of Tarentum: Discussion, New Brunswick, NJ 2012, pp. 1-27: 16s.; “Aristoxenus and the Early Academy”, ibid., pp. 297-324: 299-301). Lo studioso attribuisce alla citazione da Aristosseno l’intera espressione οὐ μὰ Δί’ ἀγνοήσας, che ricorre in forme analoghe (οὐ δι’ ἄγνοιαν) anche in altri frammenti del Tarentino, e conclude pertanto che la difesa di Platone dall’accusa di ignoranza in materia musicale è dello stesso Aristosseno. 6 D. R., L’itinerario di Girolamo Mei dalla “Poetica” alla musica, Firenze 1990; “Girolamo Mei et l’héritage de la dramaturgie antique dans la culture musicale de la seconde moitié di 16e siècle”, in F. Decroisette-F. Graziani-J.Heuillon (edd.), La naissance de l’opéra: Euridice 1600-2000, Paris 2001, 57-96; “Girolamo Mei”, in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani (DBI), LXXIII (2009) 207-211.

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 83-88 ISSN 0258-655X 88 Book Reviews fonte importante e ampiamente sfruttata, codici dell’edizione planudea dei Moralia. soprattutto­­ nella seconda parte del trattato, Si tratta di tre aspetti che dovranno essere ma tale fruizione è ora meglio preci­ sata:­ tenuti nella debita consi­ ­derazione da chi accanto­ ad un impiego diretto appare ne­ vorrà in futuro affrontare il problema. cessario postulare anche un utilizzo media­ to­ La fortuna moderna dell’opera ne degli scritti aristossenici o un loro possibile­ con­ferma l’importanza come fonte sulla rimaneggiamento da parte del compi­ la­ tore­ musica greca antica, riconosciuta già a del De musica, ciò che permette di dare­ partire dal XV secolo: ne sono prova la conto­ di certe incongruenze lessicali e con­ traduzione di Carlo Valgulio e le lettere cettuali in alcuni passi che pure riflettono di Girolamo Mei, Saverio Mattei e Pietro l’impostazione del Tarentino. (2) Ad un’età Metastasio esaminate nella quarta sezione. prossima al compilatore riconducono alcuni Della traduzione di Valgulio, che un ruolo temi­ che sembrano risentire dei dibattiti cul­ importante ebbe nella ricezione moderna turali­ in atto nella prima età imperiale­ (ad es. del trattato, si mostra ora il carattere di l’interesse per le sezioni psicologico-mate­ ­ operazione filologica in piena regola, matiche del Timeo nel Medio Plato­­ni­smo; con interventi ope ingenii condotti su un la discussione sull’enkyklios paideia, sim­ testimone della famiglia qsv (probabilmente boleggiata dalla figura di Chirone): questo v). Dei codici appartenenti a questa famiglia contri­ bui­ sce­ ad ancorare l’opera – o per lo occorre segnalare le nuove acquisizioni in meno le sue fonti prossime – ad un rico­ ­ materia di datazione. Queste consentono di noscibile milieu culturale. (3) Per quanto confermare e precisare lo stemma codicum concerne,­ all’opposto, le fonti più antiche (in ricostruito da B. Einarson e P.H. De Lacy. part. Glauco di Reggio e Aristosseno), si se­ In conclusione, il volume rappresenta gnala­ il loro rapporto diretto con la musica un significativo contributo allo studio di greca­ antica, incluse le composizioni attribuite un’opera complessa qual’è il De musica: oltre ai più antichi μελοποιοί (Olimpo, Terpandro): a fornire apporti originali e talora risolutivi, varie­ osservazioni sui differenti stili musicali essa dischiude nuove, promettenti prospettive sarebbero­ state impossibili senza l’ef­fettivo di indagine e rilancia il dibattito su vari aspetti ascolto­ delle melodie, dato il carattere lar­ga­ controversi. Potranno giovarsene non solo­ gli mente manchevole della semiografia greca studiosi della melica e della musica greca­ lamentato­ da Aristosseno. Questo conferma antica e quelli di Plutarco, ma anche gli stu­ una volta di più l’importanza del trattato nel diosi della Commedia Antica (Ferecrate) e ricostruire­ la storia della melica greca arcaica dell’estetica musicale moderna. e classica e nel fornire notizie non altrimenti­ Marco Ercoles recuperabili­ sui suoi principali rappresentanti. Università di Bologna Necessariamente aperta resta la questio­ [email protected] ne della paternità, su cui si soffermano Carlos Alcalde Martín - Luísa de Na­ i due lavori della terza sezione, utili per zaré Ferreira (eds.), O sábio e a imagem.­ ricchezza di documentazione e per le Estudos­ sobre Plutarco e a arte, Coim­bra istruttive­ riflessioni metodologiche. Al di University­­ Press, 2014, 194 pp. [ISBN: là delle divergenze, entrambi riconoscono 978-989-26-0933-1. ISBN Digital: 978- la fallacità del criterio stilistico dello iato e il carattere incompiuto del De musica 989-26-0934-8]. e, d’altra parte, assegnano un certo peso Il volume intitolato O sábio e a imagem. al fatto che l’opera è trasmessa solo dai Estudos­ sobre Plutarco e a arte, edito da

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Carlos Alcalde Martín (Universidad de Má­ da Polyeuktos quale segno dell’evoluzione laga) e Luísa de Nazaré Ferreira (Univer­ della scultura verso il realismo psicologico e sidade­ de Coimbra) e pubblicato con il co­ quale prova dell’onestà dello statista, soste­ ordinamento­ scientifico del CECH (Centro nuta­ dal Cheronese malgrado le accuse dei de Estudos Clássicos e Humanísticos) e suoi contemporanei. la supervisione editoriale dell’Imprensa Lo studio di A. Pérez Jiménez analizza dell’Università­ di Coimbra, è uno Estudo l’in­teresse di Plutarco verso le monete gre­ Monográfico­­ concepito all’interno della Sé­ che, romane e persiane quale frutto di am­ rie Humanitas Supplementum, collana di­ mirazione e curiosità nei confronti di valori retta per la Annablume da D. Ferreira Leão e tipi monetari e della attitudine umana (Universidade­­ de Coimbra) che offre svariati rispetto al denaro. Nel dettaglio, l’autore temi­­ e prospettive di approccio agli studi esa­mina, in maniera sistematica e con il classici e alla loro proiezione nel Medioevo, suppor­to di una cospicua bibliografia, alcuni nel Rinascimento e nell’età moderna. passaggi di Vite e Moralia dove Plutarco Il lavoro, strutturato in due sezioni, di ado­pera l’iconografia della monetazione cui una dedicata al corpus plutarcheo quale gre­ca e romana come punto di partenza fonte per lo studio di arte ed iconografia (in per interpretare episodi mitici o come ele­ particolare scultura, pittura e numismatica) men­to dal valore estetico e metaforico al e l’altra incentrata sulla ricezione nell’arte fi­ne di caratterizzare la condotta politica occidentale (soprattutto pittura, arazzi e ci­ e morale dei personaggi di volta in volta nema) della Vita di Alessandro, presenta i chia­mati in causa. Come dimostrato dallo contributi di sette studiosi spagnoli e por­ stu­dioso, le fonti numismatiche plutarchee toghesi afferenti alle università di Malaga posso­no aver contribuito alla redazione e Coimbra, preceduti dalla presen­ta­zione di alcuni passi delle Vite, hanno riscontro «Le sage et l’image» di S. Saïd (Columbia nella realtà dell’epoca e sono utili come University). fon­damento per riflessioni di carattere eti­ Il lavoro iniziale, ad opera di J. Ribeiro co, per spiegare le basi reali di leggende Ferreira, fornita una lista di passaggi plutar­ ­ e miti, giustificare gli intenti civilizzatori chei consacrati all’architettura, alle arti de­ dei governanti e come ispirazione per la corative,­ alla pittura del V e IV secolo a.C. se­lezione tematica e letteraria operata e alla scultura, passa ad analizzare quattro dal biografo. Il testo di Pérez Jiménez, opere­ d’arte perdute o note soltanto tramite inoltre, presenta una nutrita appendice delle copie romane. In particolare, l’autore ico­nografica di monete (greche, romane e considera­ le esatte proporzioni del canone di persiane riconducibili a varie epoche, dal Policleto­ applicate al “Doriforo” in parallelo VI sec. a.C. all’epoca tardo-repubblicana) con l’elogio plutarcheo di un’arte fondata che offre riscontro visivo ad un lavoro ori­ su perfette corrispondenze matematiche e ginale e di notevole impegno esegetico. l’esaltazione di una bellezza che trae ori­ Il contributo di C. Alcalde Martín, tra­ gine­ da numeri, symmetria, harmonia e mi­te una puntuale disamina teorica ed un kai­ros. Poi Ribeiro Ferreira commenta tre vo­luminoso ricorso a passi esemplificativi, passaggi dove Plutarco descrive due opere discute l’attitudine di Plutarco e dei suoi dello scultore Silanione, sottolineando in eroi nei confronti delle arti plastiche, con­ particolare­ l’ammirazione ed il piacere statando come il Cheronese, pur rico­ ­ suscitato nello spettatore dalla “Giocasta noscendo priorità assoluta d’importanza morente”, e ricorda il “Demostene” scolpito alla virtù degli uomini di stato, attribuisca

Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 88-91 ISSN 0258-655X 90 Book Reviews gran valore al culto delle Muse e delle arti La seconda sezione del volume si apre e ad una buona conoscenza di artisti, opere con il contributo di P. Simões Rodrigues e e tecniche esecutive. Il corpus plutarcheo P. Delayti Telles che analizza la funzione è ricco di riferimenti ad aspetti o dettagli ico­nica­ delle rappresentazioni di Alessandro delle arti come degno termine di paragone di Macedonia nelle arti visive tra i secoli con l’attività del biografo e subordinati XV e XVIII, al fine di mostrare come la fi­ alle finalità del contesto di inserimento per gura­ del Macedone avesse personificato le cui sono selezionati. E proprio la raffinata qualità­ attribuite dalla letteratura politica di sen­sibilità plutarchea denota una grande fine­ Medioevo al monarca ideale. Per tale cultura artistica ed una notevole capacità motivo­ gli aneddoti della vita di Alessandro di adattare criteri e conoscenze a situazioni Magno­ narrati nelle Vite plutarchee e da al­ diffe­renti, tenendosi sempre in consonanza tri autori antichi sono diventati ricorrenti con la natura del suo discorso. nelle pitture e negli arazzi con il chiaro fi­ Il lavoro di M. González González, ne propagandistico dell’affermazione del par­tendo da alcuni passi della Vita di So­ potere regale. Partendo dall’opera di Aldöfer­ lo­ne, della Vita di Temistocle e della Vita di e Bazzi, passando per i dipinti di Trevisan­ Focione riconducibili a tre epoche piutto­ e Solimena, e giungendo fino ai capolavori­ sto differenti, individua e sviluppa delle di Le Brun, gli autori sostengono la tesi di in­formazioni interessanti per lo studio Kantorowicz secondo cui il corpo­ politico dell’arte funeraria nella Grecia antica tra il del sovrano, soggetto ad idealizza­ zione­ quale VI ed il IV sec. a. C., proponendo idee utili estensione simbolica della presenza del cir­ca i monumenti cui i Greci tributarono monarca, trascende il deterioramento fisico maggiore prestigio ed importanza. Proprio ed umano per raggiungere una dimensione alcune affermazioni di Plutarco ed il con­ spirituale ed immortale. testo storico e legislativo degli episodi Lo studio di L. de Nazaré Ferreira, ri­ menzionati contribuiscono a tracciare un conoscendo­­­ Plutarco come una delle fon­ qua­dro dei momenti cruciali dello sviluppo ti principali della cultura letteraria ed ar­ dell’archeologia­ funeraria nell’Attica se­ tistica occidentale, intende descrivere alcu­ ni­ gnati dalle legislazioni di Solone e Deme­ ­ temi popolari nell’arte degli arazzi ispirati­ trio Falereo al fine di approfondire lo studio all’opera del Cheronese. Esaminati i motivi e dell’antichità sotto molteplici profili di la trasposizione in cartoni per arazzi del ciclo osservazione­ ed elaborando una sintesi tra i pittorico consacrato ad Alessandro Magno da cam­pi di indagine di storia, arte e religione Charles Le Brun, l’autrice­ si sofferma sugli nel segno della discussione morale. In arazzi della Storia­ di Alessandro Magno particolare, la vicenda del costoso me­ conservati nel Museo­­ di Lamego (alcuni mo­riale fatto erigere da Arpalo per l’etera sono­ raffigurati in appendice al testo) con Pi­tonice (Phoc. 22, 1, 2), considerata in l’obiettivo di scandagliare­­ i temi iconografici parallelo con il monumento dedicato alla selezionati­ e l’influenza delle fonti classiche cor­tigiana Frine (De Pyth. orac. 401AB e sull’opera. In particolare, il trattamento delle De Alex. fort. aut virt. 336CD) esemplifica espressioni­ dei personaggi, della profondità una critica plutarchea volta a bersagliare dei piani­ e delle varietà cromatiche in rap­ l’eccesso suntuario, e non soltanto il de­ porto con i modelli originali ed in parallelo grado morale dei personaggi in oggetto. con gli arazzi realizzati dai tessitori delle

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 88-91 Book Reviews 91 presti­ giose­­ manifatture francesi di Aubusson­ e interamente permeata­ di utili riferimenti al testimoniano­ indubbia creatività operativa­ campo della letteratura e delle arti, rappresenta e lo sviluppo della figura di Alessandro in un sedu­ cente­ trait d’union tra gli studi classici una proiezione grandiosa, in un’epoca in cui ed il complesso e variegato mondo dell’arte e l’assolutismo­ europeo desiderava identificarsi delle raffigurazioni visive, nel segno di Plu­ nel Macedone anche grazie ad una entusiasta tarco e sotto una prospettiva d’indagine mo­ ricezione dell’opera di Plutarco. derna ed accattivante. Il saggio conclusivo del volume, ad opera­ Fabio Tanga di N. Simões Rodrigues, affronta la rappre­ sentazione della sessualità di Alessandro­ Università degli Studi di Salerno Magno nel cinema, in partico­ lare­ nei film di Rossen e di Stone, mostrando come le pellicole analizzate non prescindano da ele­ New Collective Publications menti narrati nella Vita di Alessandro e nelle (2014-2015) altre fonti antiche ed adattino le trame al gusto ed agli interessi dell’epoca di produzione dei This section notifies immediately Plu­ film in questione. Analizzando il ruolo delle tar­chists the content of recent collective figure­ femminili nella Vita di Alessandro, works, the review of which should consist of l’autore­ traccia un profilo dei personaggi summaries of each contribution and would maschili­ e delle relazioni erotico-amorose only anticipate and make useless their later del generale macedone, notando come le review in the Bibliography section. passioni­ del condottiero, inizialmente un te­ I. Acts of International Congresses ma minore nelle biografie antiche, siano poi divenute­ di grande interesse per le letture P. Volpe Cacciatore (a cura di), Lan­ moderne­ della figura di Alessandro Magno, guaggi e Retorica. Atti del XII Convegno­ ricevendo rappresentazioni cinematografiche della International Plutarch Society Se­ molteplici che si differenziano soprattutto in zione­ Italiana, Strumenti per la Ricerca relazione al gusto e alle tendenze del pubbli­ Plu­­tarchea X, M. d’Auria Editore, 2014, co contemporaneo. ISBN 978-88-7092-358-2, 156 pp. Il volume, caratterizzato da grande va­ Le volume, offert à la mémoire du maî­tre rietà di questioni e di metodi e corredato da de Paola Volpe, Antony Garzya, dont elle copiosa bibliografia, testimonia la livita­ tà­ trace en ouverture un vivant portrait, pré­ degli studi plutarchei nella penisola iberica,­ sente l’étude précise de quelques Moralia. mettendo in luce nel dettaglio l’evolu­ zione­ S. Audano, La rettorica dell’in­de­ter­mi­ delle ricerche sulla fortuna del mondo­ antico, nazione:­ spunti per una lettura della Con­so­ calibrate sempre più verso la trasformazione latio ad Apollonium. delle fonti classiche in funzione­ del pubblico A. Caramico, “O machinatrix lynce destinatario e realizzate­ da specialisti di le­­ versi­pellior”: la traduzione latina di Xylan­ ­ vatura interna­ zionale­ ben avvezzi allo scan­ der del fr. tr. Adesp. 349 S.-K. (Plut., de aud. daglio dell’iconografia e delle arti nella lette­ Poet. 16D 8-9). ratura, pur nella complessità­ dell’utilizzo e del E. Gritti, Come vela al vento: echi lette­ contesto di volta in volta affrontato. Questa­ rari e filosofici in alcune immagini dell’anima raccolta di studi, gravida­ di spunti interessanti­ nei Moralia de Plutarco.

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A. M. Milazzo, Osservazioni esegetiche Natural Phenomena and the Journey to e testuali ai Moralia di Plutarco. Metaphysical Knowledge (pp. 57-71). L. Miletti, Il De laude ipsius di Plutarco II - Physical Aetiology and Exegesis e la teoria “classica” dell’autoelogio. A. Casanova, Are Women Colder or S. Postiglione, La struttura dialogica Hotter than Men? (Quaest. conv. 3,4) (pp. nel Non posse suaviter vivi secundum Epi­ 75-85). cu­rum: ruoli e funzione dei personaggi. P. Volpe Cacciatore, Plutarch and the A. Roselli, Un’ imbarcazione agile e Commentary on the Phaenomena of Aratus leg­gera. Plut. De tuenda sanitate e il regime (pp. 87-97). sa­lutare per uomini politici e intellettuali. A. Setaioli, The Moon as Agent of II. Collective books and Decay (Plut., Quaest. conv. 3,10; Macr., Collections of articles Sat. 7,16,15-34) (pp. 99-111). F. Tanga, Some Notes on Plutarch’s M. Meeusen & L. Van der Stockt Quaestiones naturales (pp. 113-138). (eds.), Natural Spectaculars. Aspects of Plu­ tarch’s Philosophy of Nature, Plutarchea­ M. Meeusen, Plutarch Solving Natural Hypomnemata,­ Leuven University Press, Problems: For What Cause? (The Case of 2015, ISBN 978-94-6270-043-7, 253 pp. Quaest. nat. 29,919AB) (pp. 139-142). Ce volume réunit 14 travaux des mem­ III - Man’s Place in the Cosmos bres du Réseau Thématique Plutarque (Red L. Lesage Gárriga, The Light of the Temática­ Plutarco), dont certains ont été Moon: An Active Participant on the Battlefield présentés­ au Séminaire de Leuven (2013). Le in Plutarch’s Parallel Lives (pp. 145-153). thème proposé, en relation avec un projet de recherche­ sur les Quaestiones naturales du A. Ferreira, The Power of Nature and Chéronéen­ en cours à l’Université de Leu­ Its Influence on Statesmen in the Work of ven, concernait les aspects essentiels de la Plutarch (pp. 155-163). philosophie naturelle de Plutarque. Après I. Muñoz Gallarte, Chasing Butterflies: une introduction des éditeurs, la matière se The Conception of the Soul in Plutarch’s distribue en quatre rubriques : Physique et Works (pp. 167-178). métaphysique, Étiologie et exégè­ se­ physique, L. Roig Lanzillotta, Plutarch’s An­ La place de l’homme dans le cosmos, Tech­ni­ thro­pology and Its Influence on His Cosmo­ que littéraire et Style. L’ensemble­ est complété lo­gical Framework (pp. 179-195). par un index nominum et rerum. ompositional echnique and tyle Introduction IV - C T S emulder M. Meeusen - L. Van der Stockt, B. D , From Chaos to Cosmos Introducing Plutarch’s Natural Philosophy (and Back Again). Plato’s Timaeus and the (pp. 11-25). Com­position of De animae procreatione and De facie in orbe lunae (pp. 199-214). I - Physics and Metaphysics A. Pérez-Jiménez, Plutarch and Trans­ J. Opsomer, Plutarch and the Geometry gressions of Nature: Stylistic Analysis of De of the Elements (pp. 29-55). facie­ in orbe lunae 926C-D (pp. 215-226). S. Sherksma-Agteres, ‘Say Goodbye D. Ferreira Leão, Plutarch on Solon’s to Opinions!’ Plutarch’s Philosophy of Sim­plicity Concerning Natural Philosophy:

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Sol. 3,6-7 and Frs. 9 and 12 West (pp. 227- Am­monios, trouve là sa manière propre de 238). descendre dans la caverne (p. 10) et sou­ Index Nominum et Rerum lignant que les Romains et les Grecs ne sont jamais confondus, mais que les usa­ Index Nominum et Rerum (pp. 241-253). ges romains sont également respectés (p. *** 11). Les pages suivantes reviennent sur l’évo­lu­tion des études plutarquiennes P. A. Stadter, Plutarch and his Roman depuis le premier­ ouvrage de P.A.S. sur le Readers, Oxford University Press, 2015, Mulierum Vir­tutes en 1965 et à cette lumière, ISBN 978-0-19-871833-8, 594 pp. justifie la réunion­ en un volume des papiers consacrés aux relations de Plutarque avec L’introduction lie l’itinéraire du savant ses amis ro­mains et à la rédaction des Vies, lui-même et la “route” que constituent les et aussi la di­versité des angles d’approche ar­ticles (p. 1): “This book raises from my adoptés. La Première­ Partie est consacrée attempts over the years to understand the aux “mondes” de Plutarque et explore la charm and power of these biographies”. Il tension entre ses amitiés­ romaines et le s’agit alors de comprendre les raisons de pouvoir politique et mili­­taire de Rome. leur rédaction, leur cadre social, les desti­ na­taires et le projet de l’auteur, de prendre Le premier chapitre, inédit, tient compte en compte aussi la particularité de chaque des livres récents consacrés à la Rome Vie, les questions propres posées par cha­ des Flaviens et affine les résultats ob­ cu­ne —point extrêmement important aussi tenus dans l’étude suivante (de 2002). La aux yeux de la spécialiste de littérature ré­ Deuxiè­me Partie concerne les recherches dactrice de ce compte rendu. Cette dé­mar­ de Plutarque sur l’histoire romaine et tâche che s’est traduite par une longue série de de replacer sa démarche, ressemblances travaux, réunis ici thématiquement et non et différences, dans l’esprit de l’époque de pas chronologiquement. P. A. S. rappelle Tra­jan. La Troisième Partie se concentre d’abord le cadre historique, le renou­ ­veau da­vantage sur les Vies Parallèles elles-mê­ connu sous le nom de “Seconde Sophis­­ mes et les modèles qu’elles proposent, dé­ tique” et compare les carrières de Dion bou­chant sur l’hypothèse, séduisante, mais Chrysostome et de Plutarque, pour con­ en­core à éprouver, que “Plutarch, as his clure que, en dépit des engagements diffé­ bio­graphical project unfolded, began to see rents et de l’apparence première, Plutarque nu­merous links, not only between parallels “was arguably the age’s most articulate po­ pairs, his original conception, but back and li­tical philosopher” (p. 5). Une autre com­ forth across many pairs, creating a more paraison, avec Tacite et Pline, plus soucieux uni­fied vision of the combined Greco-Roman d’une influence directe sur le pouvoir ro­ histo­rical panorama that had preceded his main, met en garde sur la réduction des own time, and could provide lessons for it” vues de Plutarque au seul cadre local : (p. 16). Enfin la dernière partie aborde quel­ “Plu­tarch’s vision was broad enough to ques aspects de la réception et débouche in­clude both local affairs and those at a sur la question fondamentale : “Should we higher level” (p. 8). Il écrit donc aussi pour Imi­ta­te Plutarch’s Heroes ?” (2001, version ses amis romains, sur lesquels P.A.S. revient­ ori­gi­nale en italien, traduite). ensuite (pp. 8-9), avant de s’attarder sur les L’ensemble est complété par une riche conseils donnés à l’élite dirigeante, suggé­ bi­bliographie (pp. 341-367) et quatre in­ rant que le platonicien qu’est Plutarque, in­ dices très utiles (passages de Plutarque; fluen­cé aussi par l’exemple de son maître passages d’autres auteurs; noms; thèmes).

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Part I Two Worlds -or One? 13. Plutarch’s Alexandria. 1. Friends or Patrons? (inédit). 14. The Philosopher’s Ambition: Plu­ 2. Plutarch’s Lives and Their Roman tarch, Arrian, and Marcus Aurelius. Readers. Part III Statesmen as Models and Warnings­ 3. Revisiting Plutarch’s Lives of the 15. Plutarch’s Lives: The Statesman as Caesars. Mo­ral Actor. 4. Plutarch: Diplomat for Delphi? 16. The Rhetoric of Virtue in Plutarch’s 5. Plutarch and Apollo of Delphi. Li­ves. 6. Drinking, Table Talk, and Plutarch’s 17. Paidagôgia pros to theon: Plutarch’s Con­temporaries. Numa. 7. Leading the Party, Leading the City: The 18. Paradoxical Paradigms: Plutarch’s Symposiarch as politikos. Ly­sander and Sylla. Part II Writing for Romans 19. Competition and its Costs: Φιλο­νι­ 8. Before Pen Touched Paper: Plutarch’s κία in Plutarch’s Society. Pre­pa­rations for the Parallel Lives. 20. Parallels in Three Dimensions. 9. Plutarch’s Latin Reading: Cicero’s Lu­cullus and Horace’s Epistle 1.6. Part IV Post-Classical Reception 10. Plutarchan Prosopography: The Cur­ 21. Cato the Younger in the English En­ sus honorum. lightenment: Addison’s Rewriting of Plutarch.­ 11. Plutarch and Trajanic Ideology. 22. Alexander Hamilton’s Notes on Plu­ tarch in His Paybook. 12. The Justice of Trajan in Pliny Epistles 10 and Plutarch. 23. Should we Imitate Plutarch’s Heroes?

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 91-94 BIBLIOGRAPHY SECTION

ARTICLES

AN ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY 2011

Stefano Amendola - Serena Citro - Mariella De Simone - Françoise Frazier - Angelo Giavatto - Rainer Hirsch-Luipold - Delfim Leão - Vicente Ramon Palerm - Thomas Schmidt - Fabio Tanga - Frances B. Titchener - Maria Vamvouri - Ana Vicente - Paola Volpe

VOLUMES REVIEWED IN THIS SECTION ABBREVIATIONS

• X. Brouillette & A. Giavatto (éds), Les dialogues platoniciens chez Plutarque. Stratégies et méthodes exégétiques, Leuven Univ. Press, 2011 —quoted Dialogues platoniciens [compte rendu d’ensemble in Ploutarchos n.s. 9 (2011/2012) 92-93]. • J. Candau Morón, F. González Ponce & A. Chávez Reino (eds), Plutarco transmisor. Actas del X simposio internacional de la sociedad española de Plutarquistas, Sevilla, 2011 —quoted Transmisor. • F. Klotz & K. Oikonomopoulou (eds), The Philosopher’s Banquet. Plutarch’s Table Talks in the Intellectual Culture of the Roman Empire, Oxford University Press, 2011 —quoted Banquet. • G. Roskam & L. Van der Stockt (eds), Virtues for the People. Aspects of Plutarchan Ethics, Leuven University Press, 2011 — quoted Virtues.

argues that a paradox exists between, R. Ma Aguilar, «Banquetes sin filantro­ on the one hand, the conversation among pia: a proposito de De genio Socratis the conspirators about the nature of the 594A ss.», Ploutarchos n. s. 9 (2011/ Socratic “daemon”, which by its subject 2012) 3-14. and the characteristics of the speakers The paper deals to a certain extent with could be considered a real “symposion”, the formal structure of the dialogue and and, on the other, the so-called “sympo­ Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 95-130 ISSN 0258-655X 96 Bibliography Section

sion”, which gathers Archias, Philip dall’ uma­­nista. Attraverso l’analisi and the other Spartans, who are only della tradizione­­ a stampa del trattato, preocuppied with women and wine. nella quale­ viene ora inserita anche la (Published abstract sligthly shortened) peri­co­pe erasmiana, si evidenzia come R. Ma Aguilar, «La mujer de Alcibíades» al­­­cu­ni interventi testuali moderni sul in A. Pérez Jiménez & I. Calero Secall tes­­­to plutarcheo si poggino in maniera (eds.), Δῶρον Μνημο­ σύνης.­ Miscelánea più o meno dichiarata sul lavoro inter­ ­ de Estudios Ofre­cidos a Mª Ángeles pre­tativo svolto dai dotti umanisti, i Durán López, Zara­ goza,­ Libros Pórtico, qua­li per primi hanno avvertito le diffi­ 2011, 31-38. coltà testuali del passo, provando ad La profesora Aguilar, atendiendo a las affrontarle e superarle con i loro sforzi dis­tintas propuestas de Lefkowitz y Po­ ese­getici. (M.D.S.) me­roy, efectúa una revisión sumaria I. Arrayás-Morales, « Destruction et del papel­ que la mujer ateniense de restau­ration d’une ville pontique épo­ca clá­sica desempeña en su vida pen­dant les guerres mithridatiques: pri­vada; e incide en el pormenor que le cas d’Ami­sos (Plut., Luc., XIX) », Plutarco re­fie­re (Alc. 8.6) sobre Hi­pá­ REA 113 (2011) 431-446. re­ta, la mujer de Alcibíades. Se trata L’article se présente comme une tentative de una mujer que exhibe­ una valentía de reconstitution des faits (siège, impact or­gullosa: no obstante la conducta­ di­ des ravages subis par la ville et de la solu­ ta­ de su marido, reclama el divorcio pression économique exercée par l’ar­ en comparecencia personal ante­ el ma­ mée romaine, puis renaissance et réor­ gistrado.­ El episodio cuenta con dos as­ ga­nisation territoriale) dans le cadre pectos de relevancia singular. En efecto,­ d’un projet de recherche soutenu par merced a Plutarco conocemos el nombre la Fondation Guggenheim “Horrors of de la esposa de Alcibíades; y se trata del War during the Roman Expansion to the único caso testimoniado en época­­ clásica Helle­nistic World”. I.A-M. s’attache en donde consta la solicitud de divor­ ­cio sin particulier à la clementia et aux diffi­ mediación de un varón. (V.R., A.V.) cul­tés de l’imperator pour l’imposer à S. Amendola, «I giardini di Adone: Plu. ses troupes. Plutarque n’y est qu’une Ser. num. 560 b-c ed Erasm. Adag. I, sour­ce parmi d’autres. (F.F.) 1, 4», PhilolAnt 4 (2011) 123-131. Il saggio esamina nella sua totale artico­ L. Ballesteros Pastor, «El relato sobre lazione l’interpretamentum che Erasmo Hip­si­cratea (Pomp. 32.7-8) y la ima­ da Rotterdam compila per l’adagio­ gen de Mitrídates en Plutarco », in I 1,4 il cui lemma è Adonidis horti. Per Trans­misor, 113-122. ogni sezione del testo erasmiano vengo­ no­ La visión negativa que ofrece Plutarco individuate le possibili fonti classiche­ e so­bre Hipsicratea se corresponde con la cristiane, sottolineando il ruolo­ e il valore in­tención del queronenese por censurar, che l’umanista assegna a tali citazioni prosopográfica­ e históricamente, la fi­ una volta poste nel nuovo contesto degli gu­ra de Mitrídates, caracterizado como Adagia. In particolare, poi, ci si sofferma su ene­migo proverbial de los griegos. una pericope plutarchea tratto dal De sera (V.R., A.V.) numinis vindicta­ (dove­ compare appunto M. Beck, «Plutarch as a transmitter of l’espressione­ ‘giar­dini di Adone’), di cui space in the Lives», in Transmisor, Erasmo ri­porta­ sia il testo greco sia una 123-146. propria in­ter­pretazione latina, la quale M.B. tire de Bakhtin la notion de “chro­ viene ripensata­ e riformulata più volte no­topic perception” définie comme­ “an

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ideological perception; a way of com­ distinctions plus fines entre espace pre­hending human life as materially and na­turel, espace construit, espace po­ simultaneously present within a physical- li­tique, espace symbolique et surtout geographic space and a specific historical être attentif au jeu des espaces entre time” (132) pour l’appliquer à Plutarque. eux -ce qu’esquisse ici la constatation L’article procède à une sé­rie d’analyses de la complémentarité entre Romulus particulières. Nombre d’exem­ples et Numa, et qu’on voit aussi, comme correspondent à des lieux comprenant­ je crois l’avoir montré, dans la Vie un monument : ainsi pour Pé­ri­clès et d’Antoine, où Plutarque crée des oppo­ l’embellissement d’Athènes (en part. sitions symboliques entre Rome / Athè­ Per. 13, 1-2) ou le temple fondé­ par nes/ Alexandrie. (F.F.) Solon (Sol. 9,4), mais la topo­ ­gra­phie y J. Βeneker, «The crossing of the Ru­bi­ tient aussi une large place : ain­si avec con and the outbreak of civil war in les premiers rois romains, Ro­mulus et Cicero, Lu­can, Plutarch and Sue­to­ Numa, le premier donnant sens à la Rome nius», Phoe­nix 65 (2011) 74-99. contemporaine, tandis que le second This article considers three Rubicon symbolise l’établissement de limites, narratives from the early Empire, by Lu­ avec le temple du Dieu Terme. Suivent,­ can, Plutarch, and Suetonius, to argue dans l’ordre chronologique, l’Artémi­ ­ that the authors use Caesar’s crossing sion et le Pirée pour Thémistocle, les to raise historical and ethical questions aménagements de Cimon, Periclès et about the fall of the Republic. It also Samos, la remarque que Lysandre et considers Cicero’s response to Caesar’s Cimon s’ouvrent sur la description invasion, arguing that although Cicero d’un lieu. Alexandre, dont l’espace est did not discuss the Rubicon per se, his le monde, attache cependant assez peu assertion of the Republican ideal serves­ d’im­portance à l’espace des batailles et as a useful comparandum for the later c’est le ch. 14 qui y est surtout relevé Imperial­ narratives. Lucan makes­ an ar­ (anec­dotes de Diogène et de Delphes, gument­­ on essentially the same­ basis as illustrant son caractère). De ses imita­ Cicero,­ though it seems by Lucan’s time­ teurs n’est retenu qu’Antoine et la cam­ to represent an old-fashioned perspec­ ti­ ­ pagne parthique (en part. ch. 45). En ve on the Republic. By the early­ second con­clusion M.B. souligne, sur le plan century,­ Beneker ar­gues, the recollection mo­ral, l’importance du soutien des arts of Republican ideals at this moment of et d’une certaine forme de philanthropie crisis­ seems to have lost its appeal, so dans l’action que Plutarque assigne au that Plutarch narrates the crossing of the politique et, sur le plan littéraire, l’em­ Rubicon­ with philosophical detachment ploi des chronotopes comme reflets du and Suetonius did not feel compelled to ca­ractère et de l’action du héros. Les question­ its propriety, even as he turned der­nières lignes “While my discussion to Cicero himself for source material. (Pu­ of Plutarch’s use of space in the Lives blished Abstract, expanded by the author) is by no means exhaustive, it does show that descriptions and discussions of D. Bianconi, «Un altro Plutarco di Pla­ spa­ce, especially man-made space, is nu­de», Segno e testo. International a significant narratological component Journal of Manuscripts and Text of Plutarch’s biographical technique” Transmission 9 (2011) 113-130. in­vitent à développer la thématique. L’autore identifica per la prima volta la Il faudrait à mon sens, aller au-delà mano di Massimo Planude in diverse no­ du modèle de Bakhtine et établir des te marginali e interventi testuali presenti

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nel codice Laur. Plut. 69.6, il più antico cet article aura finalement paru trois ans tra i manoscritti che compongono après le grand commentaire du même la cosiddetta editio tripartita che ca­ au­teur à la Vie d’Artaxerxès, qu’il était ratterizza la tradizione delle Vite di cen­sé annoncer (C. Binder, Plutarchs Plutarco. I marginalia planudei in­di­vi­ Vita­ des Artaxerxes. Ein historischer dua­ti sul manoscritto realizzato nel 997 Kom­mentar, Berlin 2008). Il n’en de­ da Gregorio Kouboukleisios e utilizzato meure pas moins un complément utile poi agli inizi del Rinascimento dei Pa­ aux considérations de ce dernier sur leo­loghi da Niceforo Gregora, può les sources de Plutarque pour la Vie quin­di aggiungersi alle altre numerose d’Artaxerxès. L’auteur démontre que testimonianze­ sull’interesse del dotto Cté­sias constitue une source beaucoup bi­zantino per l’opera di Plutarco. (S.A.) moins importante que ce qui est gé­ N. Biffi, «L’ “imitatio Alexandri” di Lu­ né­ralement admis par la critique mo­ cullo: un’aggiuntiva», InvLuc 33 derne. Il le prouve à l’aide d’une série (2011) 7-11. d’exemples illustrant trois cas de figure : Il comandante romano Licinio Lucullo, les passages qui remontent clairement à che era subentrato a Silla nella guerra l’œuvre de Ctésias (avec des références contro­ Mitridate, aveva mostrato l’in­ explicites) ; ceux qui ne mentionnent tenzione di essere associato, per virtù­ pas Ctésias, mais qui peuvent lui être e gesta, ad Alessandro Magno. Disco­ ­ attribués ; ceux, enfin, qui ne sont très standosi­­­ in taluni casi dallo stu­dio di cer­tainement pas de Ctésias. De cette Ballesteros Pastor, il quale aveva­ esa­ ana­lyse détaillée, l’auteur conclut que minato­ alcune vicende in cui sembrava l’œu­vre de Ctésias n’est en aucun cas la che Lucullo avesse mani­ festamente­ imi­ sour­ce principale de Plutarque. Selon tato­ le imprese del Macedone,­ lo stu­dio­ lui, l’attribution de nombreux passages so analizza in par­ticolare un episodio reste incertaine et les contradictions de relativo­­ a Lucullo­ che le fonti, tra cui Plutarque avec ses propres sources in­ Plu­­tarco, ri­collegavano, con cenni espli­­ vi­tent à la plus grande prudence. (T. S.) citi o allusivamente,­ ad una cir­costanza­­ dram­matica riguardante Alessan­­­dro. M. B. Bittarello, «Otho, Elagabalus and Si tratta del ritiro di Lucullo dalla spe­ the Judgement of Paris: the literary­ dizione in Armenia a seguito dell’in­su­ construction of the unmanly em­ bor­dinazione dei soldati, evento­ che peror», DHA 37 (2011) 93-113. rie­vocava quanto era accaduto analo­­ ­ The paper compares the literary image ga­mente ad Alessandro nel corso della of Otho (in Suetonius, Tacitus, Plutarch, spe­dizione in India. Alla base degli­ and Cassius Dio) and Elagabalus (in scritti biografici e storici, in cui le due Herodian, Cassius Dio and the Vita fi­gu­re venivano velatamente o esplici­­ Heliogabali); this comparison is based ta­mente assimilate, potrebbe esserci la on a passage of the Vita Heliogabali that Lu­culleide del poeta Archia, come ave­ connects the two emperors. The author va già ipotizzato Reinach. (S.C.) explores the reasons of this connection, C. Binder, «Plutarch und Ktesias. Beo­ which appears to be grounded in certain bachtungen zu den Quellen der Ar­ta­ similarities found in their biographies xerxes-Vita», in J. Wiesehöfer (hrsg), (such as their relation with marriage, Ktesias’ Welt (Classica et Orientalia. 1), their effeminacy, their love of luxus, and Wiesbaden, 2011, 53-68. their impiety) as well as in certain similar Basé sur une communication présentée political choices, particularly in their en 2006 lors du colloque Ktesias’ Welt, dealings with the army. The paper also ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 95-130 Bibliography Section 99

explores the meaning of the connection Plutarque lui-même, mais également made by the sources between both chez d’autres auteurs anciens.­ En emperors and the story of the Trojan rédigeant ce faux traité, Le Ferron prince Paris, since Otho is compared to a sans doute voulu s’inscrire dans le Paris and Elagabalus to Venus ‘in the débat philosophique qui avait cours story of Paris’. These connections link the à son époque et, en le mettant sous le two emperors to the most negative aspects nom de Plutarque, lui assurer l’autorité­ of the Trojan legend, which had been the morale du Chéronéen. (T.S.) founding myth of the Julio-Claudian D. L. Blank, «Reading between the Lies: dynasty. Finally, the author highlights Plutarch and Chrysippus on the Uses of how both Otho and Elagabalus are Poetry», O.S.A.Ph. 40, Essays in memory portrayed according to the cliché of the of Michael Frede, 2011, 237-264. unmanly oriental prince and to Roman Il contributo riguarda il rapporto tra gender stereotypes. Also, it is noted how il de audiendis poetis e l’opera di Cri­ the sources suggests that both emperors sippo, in particolare la sua riflessione attempt to locate themselves on a super­ sull’uso della poesia nell’ambito della human level. (Published Abstract) for­mazione filosofica. L’autore sostiene che Plutarco deriva dal filosofo stoico D. L. Blank, «Plutarch’s and the so­phistry le tecniche che raccomanda agli allievi of “Nobel Lineage”», in J. Mar­tínez per trarre il massimo vantaggio dalla (ed.), Fakes and forgers of classical li­ poe­sia ed evitare i rischi connessi a terature.­ Falsificaciones y falsarios de essa. A tale scopo egli fornisce: [1] la Literatura Clásica, Madrid, Ed. Clá­ un riassunto dettagliato del trattato sicas, 2011, 33-60. plu­­tarcheo (240-244) con riferimenti L’auteur revient sur l’histoire débattue pun­­­tuali ai precedenti platonici che de la rédaction du traité Ὑπὲρ εὐγε­ esso implica; [2] una sintesi dei νείας (De nobilitate), transmis sous le prin­­­cipi educativi crisippei in vista nom de Plutarque dans un manuscrit dell’evoluzione dell’individuo con par­ « redécouvert » en 1722 à Copenhague, ti­­colare riferimento alla musica e logica et dont une traduction latine avait (244-249): secondo Crisippo, buone appa­remment été publiée en 1556 par nu­­trici, buoni genitori e amici oltre che Arnoul le Ferron (1515-1563). D’abord la frequentazione con la musica e con considéré comme authentique, le texte la poesia costituiscono la preparazione grec avait très vite été reconnu (no­ dei giovani alla filosofia; persino il con­ tam­ment par Wyttenbach) comme ne tatto con il vizio può essere utile, per pou­vant pas être de Plutarque, bien que Duebner et Bernardakis l’eussent rin­forzare la nozione e la conoscenza en­core inclus dans leur collection des del bene (il contatto con i due opposti fragments du Chéronéen. Une com­pa­ ha dunque la medesima valenza pe­da­ raison détaillée du texte grec et de sa gogica dell’in utramque partem disse­ prétendue traduction latine prouve au re­re); [3] una discussione dell’uso contraire que le texte grec est en réa­ della poesia, omerica in particolare, lité une « rétroversion » (par un tra­ se­­condo Crisippo (249-253), ritenuta ducteur inconnu) de la version latine de cru­­ciale in ragione dell’aderenza al Le Ferron. Ce dernier a forgé de tou­ reale­­ del linguaggio che essa impiega tes pièces ce petit traité (en latin), qu’il (in particolare la terminologia morale) a produit à partir des trois fragments e della capacità di essa di essere una (authentiques) transmis par Jean Stobée pri­ma via, plausibile, razionale e pre­ et d’extraits divers pris dans l’œuvre de fi­losofica, di accesso alla verità; [4]

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un’analisi puntuale del materiale cri­ personalità­ di definire la propria visione sippeo nel de audiendis poetis (253- filosofica­ nella rapida evoluzione del 261), con particolare riferimento alle pensiero che caratterizza tale perio­ ­ pra­tiche etimologiche, alla natura mi­ do. Tale tema possiede differenti im­ me­tica della poesia, alla capacità di plicazioni – etiche e metafisiche – e si essa di veicolare la conoscenza morale, inscrive di volta in volta in trattazio­ ni­­ me­diante lo studio delle differenze di eterogenee, argomentate o strutturate­­ ca­rattere (diaphorai) secondo il metodo in forma di mito filosofico. Plu­tar­co della paradiorthôsis: la tesi generale è in questo senso un ottimo rappre­ dell’autore è che in questo trattato sentante di tale interesse: egli disse­ Plu­tarco segue un atteggiamento che mina nell’insieme delle sue ope­re rife­ gli è proprio anche altrove, “tweaking ri­menti alla psicologia e ne tratta in the Stoics for not following their own ma­niera esaustiva in un trattato per­ precepts” (259). La critica che Plu­ du­to, il peri psykhês, i cui frammenti tar­­co rivolge agli stoici ha dunque so­no analizzati nel dettaglio in questo co­me effetto il fatto di contraddire la con­tributo, che tiene conto di volta in sua propria posizione o di obbligarlo vol­ta degli ipotesti platonici e del Fe­ a tacere la tesi di base, che è in realtà do­­ne e del Fedro in particolare. Oltre prossima a quella degli stoici: la poe­ ai riferimenti platonici, tali frammenti sia è propedeutica alla filosofia se si segna­lano la volontà di Plutarco di fon­ riesce a mirare ai benefici di essa e non da­­re la propria dimostrazione dell’in­ lasciarsi distrarre dallo stile, dai detta­ corruttibilità dell’anima su “faits con­ gli del plot o della composizione; la crets et certifiés” (80) sull’insieme delle poe­sia non deve essere semplicemente cre­denze su tale aspetto cruciale dell’ letta ma usata per migliore lo spirito e uma­­nità e del mondo. Secondo l’autore for­nire plausibilità sempre crescente del contributo, i frammenti possiedono alle nozioni morali. (A.G.) tra le altre cose una chiara dimensione E. Bloedow, «Pericles’ early career», anti-epicurea, come mostra il confronto Athe­naeum 99 (2011) 279-298. con alcuni passi del suav. viv. Epic. L’espressione λήμην τοῦ Πειραιῶς attri­ Nell’insieme dei frammenti del peri psy­ bui­ta da Pericle a Egina (Plut. Per. 8, 7) khês emerge un tratto fondamentale del induce a porlo tra i fautori della guerra pla­tonismo plutarcheo, che riassume del 458, dato che nel 431 l’isola non era l’uso delle citazioni platoniche, l’intento più una reale minaccia per Atene. Plut. anti-epicureo e i riferimenti a dei faits- Per. 9, 3-4 suggerisce che il promotore di­vers della tradizione greca: riuscire delle riforme del 462 a.C. non fu Efialte a mostrare che la filosofia di Platone ma Pericle, al potere già nei primi anni costi­tuisce la sintesi della civiltà greca ‘60 (Per. 16, 9), come indicherebbero e ne fornisce l’espressione più perfetta anche la precocità delle sue ambizioni e più potente. (A.G.) po­li­tiche e i costanti sforzi per con­tra­ P. R. Bosman, «Signs and narrative design stare Cimone. (Abstract from the Année in Plutarch’s ‘Alexander’», Akroterion Philologique) 56 (2011) 91-106. M. Bonazzi, « Plutarque et l’immortalité Plutarch’s Alexander reflects the tendency de l’âme », in Dialogues platoniciens, among earlier Alexander sources to 75-90. augment the life of the great Macedonian Il tema dell’anima e dell’immortalità di with a supernatural aspect. Plutarch him­ essa è cruciale in epoca imperiale e si self selects from, dismisses and fashions iscrive­ bene nel tentativo delle diverse this material in accordance with his own

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standards for responsible biography, mention d’une ambassade de Plutarque), but also with his narrative purposes. 815D-E (défendre les intérêts de la cité This paper explores the relationship contre­ les abus des autorités romaines), between signs from the supernatural 805A-B (l’ambassade comme moyen sphere (semeia / theia , including dreams, d’enta­ mer­ une carrière politique). Le oracles, omens, portents) and Plutarch’s sujet ayant déjà été abondamment narrative line. In the initial section of traité par la critique moderne, l’article the biography, Plutarch’s deliberate n’apporte rien de réellement nouveau, association of his protagonist with divine même si la mise en perspective des trois involvement provides sanction for his auteurs est intéressante. (T.S.) future success. After establishing his F. E. Brenk, «From wild beast to love divine. character as ‘spirited’ (thymoeidēs), the Plutarch between “pagan” and christian signs support his spirit (thymos) and marriage», in Transmisor, 303-316. ambition (philotimia) towards fulfilling his Three of Plutarch’s writings, in ascending allotted role. During the latter part of order, can be used to exemplify his role the narrative, portents tend to become as intermediary betwwen ‘pagan’ and ominous, so that Alexander is depicted as Christian marriage. The first of these dejected (athymos), anxious (tarachōdēs; consists of a few fragments of his On periphobos), despairing (dysthymos), Love (Περὶ Ἔρωτος). Written, according and superstitious (deisidaimōn). In this to the genre, in an Epicurean vein, they way, the signs support an ascending are extremely negative toward erotic love and descending­ line in Alexander’s and presumably would be so against eros biography and hint at divine and in marriage. Similar negative comments psychological (in addition to moral) about erotic love can be found in Saint reasons for Alexander’s successes and Paul and the Church Fathers. The second eventual demise. (Published Abstract) is his Advice to a Bride and Groom. This is mainly directed at the bride, intended C. Bost-Pouderon, « Intermédiaires et to give advice on keeping her husband conciliateurs­ entre administrés et ad­ content, or put more bluntly, always to be ministration dans les provinces grecques­ submissive. In many respects it reflects the de l’ Empire romain: les témoignages­ de same attitudes as found in Saint Paul’s Dion de Pruse, Plu­tar­que et Epictète », in famous ‘Rules for the Home’ (Haustafeln). A. Gangloff (éd.), Médiateurs­ Culturels et Yet, as pointed out recently, it is also Politiques dans l’ Empire Romain. Voya­ somethιng of a manual on how a wife ges, conflits,­ identités, Paris, De Boc­ can manipulate her husband and gain the card, 2011, 93-102. upper hand. Much overlooked by scholars À travers les figures de Dion de Pruse, is the religious element in this essay, even Plutarque et Épictète, l’auteure examine if subdued, that is, the sanctity of marriage comment les intellectuels grecs des deux and the dependence upon the patronage premiers siècles de notre ère pouvaient of certain gods for success, in particular être perçus par leurs contemporains com­ Aphrodite. The Ἐρωτικός (Amatorius, me des intercesseurs auprès du pou­voir Dialogue on Love) besides exalting hete­ impérial. La part la plus importante­ de rosexual­­ married love, also defends the l’article est consacrée à Dion de Pruse. right of an older woman to marry and De Plutarque sont cités­ et analysés les presu­ mably­ dominate the marriage with a extraits suivants tirés des Préceptes younger husband. Far more than the other politiques : 814C-D (rechercher l’amitié two, the divine elements enters, in the figure d’un Romain puissant), 816C-D (brève of Eros and Aphrodite, and above all, in the

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Platonic Form of the Good (or God per­ R. Caballero, «Entre la necesidad del haps) as the ultimate goal of married life. destino y la libertad del átomo: el (Published Abstract) clinamen de Epicuro y la libertad de Y. B rouillette, « Apollon au-delà de indiferencia (Plut., Stoic. rep. 23, 1045 tout ce qui est visible: Plutarque et B-F» in A. Pérez Jiménez & I. Calero Ré­publique 6, 509b », in Dialogues Secall (eds.), Δῶρον Μνημο­ σύνης.­ pla­toniciens, 29-45. Miscelánea de Estudios Ofre­cidos a Mª Ángeles Durán López, Zara­ goza,­ Lo studio indaga l’interpretazione plu­ Libros Pórtico, 2011, 69-82. tar­chea della celebre formula platonica En el capítulo 23 del ensayo Stoic. Rep., di Resp. 6, 509b secondo cui l’idea del Plutarco comenta la existencia de cier­ be­ne è «al di là dell’essenza», formula tos filósofos que concibieron la reali­ ­dad ri­presa da Plutarco in def. orac. 413C de un movimiento adventicio en el alma ove essa caratterizza Apollo. Lo stu­ con el propósito de evitar que nuestros­ dio si divide nelle seguenti sezioni: impulsos se vean condicionados o co­­ [1] discussione dell’identificazione di ac­cionados por causas externas. Al Apollo al sole (29-34), tema del dialo­­ res­­pecto, el autor revisa las distintas go e del gruppo dei Dialoghi pitici nel hi­­pó­­tesis y concluye que los filósofos loro insieme, in particolare allo sco­ per­­ti­nentes son los académicos po di distanziarsi dalla teologica po­ quienes, adoptando­­ la terminología polare e dall’immanentismo stoico; estoica, ha­brían ofrecido la respuesta [2] analisi più generale (34-41) dell’ antedicha. Asi­­mismo, el profesor in­terpretazione plutarchea della se­zio­ Caballero desecha con­­cienzudamente ne centrale della Repubblica, in par­ la posibilidad de que la doctrina fijada ti­colare delle immagini della linea e resultara inspirada por los epicúreos y della caverna; in questo contesto, una su concepto del cli­na­men. (V.R., A.V.). pre­cisazione fondamentale è possibile: E. A. Calderón Dorda, «Plutarco trans­ c’è corrispondenza – e non identità – mi­sor de la elegía: Teognis y el corpus tra il sole e Apollo, poiché come il so­ teog­nídeo», in Transmisor, 3-22. le permette di vedere, così Apollo fa­ Es sabido que la tradición de los poe­ ci­lita la visione propria all’oracolo; mas que incluyen el corpus teognídeo [3] analisi della ripresa del testo ha conocido una doble tradición: la di­ pla­tonico come fondatrice di una rec­ta, merced a códices medievales, y la trascendenza provvidenziale antistoica indirecta, gracias a los testimonios de e antiepicurea, oltre che contraria alla autores eruditos. En tal sentido, el pro­ re­li­giosità popolare, fondata su tre punti fesor Calderón examina con pers­pi­ca­ fon­damentali della lettura plutarchea cia las citas plutarqueas sobre el citado del testo platonico: la dicotomia tra cor­pus, frecuentemente preferibles­ a mon­do sensibile e mondo intelligibile, las lectu­ ­ras de los códices­ medievales. l’iden­tificazione di Apollo all’idea del En fin, los datos mi exa­ ­nados permiten be­ne (di cui il sole è un’emanazione), concluir que los au­to­res helenísticos y la concezione del dio come causa, il de época impe­­ ­rial contaban,­ para la che permette di fondare la dimensione colección teog­­ní­dea, con una tradición provvidenziale­ propria della concezione distinta de la transmitida mediante los plu­tarchea e di integrare tale analisi códices me­die­­vales. (V.R., A.V.) nello scopo complessivo dei Dialoghi J. M. Candau Morón, «Plutarco y la histo­ rio­ ­ pi­tici volti alla difesa della divinazione grafía trágica», in Transmisor, 147-170. del­fica. (A.G.) El gusto por el clasicismo que exhibe

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Plutarco­­ no le hace renunciar, sin em­ ne­re una sorta di vittoria militare che bar­go, al manejo y a las citas (con acep­ corrispon­de alla forza etica capace di tación ocasionalmente positiva por parte­ pa­­droneggiare le proprie scelte pratiche del Queronense) de autores correspon­ ­­­ con l’esercizio del controllo in maniera dientes a la llamada historiografía trá­­­ so­­cialmente responsabile. (F.T.) gica, particularmente de Duris y de Fi­­ P. E. Carapezza, «La teoria e la pratica : larco. Ello refleja bien el talante de Plu­ la poetica di Aristossene nel De tarco, erudito de eclecticismo doctri­ nal­ y musica 32-36 e gl’ ‘Inni delfici’», permisividad literaria. (V.R., A.V.) QUCC n. s. 99 (2011) 177-190. M. Cannatà Ferra, «Plutarco nel ‘De Dall’analisi degli Inni delfici emerge musica’», QUCC 99 (2011) 191-206. che i loro autori, Ateneo e Limenio, La questione dell’autenticità del De sia nella scelta delle parole sia nella mu­­sica, e della sua attribuzione a Plu­ loro re­sa melodica e armonica (scelta tar­co, ancora oggi anima il dibattito del ritmo, dell’armonia, del genere, de­gli studiosi. Un attento riesame dei uso delle modulazioni in rapporto diversi elementi plutarchei e non-plu­ all’ethos), si attengono alla teoria del tar­chei presenti nel trattato consente di tarentino Aristosse­no, quale risulta con­fermare la sua non autenticità: la dalla sintesi che di essa ci restituiscono da­tazione dell’opuscolo sarebbe di due da un lato Dionigi­ di Alicarnasso, se­coli posteriore all’epoca di Plutarco. dall’altro i capi­ ­­toli 32-36 del De musica Non si tratterebbe però di un falso: la pseudo-plu­tar­cheo. (M.D.S.) sua attribuzione al filosofo di Cheronea A. Casanova, «La hora del amor (Quaest. sa­rebbe frutto di un errore dovuto a una Conv. 3.6): Plutarco y la tradición ma­no relativamente recente. (M.D.S.) (literaria y filosófica)»,in Transmisor, J. C. Capriglione, «Del Satiro che voleva 317-326. baciare il fuoco (o Come trarre vantaggio El capítulo oportuno de las Quaestiones dai nemici) », in Virtues, 99-108. Convivales­ trae a colación ciertas re­ J. Capriglione analizza ispirazione, pre­ flexiones sobre la hora propicia para sup­posti ed obiettivi del De capienda ex el acto amoroso. Sobresale en última ini­mi­cis utilitate rilevando una logica instancia­ la propuesta de Soclaro (reme­­ di fondo appartenente alle dimensioni do sin duda de la opinión que el pro­pio este­riori ed interiori della vita al fine di Plutarco sostiene): la noche constitu­ ye­ tro­vare un equilibrio sociale al servizio el momento más adecuado. (V.R., A.V.) della polis. In particolare, Capriglione M. Casevitz, « Homère en prose : Plu­ ri­tiene il De capienda una chiave di tar­que et la réutilisation de l’Odyssée volta per capire fino a che punto e dans le traité Sur le fait que les ani­ quan­to profondamente Plutarco fosse maux se servent de raison », in B. consa­pevole di tutti i limiti connaturati Acosta-Hughes et Al. (edd.), Homère all’indole di ciascuno, sulla scorta di re­visité. Parodie et Humour dans les un’analisi condotta sulle passioni, su ré­écritures homériques, Presses Univ. cui occorre esercitare un ruolo di con­ de Franche-Comté, 2011, 15-25. trollo e di guida per volgerle a maggior Ce bref article, donné dans le cadre d’un profitto. Con pragmatismo il Che­ro­ne­ collo­que consacré aux “Réécritures et se, riconoscendo ai nemici una funzio­ ­­ pa­rodies d’Homère dans la littérature ne etica e sociale, mette a punto una d’épo­que hellénistique et tardive” relit stra­tegia di attacco contro di loro ser­ l’opus­cule en insistant sur sa dimension ven­dosi del politically correct per otte­ pa­rodique et ironique. Soulignant le ca­

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rac­tère abrupt du début comme de la fin Un problema spinoso, tuttora irrisolto, de l’ouvrage, il attire l’attention, à tra­ riguarda­ la delimitazione del periodo in vers le nom de “Gryllos” et le début par cui le opere degli attidografi potevano un anaphorique ταῦτα, sur l’allusion essere­ ancora lette integralmente, pri­ à Xénophon. Au fil du texte sont alors ma che andassero perdute irre­para­ ­ re­levés les emprunts et décalages par bilmente o fossero soggette ad un in­ rapport à Homère et les aspects “so­cra­ tervento­ fortemente selettivo della ma­ ti­ques” des leçons de Gryllos : travail teria. Nella Vita di Teseo ricorrono nu­ suggestif d’un amoureux des mots et d’Homère qui ne prétend pas résoudre merose citazioni da tali scritti, in primo­ le sens de cette parodie, “qui maltraite luogo da Filocoro, evocato da Plutarco­ l’idée que les hommes ont d’eux-mêmes soprattutto quando gli appare oppor­ et des animaux et de leur place dans tuno rileggere il mito in chiave razio­ ­ l’ensemble des êtres animés”. (F.F.) nalistica; altri attidografi, come Ellanico­ e Demone, sono menzionati allor­ché Chr. Chandezon, « Particularités du culte isiaque­ dans la basse vallée du tramandano dettagli o varianti rispetto­ Céphise (Béo­tie et Phocide) », in N. alla versione più nota del mito di Teseo. Badoud (ed.), Philologos Dionysios. Tuttavia non è possibile definire Mélanges offerts au Pr Denis con certezza se Plutarco ha attinto di­ Knoepfler, Genève, 2011, 149-182. retta­mente agli originali o se ha fatto Cette étude d’un historien, en hommage ricorso a fonti intermedie, che pre­ à un autre historien, étudie deux au­tels su­mibilmente conservavano solo in d’Orchomène et de Chéronée, appar­ par­te il contenuto di quegli scritti. Esa­ te­­nant l’un comme l’autre au mobilier minando­ attentamente i passi della bio­ des sanctuaires égyptiens, et ornés du grafia di Teseo in cui Plutarcocorre ri­ mo­tif rare du massacre de cervidés. C.C. ai racconti degli attidografi, lo diosostu­ s’appuie, pour expliquer ce décor, sur ha osservato che le citazioni non sono la description d’une des panégyries an­ equamente distribuite lungo il corso della nuelles d’Isis à Tithorée par Pausanias narrazione, ma sono li­mitate­ ad alcuni (10. 32.13-18). Il revient en particulier specifici episodi, me co­ la spedizione a sur la situation du sanctuaire (il n’a pas Creta e i primi atti di governo ad Atene. pu être archéologiquement localisé, 172 Come si può spiegare l’omessa citazione sq), sur le bestiaire sacrificiel (174 sq) et les animaux interdits (177 sq) — tous degli attidografi­ in relazione ad aspetti passa­ges où le témoignage de Plutarque altrettan­ to­ rilevanti legati alla figura di est utilisé ponctuellement. Mais le Teseo,­ quali il sinecismo dell’Attica e spé­cia­­liste de Plutarque lira surtout la riva­ lità­ con Menesteo? La ragione di avec pro­­fit les pages de conclusion questa omissione potrebbe derivare dal (180-182) sur la religion isiaque en fatto che Plutarco avesse a disposizione Grèce en général et sur sa place dans epitomi­ delle Atthides, per cui ricorreva la connaissance­ qu’avait Plutarque ad ampie citazioni solo quando la fonte de la religion d’Isis : à côté du séjour intermedia­ conservava memoria di uno d’Alexandrie­ ou de l’hypothétique ori­gi­ specifico­ episodio. ne égyptienne d’Ammonios, et plus sans La Vita di Teseo in definitiva non doute qu’eux, doit être prise en comp­te costi­tuisce­ elemento probante della so­ l’importance des cultes béotiens. (F.F.) pravvivenza integrale degli scritti atti­ V. Costa, «La Vita di Teseo plutarchea dografici­ oltre il I sec. a.C., indicato ge­ e la tradizione dell´attidografia», in neralmente come il periodo in cui l’atti­ Transmisor, 171-186. dografia gradualmente si dissolve. (S.C.)

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P. Desideri, «Roma: la buone ragioni di his own and his polis’ dignity in any cir­ un impero», in Transmisor, 99-112. cum­stance, but at the same time he is fully La relazione di Paolo Desideri è densa con­vinced that only concord among the di richiami alle opere del filosofo di well-to-do can really be a good solution Che­ronea che hanno per tema la storia for such problems. (Published Abstract dell’Impero­ romano. Al di là del fatto slighty shortened) che il discorso storico si esprima in M. De Simone, «Dalla musica antica ter­mini biografici, Plutarco si mostra pro­fondamente convinto che la forza alla ‘nuova’: innovazioni e riprese mi­litare, la capacità diplomatica ed or­ nel racconto storico del ‘De musica’ ga­nizzativa dei Romani avevano vinto pseudo-plutarcheo», QUCC n. s. 99 il fallimentare assetto della Grecia. Un (2011) 83-96. esem­pio evidente di tale convinzione Nella prima parte del trattato pseudo- é nelle Vite di Numa e Licurgo ove il plutarcheo­ la cosiddetta ‘nuova’ musica re romano è considerato di gran lunga è considerata responsabile «di una netta più capace e ‘più greco’ del legislatore rottura con il passato», che la ren­de­ di Sparta. Il ruolo di Roma è ribadito rebbe «del tutto estranea alla linea evo­ pu­re nel De fortuna Romanorum. Qui lutiva tracciata per l’archaia» (p. 85). Plu­tarco immagina che Virtù e Fortuna Si tratta di una rappresentazione ideo­­ po­sero fine alla loro contesa perché la logica,­ for­temente condizionata dalla città potesse raggiungere la supremazia visione­ tradizionalista­ degli auto­ ri­ di V su­gli altri popoli e, dunque, conclude e IV seco­ lo,­ che studiosi come­ Csapo e Plu­tarco, «di libertà i popoli ne hanno Barker hanno provato recen­ temente­ a tan­ta quanta è consentita da chi li do­ mettere in discussione. Seguendo­­ la lo­ mi­na» (Mor. 824C). (P.V.) ro impostazione, è possi­­bile ricavare P. Desideri, «Greek Poleis and the Ro­ dallo stesso trattato­ De musica una se­ man Empire. Nature and Features rie di indizi (l’adozio­ ne­ di intervalli of Political Virtues in an Autocratic mi­­­crotonici, la con­ta­minatio dei generi System», in Virtues, 83-98. li­ri­ci, l’intro­du­zio­ne di modulazioni The contribution aims at assessing the armo­­­ni­che) che ri­­ve­lerebbero l’esistenza particular features which mark Plutar­ di paradigmi musicali­ arcaici che gli ch’s idea of the perfect Greek statesman esponenti­ della ‘nuova musica’ avrebbe­ in the context of the Roman imperial age ro riuti­lizzato­ e riadattato alo loro stile, e in which Plutarch himself­ lived. First of che porterebbero a contestare quella vi­ all the modern Greek statesman cannot sione­­­ della musica arcaica come struttu­ be allowed to emphasise, in order to ralmente­­ uniforme e governata da leggi strengthen the political feelings of his immu­­tabili. (S.A.) com­munity, or, incidentally, to promote his D. Di Bartolo, «La fortuna dei ‘Moralia’ own career, the great military accomplish­ ­ in età moderna», QUCC n. S. 99 ments and virtues of the glorious Greek (2011) 281-287. past; on the contrary, he will carefully­ Nel corso del Medioevo, la conoscenza stress episodes of friendly behaviour e lo studio di Plutarco passavano esclu­ inside the polis and among different poleis. siva­ mente­ attraverso l’apocrifa Institutio Governing Greek poleis at that time implied Traiani­ . Ma già nel 1373 la traduzione steady confrontation with the symbols of lati­ na­ del De cohibenda ira segnò una the Roman central government in one’s re­ tappa importante nell’ambito egli studi gion. Plutarch strongly underlines that the plutarchei,­ che vennero notevolmente am­ Greek statesman­ must absolutely reaffirm­ pliati­ in età umanistica, ma che furono ini­

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zialmente rivolti agli aspetti storico-filo­ sono invece solitamente avvertiti come­­ sofici, data anche la difficoltà nel tradurre­ disomogenei e ambigui. In Plutar­ ­co elementi e dettagli di natura ‘tecnica’. Dioniso appare depurato dall’imma­ ­ Solo a partire dalla fine del XV secolo­ il ginario di età classica che mostra un trattato De musica attribuito a Plutarco­ dio crudele, irrazionale e peri­co­ loso,­ divenne centrale per lo studio umanistico­ signore dei riti orgiastici: il Chero­ ­ della musica antica. (M.D.S.) nense, attraverso da un lato il rapporto­ J. Dillon, «Aspects de l’exégèse sincretico­ stabilito con i culti di deri­ ­ dualiste de Platon par Plutarque», in vazione­ orientale (Osiride) e dall’altro­ Dialogues platoniciens, 65-74. l’identificazione con Apollo delfi­ co,­ asse­ Lo studio intende chiarire la natura ese­ gna a Dioniso una peculiare poten­ zialità­ ge­tica e la volontà di fedeltà al maestro salvifica, che appare derivata dall’esca­ del platonismo plutarcheo mediante lo tologia di origine platonica. (S.A.) studio del trattato La generazione dell’ G. D’Ippolito, «Il ‘De musica’ nel ‘corpus’­ ani­ma nel Timeo. Il testo, che si fonda plutarcheo: una paternità recupe­rabi­­ su una serie di citazioni platoniche che le», QUCC n. s. 99 (2011) 207-225. rispecchia l’idea di una coerenza e di Nonostante la comune convinzione una continuità proprie all’intero corpus della non autenticità del De musica, del maestro, è iscritto dall’autore del recuperarne­­ la paternità plutarchea contribuito­ nella tradizione del com­ è ancora possibile, laddove, piuttosto mento­­­ sistematico a Platone. Nella che accettare conclusioni ormai stan­ sua ese­gesi, Plutarco intende opporsi dar­­dizzate, si analizza nuovamente la ai filosofi­ dell’Accademia antica, Se­ questione­ operando confronti sulla ba­ no­­­cra­te e Crantore in particolare. In se di criteri tanto intertestuali quanto particolare,­ egli mira a mostrare che extratestuali,­ sulla base dei quali è secondo­ Platone esisteva­ uno sta­ possibile­ affermare che sia sul piano to di caos precosmico e ciò al fine di stilistico­ sia su quello concettuale non mostrare l’esistenza di un’anima male­ vi sono­ differenze sostanziali con i testi fic­ a­ e disordinata che presiedeva a tale sicu­ra­men­te plutarchei. (M.D.S.) caos. Questo mi­ra a corroborare la tesi T. E. Duff, «Plutarch’s Lives and the plu­­tarchea dell’esistenza nell’universo Critical Reader», in Virtues 59-82. di una forza che si oppone al dio e This paper analyses the kind of reader all’ordine e che deve­ essere ritenuta res­ constructed in the Lives and the response ponsabile­­ delle imperfezioni­ e del male­ expected of that reader. It begins by morale­ che si riscon­tra nel mondo. La attempting a typology of moralising in the volontà­ di oggettività­ che fonda la prassi Lives. The application of moral lessons esegetica non impedisce dunque a Plu­ are left to the reader’s own judgement. tarco di inscrivere­ l’interpretazione del Furthermore, Plutarch’s use of multiple maestro nel contesto delle esigenze filo­ focalisations means that the reader is sofiche proprie­ al suo pensiero. (A.G.) sometimes presented with varying ways G. D’Ippolito, «Il Dioniso di Plutarco», of looking at the same individual or the in Transmisor, 327-336. same historical situation. In addition, Le numerose testimonianze ricavabili many incidents or anecdotes are marked dal corpus plutarcheo su Dioniso e sul by ‘multivalence’; that is they resist reduc­ ­ suo culto possono contribuire a creare­ tion to a single moral message or lesson. un’immagine innovativa e unitaria­ di In such cases, particularly in the prologues­ tale divinità, il cui aspetto e signifi­ ca­ to­­ which precede many pairs of Lives and the

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synkriseis which follow them, the reader is Hesíodo, es factible detectar las indica­ sometimes explicitly invited­ to exercise his ciones­ que Plutarco expuso, asimismo, or her own critical faculties.­ (Published en un comentario a la obra hesiódica. Abstract sligthly altered) Al respecto, Fernández Delgado se cen­ T. E. Duff, «Platonic allusion in Plutar­ tra en el análisis de ciertos pasajes he­ ch’s Alcibiades 4-7», in P. Millett, S. P. sió­dicos que, a juicio de Plutarco, de­ Oakley and R. J. E. Thompson (éds), ben ser omitidos (o coyunturalmente Ratio et res ipsa. Classical essays present­ in­cluidos, en un caso) con arreglo a ed by former pupils to James Diggle on la tradición transmitida sobre el poeta his retirement (Cambridge classical beo­cio. (V.R., A.V.) journal.­ Supplementary volume. 36.), F. Ferrari, « La construction du plato­nis­ Cambridge,­ 2011, 27-44. me dans le De E apud Delphos de Plu­ Plutarch deals with Socrates’ relationship tar­que », in Dialogues platoniciens, with Alcibiades in chs. 4-7 of his Life. He 47-62. draws heavily here on two Platonic works, Lo studio mira ad approfondire l’idea the First Alcibiades and the Symposium, della natura programmatica dell’E but engagement with the Platonic texts is di Delfi, ove, secondo l’autore, sono denser and more profound in Alcibiades riassunti gli aspetti più importanti del than a study of just those two texts would pensiero­ di Plutarco: il platonismo, nella suggest. In fact, this part of the Alcibiades tensio­ ne­ di esso tra gli aspetti dogmatici contains allusions to several other Pla­ da un lato e scettici dall’altro, l’approccio tonic texts in which Alcibiades does not dialettico fondato sull’interrogazione e la occur as a character and in which his risposta, la relazione tra filosofia e reli­ name is not mentioned: Republic Books gione­ delfica e il confronto con le altre 6 and 8, Charmides, Phaedrus, Apology, scuole­ filosofiche, in particolare quella and Lysis. These texts function as ‘inter­ ­ stoica­ e quella pitagorica. Tale analisi è texts’ against which the Alcibiades is to be inscritta nella forma specifica del testo read. (Published Abstract) in questione, in cui ogni personaggio è M. T. Fau Ramos, M. Jufresa Muñoz, «El portavoce­ di una visione particolare del alejamiento de los mejores: el ostracis­ mo­ mondo­ e del pensiero e in cui la serie en Plutarco», in Transmisor, 187-190. dei discorsi mira a creare un affresco La actitud de Plutarco con arreglo a la concettuale­ progressivo e coerente. Nel práctica del ostracismo parece clara: suo insieme, il dialogo è inoltre simbolo el ostracismo permite que nos manda­ ­ dell’evoluzione dello stesso Plutarco, co­ tarios de excelencia (como Aris­ti­des) me mostra la dialettica tra dialogo e con­ bri­llen y queden justamente elogia­ ­dos. testo extradiegetico, la dialettica cioè tra il Sin embargo, el ostracismo na­ce de la Plutarco personaggio e il Plutarco narra­ envidia que despierta en el demos­ la tore,­ distinti in due posizioni filosofiche specifiche:­ un’aritmologia pitagorica per consideración de individuos sensi­­ble­ il primo, un platonismo a forte carattere mente notables. En fin, esta actitud pue­ teologico­ per il secondo. Le acquisizioni de compadecerse con la ideología po­lí­ fondamentali­ del testo possono essere ti­ca del Queronense. (V.R., A.V.) considerate­ le seguenti: l’intimo lega­ me­ J. A. Fernández Delgado, «Plutarco co­ tra filosofia e religione delfica, la cen­ men­tarista de Hesíodo», in Trans­mi­ tralità della zêtêsis nella ricerca filoso­­ sor, 23-36. fica,­ l’aporia e la prudenza come chiavi Con base en el comentario del neoplató­ di essa, il riconoscimento costante della ni­co Proclo a Los Trabajos y los Días de distanza­ tra l’imperfezione umana e la

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dimensione­ divina. Il contributo segue il funzione etica e religiosa, perché serve procedere del testo, organizzandosi in se­ a onorare gli dei e ad educare i giovani. zioni che corrispondono alle differenti so­ Tale assunto è in perfetto accordo con luzioni dell’enigma dell’E: Lampria, Ni­ quanto sostiene lo stoico Diogene di candro­ e Teone (religione e logica stoica, Babilonia, contro il quale polemizza 50-52), Eustrofo e Plutarco (soluzione di l’epicureo­ Filodemo di Gadara. Nel suo carattere­­ matematico e pitagorico, 52- trattatello, di cui abbiamo i resti in diversi 55), Ammonio (scetticismo, critica dell’ papiri­ ercolanesi, Filodemo sostiene che evidenza­ sensibile e metafisica teleolo­­ la musica serve solo a produrre pia­ gica, 56-59). Una conclusione (60-62) cere e diletto, e che la capacità etica e riassume le dieci tesi fondamentali attri­ paideutica dei componimenti poetici è buibili appunto al platonismo di Ammo­ ­ legata esclusivamente alle parole. La nio, maestro di Plutarco. (A.G.) musica, intesa in senso stretto, di per sé F. F errari, «La psichicità dell’ anima del non ha alcuna rilevanza nel culto degli dei mondo e il divenire precosmico se­ e nell’educazione dei fanciulli. (M.D.S.) con­do Plutarco», Ploutarchos n. s. 9 A. Fongoni, «Alternanza delle armonie (2011/2012) 15-36. nei Misi di Filosseno (ps.-Plut. De According to the first interpreters mus. 33, 1142EF)», QUCC n. s. 99 (Xenocrates and Crantor), it is very (2011) 153-164. important to clarify the meaning of Dal trattato De musica apprendiamo che the two fundamental ingredients of the i Misi di Filosseno di Citera, noto espo­ world-soul, i-e. the indivisible and ever nen­te della cosiddetta ‘Nuova Musica’, invariable being and the divisible being pre­vedono modulazioni da un tonos that comes to pass in the case of bodies. all’altro, e in particolare utilizzano il In the first section of his work, Plutarch to­nos ipodorico per l’inizio, l’ipofrigio critizises the interpretations proposed e il frigio per la parte centrale, il mixo­ by Xenocrates and Crantor because li­dio e il dorico per il finale. Sulla base they are not capable to indicate among dell’analisi, e del confronto con un the components mentioned by Plato passo della Politica di Aristotele, si può the psychic ingredient of the world- con­cludere che qui il termine tonos non soul. According to Plutarch this psychic è utilizzato nel significato aristossenico element must be identified with the di ‘chiave’, ma piuttosto quale sinonimo divisible being, which is a reference to a di harmonia. (M.D.S.) precosmic soul. This irrational soul moves F. Frazier, « Autour du miroir. Les mi­ the precosmic body (matter) from eternity. roitements d’une image dans l’œuvre It is the same soul mentioned by Plato in de Plutarque », in Virtues, 297-326. the 10 book of the Laws. The hypothesis The paper aims at an exhaustive reconsi­ of this precosmic soul as substrat of the deration of the simile of the mirror in world-soul allows to Plutarch to solve a Plutarch’s works. The vast range of uses set of exegetical problems in Plato’s text. may be classified under two headings, (Published Abstract slightly shortened) ontology (with its epistemological sequel) M. Ferrario, «Parole e musica in ‘Plu­ and ethics. In the epistemological field, tar­co’ (Peri mousikēs) e in Filo­demo», the mirror imagery appears in relation to QUCC n. s. 99 (2011) 73-82. mathematics -especially geometry- and Dal trattato pseuso-plutarcheo De musica reminds us of the necessity for human si evince che l’autore concorda con coloro knowledge to lean on sensible images i quali attribuiscono alla musica una that only reflect intelligible beings and ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 95-130 Bibliography Section 109

may be deceptive as well as initiatory. In del Teeteto – in entrambi gli autori, con the ethical field, Plutarch insists on self- la conseguente analisi delle virtù da knowledge and emulation of the glorious seguire e degli exempla che corroborano models of the past, but he also takes tale programma di vita; anche in questo into account the demands of particular caso entrambi gli autori fanno ricorso circumstances. In everyday life friends a simili citazioni platoniche, tratte in can contribute to moral improvement, particolare dal Timeo, ma la discussione but the simile of the mirror is not used in Plutarco si arricchisce di riferimenti for them. The analysis finally raises the particolari al più ampio ambito globale, (still open) question of the respective coerente con la cosmologia plutarchea roles which interiority and the example e con la prospettiva antiepicurea del of other people have in moral life. de sera; [4] un confronto conclusivo, (Published Abstract slightly shortened) incentrato sulla nozione di rimorso, tra F. F razier, « Justice et Providence. Du il mito di Tespesio (181-184) e il testo di dia­­logue de Plutarque aux questions Proclo. È a questo punto della trattazione de Pro­clus », Semitica et Classica 4 che il tema etico della giustizia e della (2011) 171-184. punizione raggiunge in Plutarco la sua Il contributo costituisce un confronto massima ampiezza, abbracciando una tra il de sera numinis vindicta e le Dieci visione estremamente larga dell’ordine questioni sulla provvidenza di Proclo (8 del mondo, religiosa e filosofica insieme, e 9 in particolare) con una particolare e operando una sintesi perfetta tra il attenzione alle specificità di genere e Timeo e il Gorgia, esaltati nella forma all’influenza di esse sul contenuto con­ letteraria e filosofica del dialogo. (A.G.) cettuale: ciò che Proclo discute in due se­ R. J. Gallé Cejudo, «Plutarco y la trans­ zioni distinte è trattato da Plutarco secondo mi­sión de los fragmentos elegíacos de lo schema di una progressione esplicita épo­ca helenística: algunas hipótesis nelle critiche rivolte alla Provvidenza so­bre el Mulierum Virtutes», in Trans­ proprio al dialogo filosofico. Il focus è mi­sor, 37-48. sulla questione della giustizia individuale, Examen del papel que desempeña Plu­ al cuore dei primi undici capitoli del tar­co en la transmisión de la elegía de de sera e oggetto della Questione 8 di época­ helenística mediante el ejemplo Proclo. Il contributo si compone di: [1] del tratado Mulierum Virtutes, donde el uno studio comparativo dei movimenti testimonio­ de Plutarco es fundamental argomentativi dei due testi (173-174); [2] para­ establecer que el de Queronea es un’analisi approfondita del trattamento fuente­ de un hipotético texto elegíaco della punizione nei due autori (Proclo, no preservado en la tradición literaria. 50-53 e de sera 4-11), con un’attenzione particolare agli ipotesti platonici (174- (V.R., A.V.) 178); nel passaggio dal testo plutarcheo G. García López, «La actuación política en a quello di Proclo, in particolare, si Plutarco (Mor. 776b-827f)», in Trans­ assiste a un approfondimento­ che va misor, 471-480. dalla questione della punizione a quella La familiaridad de Plutarco con el arte­ del male in sé; i medesimi riferimenti de la política y el mismo léxico de ín­ platonici (Gorgia, Fedro) vengono inoltre dole política es verificable mediante una rifunzionalizzati in maniera differente revisión, ajustada a los capítulos per­ dai due autori; [3] uno studio del dio tinentes, sobre terminología precisa (co­ come paradigma (171-181) – vale a dire mo areté, paideía, téchne, prâxis, lógos y della declinazione dell’homoiôsis theô el adjetivo politikós). (V.R., A.V.)

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A. Giavatto, « Le Dialogue des Sources contenait­ in nuce tout développement dans les Questions Platoniciennes de possible, en amont et en aval.” (F.F.) Plu­tarque », in Dialogues platoniciens, A. Giavatto, « Répertoire des Citations 117-129. de Platon dans les Moralia », in Dia­ Partant de l’utilisation par Socrate dans lo­gues platoniciens, 131-142. le Banquet (201a) des propres mots En annexe du volume d’Actes, figure d’Agathon­ en 197b comme prémisses, un répertoire complet ordonné à partir A.G. se demande si cette “démarche argu­ des passages des Moralia (pagina­ tion­ mentative entre citant et cité” est transpo­ Etienne, éd. de 1599) et non de Platon, sable­ en dehors du dialogue, “dans une comme dans l’index de Helmbold­ & dimension­ apparemment monologique O’Neil ; il retient les citations identi­ fia­­ comme celle d’un ζήτημα”, et en prend bles à l’exclusion des loci similes –sauf pour exemple la QP 10, inspirée prin­ci­ exception­ signalée par cf ; signalant palement par Soph. 262c. Y sont li­mités­ aussi (par ~ ou ≈) la fidélité plus ou à deux (nom/verbe) les éléments fon­ moins grande au texte platonicien, A.G. damentaux­ du discours, contre les huit donne­ ici un instrument de travail très parties­ théorisées ultérieurement par les com­mode. (F.F.) Alexandrins­ et illustrées par Homère (A 185). Sont donc mis en présence Platon, S. Gillespie, «Two-way reception: Sha­ qu’il s’agit de défendre, Homère, dont kespea­re’s influence on Plutarch», la justesse de l’exemple se discute, et la in English translation and classical grammaire alexandrine, dont Plutarque re­ception: towards a new literary se sert pour déterminer le sens donné histo­ry, Chichester, Wiley-Blackwell, aux mots des deux auteurs. L’analyse 2011, 47-59. sépa­ re­ ensuite le texte en trois sections L’au­teur commence par rappeler l’in­ (1009C-E, le πρῶτος λόγος (et non λό­ fluen­­ce bien connue que Plutarque, γος grammatical) traité par Platon / par l’intermédiaire de la traduction 1009E-1010C, les autres parties ne sont an­­glaise de Thomas North, a exercée que secondaires / 1010D-1011E, analyses sur Shakespeare, notamment dans grammaticales de ces parties). Montrant sa conception du caractère du héros la transformation progressive de la réfé­ com­­­me figure tragique, à tel point rence­ à Homère (la formule ἔπος τ̓ ἔφατ̓ que Shakespeare reflète souvent bien ἔκ τ ̓ὀνόμαζε venant à l’appui de la vi­ mieux la pensée de Plutarque que ne sion platonicienne) et de l’utilisation de le fait la traduction, parfois fautive, de la grammaire alexandrine et stoïcienne, North. Par la suite, à travers une série­ elle ne peut guère être résumée, mais on d’exemples tirés d’Antony and Cleo­pa­ retiendra­ la conclusion, plus générale: tra, l’auteur montre que Shakespea­ ­re, “Du point de vue historiographique des à travers l’immense influence qu’il a modernes, le parallèle entre ces auctori­ ­ exercée sur notre conception moderne tates­ consisterait à admettre la distance de la tragédie, influence également no­ temporelle­ entre elles et l’écart doctrinal tre manière d’aborder l’œuvre de Plu­ qui en découle. Le but de Plutarque est tar­que et, plus largement, la tragédie plus ambitieux : il veut concilier ce qu’il grecque. Ainsi, en partant de l’œuvre consi­ dère­ comme le point de vue de Platon de Shakespeare, on dénote en quelque avec toutes les autres traditions de pensée sor­te une influence en deux directions : –littéraires, philosophiques, et scolaires – d’un côté, il est clair que Plutarque a comme­ si la pensée de Platon, ou mieux, in­fluencé Shakespeare ; de l’autre, il sa propre version de la pensée de Platon, apparaît que notre propre lecture de

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Plutarque est influencée par notre con­ e il ruolo svolto dalla scuola mu­sicale­ naissance de Shakespeare. (T.S.) spartana, l’identificazione delle in­ M. Giordano, «Gli dei nel De musica», venzioni metriche attribuite ad Ar­chilo­ ­ QUCC n. s. 99 (2011) 59-72. co. (M.D.S.) Il contributo trae principio dall’analisi M. Hernández Gómez, «La Carta sép­ti­ di De mus. 14, dove l’invenzione della ma de Jenofonte y el Agesilao de Plu­ musica è attribuita agli dei. La descri­ tarco», in Transmisor, 191-198. zio­ne della statua di Apollo Delio, Un estudio comparado entre las men­ che regge l’arco con la mano destra e cio­nadas obras revela diferencias de con la sinistra una statuetta delle tre im­portancia tanto en lo concerniente a Cariti, rappresentate­ rispettivamente las cuestiones biográficas como en lo con la lira, la syrinx e l’aulos, co­ tocante a los aspectos de cronología so­ stituisce lo spunto per analizzare le bre los hechos. (V.R., A.V.) prerogative musicali delle tre divini­ ­ A. Ibañez Chacón, «¿De minora a majora? tà tradizionalmente asso­cia­te ai tre Los Parallela minora en la editio strumenti, ovvero Apollo, Pan e Dio­ major de los Moralia», Ploutarchos n. niso. (M.D.S.) s. 9 (2011/2012) 37-48. G. González Almenara, «Las trabaja­­ The next edition of the Moralia by P.D. doras autónomas en Plutarco, ¿mu­ Bernardakis­ and H. G. Ingenkamp aims jeres empresarias de la Grecia an­ to provide an improved text after the tigua?», in Transmisor, 481-494. unpublished editio major of G. N. Bernar­­ ­­ Con un sugestivo título, la autora estudia dakis. However, after analyzing texts of los pasajes plutarqueos que apuntan a the Parallela minora regarding the editio una clase femenina de emancipación so­ minor and with subsequent editions cioeconómica incipiente, en probable se­ is reevaluated the old edition of Ber­ guimiento­ de las heteras quienes, desde su nardakis. (Published Abstract) condición, discurrían con cierta indepen­ ­ E. Kechagia, «Philosophy in Plutarch’s dencia­ en el ámbito de la sociedad griega. Table Talk: In Jest or in Earnest?», in (V.R., A.V.) Banquet, 77-104. A. Gostoli, «Da Demodoco a Timoteo: E.K. s’interroge sur la place et le rôle­ una storia della lirica greca nel De de la philosophie au banquet et dans mu­sica attribuito a Plutarco», QUCC les Propos de Table, œuvre qui por­te n. s. 99 (2011) 31-42. l’empreinte de la littérature des Pro­ Il trattato De musica offre «la più antica blê­mata, de la zêtêsis socratique et des storia della poesia lirica greca a partire Memorabilia de Xénophon. La phi­ dall’epica lirica preomerica fino al -V IV losophie est conçue par Plutarque com­ secolo a.C., ponendosi di fatto come il me un art de vivre et comme une re­cher­ contraltare della Poetica di Aristotele» che des causes des phénomènes et des (p. 31), perché considera la storia della pratiques. E.K. explique que cette œuvre lirica come parte integrante della sto­ est conçue de façon à promouvoir l’en­ ria della poesia. Tra le questioni più seignement philosophique : les jeunes­ spinose­ di questa ricostruzione storica élèves en philosophie peuvent appren­ vi sono la definizione della struttura dre à travers elle les outils et les mé­ metrica­­ e ritmica della citarodia epica thodes qu’ils doivent suivre pour me­ pre-omerica (e la sua comparazione con ner une enquête et pour argumenter en la versificazione stesicorea), la ricostru­­ utilisant des arguments probables (πι­ zione dei generi poetico-musicali ar­­caici θα­νόν) et plausibles (εἰκός). (M.V.)

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F. K lotz, «Imagining the Past: Plutarch’s de Table il y a une tension con­tinue Play with Time», in Banquet, 161-178. entre l’identité individuelle et l’identité­ L’article se focalise sur la représentation collective, entre le savoir du convive­ et caléidoscopique­ de soi dans les Propos­ celui des auteurs anciens cités.­ (M.V.) de Table et plus précisément sur les H. G. Ingenkamp, «Plutarchs Schrift ge­ multiples­ facettes qu’adopte le narra­ gen das Borgen (Περὶ τοῦ μὴ δεῖν δα­ teur dans ses interactions avec des amis νείζεσθαι): Adressaten, Lehrziele und ou des membres de sa famille. Il appa­ Genos»,­ in Virtues, 223-236. raît tantôt en père, tantôt en fils, tantôt­ In Aufnahme einer bislang un­ver­öffent­­ en philosophe accompli, tantôt­ en élève­ lichten Studie zu „Sprung­brettar­­gumenten attentif. Il représente une relation pé­ bei Plutarch“ fragt Ingenkamp nach den dagogique maître-élève­ de façon idéa­ sozial­geschicht­li­chen Implikationen der lisée­ en adoptant lui-même l’identité Rhetorik Plutarchs­ in De vitando aere d’un professeur expéri­menté­ ou d’un alieno. Die Adressaten­ erblickt er in der étu­diant modeste. Plu­tarque/narrateur Schicht der „kleinen Leute“. Wie De cu­pi­ est un modèle pour ses lecteurs comme ditate divitiarum und De tranquillitate ani­ Plutarque/con­ vive­ est un modèle pour mi sei die Schrift nicht als praktische See­ les autres convives.­ Les Propos de Table len­heilungsschrift, sondern als argu­men­ mettent ainsi­ à disposition du lecteur tie­rende Homilie einzuordnen. (R.H-L.) plusieurs­ exemples­ du philosophe en ac­ tion au sym­po­sion. (M.V.) D. F. Leão, «Licurgo. O mítico criador da constituição espartana», in Ana Pau­la J. König, «Self-Promotion and Self-Effa­ Pito (coord.), Mitos e heróis. A expressão­ ce­ment in Plutarch’s Table Talk», in do imaginário, Braga, 2011, 49-61. Ban­quet, 179-203. “Lycurgus: the mythic creator of the L’auteur étudie l’entrejeu qui se déve­ Spartan constitution”. A long tradition, loppe entre la promotion de soi dans which has in Plutarch of Chaeronea its les con­versations conviviales et la most remarkable point, presented Ly­ tendance à l’effacement de sa voix. curgus as the founder of the Spartan Cet effacement se fait au profit de la consti­tution, thus crediting him with communauté des banqueteurs ou des creating­­ a set of rules that would guide auteurs du passé qui retrouvent une voix the city’s political and military life for grâce à l’énonciation des citations tirées many centuries to come. On the contrary, de leurs œuvres. Dans les Propos de Ta­ that founding document – known as ble, on est en présence non seulement “Great Rhetra” – could be the result of d’une manifestation symposiaque réu­ the contributions of several statesmen, nissant plusieurs convives mais éga­ and, indeed, upon its traditional creator le­­ment d’une communauté virtuelle rests, since Antiquity, the legitimate constituée­­ d’auteurs du passé dont on suspicion that he might not have even ré-actualise le savoir. Dans la première existed. In spite of these doubts, it will partie­ de l’article, J.K. examine des be very difficult to find any study on textes scientifiques, sympotiques et des Sparta’s history that does not start, miscellannées­ où l’autorité auctoriale precisely, by considering the figure of s’exprime à la première personne, puis Lycurgus, whose mythical outlines are il se penche sur son déploiement effec­ mixed with the sheer idealization that tif dans les Propos de Table où les pra­ Spar­tan society underwent from an tiques de la représentation du Soi sont early age as well. With this paper, this subverties. Il observe que dans les Propos old discussion will be revisited as an

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elucidative example of how historical A. Meriani, «Carlo Valgulio e il testo del facts can be amplified up to the borders ‘De musica’», QUCC n. s. 99 (2011) of myth, in order to benefit a certain 229-258. ideology, embodied by the paradigmatic Dal momento che la traduzione del De figures of the founding heroes [D.L.] musica­ realizzata da Carlo Val­gu­lio L. Lomiento, «Riflessioni critiche sul con­ antecede­ la prima edizione a stampa cetto di ‘appropriatezza’ nel De mu­sica dell’opuscolo, diventa importante cer­ dello ps. Plutarco (De mus. 32-36)», care­ di capire su quale manoscritto – o QUCC n. s. 99 (2011) 135-152. almeno­ su quale famiglia di manoscritti I capitoli 32-36 del De musica pseu­do- – egli si sia effettivamente basato. La plutarcheo sono ritenuti generalmente messa a sistema delle informazioni aristossenici­ (già in Weil-Reinach sono­ ‘esterne’­ e dell’analisi interna della tra­ considerati tali), eppure vi sono alcu­ ­ duzione, confrontata con il testo offer­ ni aspetti che sembrano rendere incerta­ to da diversi manoscritti, porta a con­ questa attribuzione, e che «presuppon­ ­ cludere che Valgulio abbia avuto sotto­ gono­ una mediazione culturale più com­ mano­ manoscritti della famiglia vqs, e si posita» (p. 141). In particolare, i capitoli sia basato soprattutto su v. Dall’analisi in questione non paiono incen­ trati­ sugli della traduzione valguliana, peraltro, effetti etici e psicagogici della musica, si ricavano congetture che andrebbero ma piuttosto sugli aspetti tecnico-­ rivalutate,­ ed eventualmente incluse strutturali ed estetici. Lo stesso concetto­ nell’apparato critico di una eventuale di ‘appropriatezza’, cuore tema­ tico­ della nuova­ edizione dell’opuscolo pseudo- sezione, sembra essere basa­ to­ anzitutto plu­tarcheo. (M.D.S.) su elementi strutturali ed espressivi, il che H. M. Martin, « Plutarchan Morality : Arete, farebbe pensare alla mediazione­ di una Tyche, and Non-Consequentialism», in fonte ‘tecnica’ di età ellenistica.­ (M.D.S.) Virtues, 133-150. G. Marasco, «Fra storiografia e trage­ This essay begins with an examination of dia: Plutarco e Ctesia di Cnido», in Demosthenes 12.7-13.6, where Plutar­ Trans­misor, 199-206. ch extols Demosthenes for consistently Marasco, nella sua comunicazione, advocating in his public policy the prende­ in esame l’interesse di Plutarco principle that Athens should do what per i Persika di Ctesia di Cnido, medico is right (to kalon), regardless of the di corte del re persiano Artaserse II. Il consequences. This moral position is then filosofo di Cheronea utilizzò ampiamente contrasted with consequentialism,‘the l’opera di Ctesia per i capp. 1-21 della view that all actions are right or wrong Vita del re persiano pur riconoscendone in virtue of their consequences’. Various i limiti come già avevano fatto gli an­ passages in the Lives and the Moralia are tichi.­ Ma Plutarco - come ricorda l’ au­ successively analysed in order to present tore­ del saggio - riconosceva a Ctesia la the Platonic essence of the morality drammaticità della sua opera, parti­colar­ ­ extolled in the Demosthenes and to mente adatta alle sue Biografie che nasce­ emphasise the non-consequentialism of vano con un intento fortemente morale. such morality: Pericles 1-2, De Iside et Un elemento questo che ancora di più è Osiride 351CD, De sollertia animalium da sottolineare in quanto, avvicinandosi 960A-965B, De facie 942F-945D, De ad un personaggio non greco - quale era sera numinis vindicta 550DE, Phocion Artaserse­ -, Plutarco attribuiva alla virtù 1.4-6, Dion 1.1-2. The essay then shifts to e al vizio valore universale. (P.V.) an array of passages in the Lives in which

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Plutarch assumes a consequentialist sententiae­ from ancient authors. The II position,­ in that he advocates or ap­ tomus­ is re­served­ to Plutarch’s legacy proves the notion that expediency (to and in the secunda­ classis we have feli­ ­ sympheron) must have precedence citas­ vera & falsa­ , whose study will be over what is right (to dikaion) when the aim of this paper.­ [English abstract the welfare of one’s country is at stake: by the author] Phocion­ 32.1-9, Theseus-Romulus 6.1- C. A. Martins de Jesús, «Semíramis y 5, Themistocles 3.5-4.4, Aristides 13.2 Ém­pone. Dos historias de amor y and 25.1-3, Cimon 2.5, Nicias-Crassus desa­mor en el Amatorius de Plutarco», 4.3-4. Finally, this inconsistency is in Transmisor, 69-80. explained as the expression of someth­ El autor, traductor de Amatorius al ing that is actually a common feature of por­tu­gués y buen conocedor de la pieza human experience, and as a reflection plu­tarquea, comenta los pormenores de of his unregarded reaction to the moral sen­dos episodios de amor y desamor en dilemmas he personally faced when el opúsculo del Queronense. (V.R., A.V.) he gazed into the mirror of history and evaluated the conduct of the subjects of M. Meeusen, «From reference to Reve­­ the Lives. (Published Abstract slightly ren­ce: Five Quotations of Aristotle in shortened) Plutarch’s Quaestiones Naturales», in Transmisor, 347-364. M. Martínez Hernández, «Plutarco trans­ This paper presents a detailed analysis misor de las Islas de los Bienaven­ turados­ and contextualization (so far as possible) y su recepción en la historio­ grafía­ ca­ of five quotations of Aristotle in Quaestio­ na­ria (ss. XVI-XIX)», in Transmisor, nes Naturales . The purpose is to deduce 545-568. significant information about the reve­ Revisión actualizada de los estudios más rence­ of Plutarch towards the Stagirite relevantes de la historiografía canaria and to formulate hypotheses for further (ss. XVI-XIX) a propósito de las dos in­quiry about the position of Aristotle islas bienaventuradas, atlánticas, que in the Corpus Plutarcheum in general. Plutarco menciona en la Vida de Sertorio In the margin something is said about (8-9.1). (V.R., A.V.) the writing methods of Plutarch and his A. I. C. Martins, «A recepção do motivo attitude­ towards his sources. I conclude fe­licitas vera & falsa de Plutarco no that Plutarch, seeing that he mildly and tra­tado de filosofia moral de Frei Luís constructively­ criticizes Aristotle, takes de Granada», in Transmisor, 533-544. a gentle and non-polemical position to­ “The reception of Plutarch’s motive feli­ ­ wards Aristotelian physics. (Published citas vera & falsa in the treaty of moral Abstract) philosophy­­ of Frei Luís de Granada”. M. Monaco, «Folly and Dark Humour in The cultural scenery of Renaissance em­­ the Life of Demetrios», Ploutarchos n. phasizes,­ revivals and revalues Classical­­ s., vol. 9 (2011) 49-59. principles of Ancient Culture, like a uox Version révisée d’un papier présenté à une universalis. The dyna­ mic­ of gnoseological rencontre d’Oxford “Irony and Humour contaminatio impro­ ves­ a new esthetical as Imperial Greek Literary Strategies: and literary matrix,­ because humanists The Playful Plutarch”, l’article s’attache early recogniz­ ed­ the ancient potential of à montrer dans l’emploi de l’humour plus its pattern and model. The humanist Frei qu’un simple instrument didactique, un Luís de Gra­nada­ in his opus, Collectanea élément de la stratégie narrative; ainsi Moralis­­ Philosophiae­ , organized moral deux scènes de changement de costume

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(9, 3-4 et 44, 6) sont mises en relation J. Mossman & F. Titchener, «Bitch is not avec la tonalité de chaque partie de la Vie, a Four-Letter Word. Animal Reason comique ou tragique ; puis sont étudiés and Human Passion in Plutarch», in deux personnages de la partie comique, Virtues, 273-296. Antigone le Borgne et Lamia ; enfin sont The analysis of De sollertia animalium envisagés “l’humour noir” de la partie (and to a lesser extent, Bruta animalia tragique et l’ironie de la captivité. Sur ce ratione uti) tries to provide insight thème intéressant, on peut regretter que into Plutarch’s own attitudes about la distinction entre l’humour de l’auteur virtues, arguing that the use of animals et les mots d’esprit des personnages, et provides a kind of surrogacy or a encore l’utilisation des seconds par le place for Plutarch to argue his points premier, restent souvent­ incertaines. Une at a safe remove. (from the Published comparaison aussi avec la place­ tenue Abstract) par la paidia dans la Vie d’Antoine se­ F. M uccioli, «Plutarco, il “buon uso” rait sans doute éclairante. (F.F.) delle fonti epigrafiche e il decreto di J. G. Montes Cala, «Los testimonios plu­ Temistocle»,­ in Transmisor, 207-222. tar­queos sobre Filóxeno de Citera», Muccioli indaga come Plutarco combini in Trans­misor, 49-58. la doppia citazione del celebre decreto di Análisis de los trece testimonios que Temistocle­ del 480 a.C. con la tradizione documenta Plutarco sobre el autor de epigrafica­ e letteraria che lo tramanda ed ditirambos Filoxeno de Ciera, con in­ci­ in ordine alle sue tecniche di narrazione dencia particular en la agrupación de los biografica.­ In una prospettiva più ampia,­ pasajes por temas y motivos perti­ nentes,­ lo studioso discute il principio metodo­ ­ con atención estrecha a la condición­ de logico plutarcheo enunciato in Nic. 1,5 los mismos en el tratamiento de los topoi a proposito dell’importanza delle fonti­ inherentes a un subgénero literario: las epigrafiche attingendo ad alcuni esem­ Vitae poetarum. (V.R., A.V.) pi degni di nota prescelti tra le vicende T. Morgan, «The Miscellany and Plutar­ degli­ eroi ateniesi e dalla storia del V ch», in Banquet, 49-73. e IV secolo a.C. narrate nelle Vite di L’auteure se focalise sur un type de pro­ Plutarco. In particolare, Muccioli stu­ duction littéraire très populaire à l’épo­ dia le fonti epigrafiche nelle Vite con­si­ que impériale, les miscellanées, qu’elle derando le esigenze della ricerca anti­ définit comme une collection de différentes quaria,­ le prospettive metodologiche e sortes de textes courts (poésie,­ théolo­ gie,­ le istanze etiche ed analizza tradizione grammaire, rhétorique, méde­ cine,­ géo­ e problematiche connesse al decreto di graphie­ etc.) inclus dans un ouvrage­ plus Temistocle­ individuando alcuni elementi large. Les Anciens ont reconnu­ le concept nuovi­ ed interessanti. (F.T.) sans toutefois utiliser un terme générique I. Muñoz Gallarte, «Posidonio en Plu­ distinctif. L’exigence de l’egkuklios paideia tar­co: acerca del nacimiento del alma durant l’époque impériale­ explique la del mundo», in Transmisor, 365-378. popularité de ce genre.­ T.M. présente Plu­ La exégesis que efectúa Plutarco sobre tarque comme un virtuose de ce genre. Les los planteamientos de Posidonio revela Propos de Table­ dans lequel sont inclus que Plutarco se sirve del autor para des aitia, des problêmata, des chreiai ainsi censurar los postulados de Posidonio que des discours­ philosophiques est une y, de paso, defender las ideas filosóficas œuvre qui a contribué au développement que el Queronense sustenta, ligadas a la des mis­cellannées. (M.V.) ortodoxia del platonismo. (V.R., A.V.)

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A. Narro sanchez, «Los valores de la bue­ K. Oikonomopolou, «Peripatetic Know­ na mujer en Plutarco a través del De led­­ge in Plutarch’s Table Talk», in Institutione­ Feminae Christianae de Ban­quet, 105-130. Luis Vives», in Transmisor, 569-584. L’article étudie l’influence de la littéra­­ La obra ensayística de Plutarco es tu­re des Problêmata sur les questions et venero frecuente de Luis Vives en la les réponses qui structurent les Pro­pos de redacción de su manual pedagógico Table. K.O. montre que le savoir transmis sobre la educación femenina, con una oralement dans le cadre collec­tif du orientación inherente a los principios banquet n’est pas restitué de façon stérile cristianos del humanista. (V.R., A.V.) mais se caractérise par la découverte des choses nouvelles (εὑρη­ σιλογία).­ Aristote L. de Nazaré Ferreira, «La transmisión constitue une base et un stimulant pour de Simónides de Ceos por Plutarco», une réflexion­ philosophique qui ne cesse in Transmisor, 59-68. de se renouveler. L’accumulation et la Aportación de Plutarco a la transmisión transmission­ du savoir se base sur la del corpus simonideo con incidencia mémoire­ que réactivent les convives en par­ticular en sendos tópicos anejos a la citant­ les œuvres du passé pour adapter tradición biográfica del poeta: la ava­ri­ ces citations et ces références aux ar­ cia y la sabiduría. (V.R., A.V.) guments­ et aux exigences du moment. J. M. Nieto Ibáñez, «Plutarco transmisor Point de départ pour cet exercice in­ de la polémica antioracular en la pa­ tellectuel,­ l’exigence de πολυμάθεια est trística­­ griega», in Transmisor, 365-378. aussi d’inspiration aristotélicienne. Si La importancia de los oráculos en Plu­­ les Propos de Table se réapproprient la tarco ejerce una gran influencia en los paideia­ du passé, ils constituent le point círculos paganos y cristianos poste­ rio­ ­ de départ pour des futures enquêtes et res. Muy concretamente, el cristia­ nis­ mo­ l’enrichissement­ du savoir. (M.V.) (y en particular Eusebio de Cesa­ rea­ y J. Opsomer, «Fortune and Happiness in Theo­ Teodoreto de Ciro) insistirá en el fin de ry and Practice», in Virtues, 151-173. los oráculos antiguos. En últi­ma­ ins­ This contribution explores the relation tancia, los temas adivinatorio y profét­ ­ between (good and bad) luck, character, ico reflejarán bien la confluencia (o no) and happiness, primarily in the Life entre el nuevo mensaje cristiano y la ci­ of Dion, but also in other texts. As a vi­lización grecorromana. (V.R., A.V.) Platonist Plutarch is committed to the A. G. Nikolaidis, «‘Minor’ Ethics : Some view that virtue, which consists in the Remarks on De garrulitate, De curio­­ rule of reason over the passions, is sitate and De vitioso pudore», in Virtues, strongly conducive to happiness. He is 205-222. even attracted by the view that virtues Plutarch’s treatment of polypragmosyne constitutes a sufficient condition to and dysopia makes it easy for one to that end. Yet he distances himself from understand why these foibles are describ­ the view that luck plays no role at all ed as affections and maladies of the soul, towards happiness. In De virtute morali but for adoleschia this is not so clear Plutarch takes into account the role of nnd the reasons offered are hardly sa­ luck when he is discussing prudence, tisfactory or convincing. This paper an intellectual virtue that is exercised attempts to give an explanation for this in the realm of contingency. The rela­ ­ and proceeds to suggest some reasons. tionship between virtue and luck is cen­ (from the Published Abstract) tral to the Life of Dion. Adversity is also

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a test for character. In the Life of Ser­ tio­nes come genere letterario posso­no torius­ Plutarch comes close to the Stoic esse­re considerate come un punto­ di view that virtue cannot be lost due to par­tenza per la costruzione del dialogo ill-fortune. Yet he allows for less than fi­losofico, nella misura in cui entrambi i perfect forms of virtue, which are not ge­neri concepiscono il lavo­ ­ro filosofico incorruptible. In the Life of Solon he co­me un movimento di approssimazione claims that a virtuous disposition can be pro­gressiva alla ve­rità. (A.G.) destroyed by drugs or disease. There is G. Ottone, «Plutarco trasmissore: ratio not inconsistency between these claims. e prassi della citazione nella Vita di Plutarch accepts the existence and moral Age­silao», in Transmisor, 223-242. relevance of pure luck, for this is where L’immagine­ di Agesilao che emerge dal practical virtues and prudence become βίος plutarcheo appare sostanzialmente relevant. He also accepts constitutive differente­ da quella proposta da Seno­ moral luck as a given. (Published fonte nell’Agesilao. Il racconto seno­ Abstract slighly shortened) fonteo­ infatti è caratterizzato dal tono J. Opsomer, « Arguments non-linéaires encomiastico­­ e dalla visione idealizzata et pensée en cercles. Forme et argu­ del personaggio; in Plutarco, invece, men­­tation dans les Questions pla­to­ni­ Agesilao­­ si rende autore sia di azioni en­ ciennes de Plutarque », in Dia­lo­gues comiabili­­ sia di gesti degni di biasimo. pla­toniciens, 93-116. Ai fini della costruzione di questo ritratto Il contributo costituisce un’analisi appro­­ ambivalente,­ Plutarco ricorre ad una se­ fondita­ della quinta Questione pla­­tonica rie di citazioni, dal tono denigratorio oltre­ che una più generale riflessione­ o elogiativo, seguite da precisazioni e sulle pratiche­ esegetiche di Plutarco,­ commenti,­ il cui scopo appare quello nelle Questioni platoniche in partico­ ­ di stemperare le parole infamanti, che lare,­ e della relazione di esse al resto­ si leggevano nella fonte, oppure di bi­ del corpus. Il contributo fornisce: [1] lanciare­ le informazioni presenti in re­ un’analisi del genere letterario e filo­ so­ fico­ soconti­ eccessivamente favorevoli al dello zêtêma, in particolare in rife­ ri­ mento­ personaggio.­ Le citazioni consentono ai celebri hypomnêmata di cui parla­ il pertanto­ a Plutarco di delineare un de tranquillitate animi (93-96); [2] una profilo di Agesilao dai contorni sfumati, presentazione della struttu­ra ge­ne­rale evidenziando­ la compresenza, nella me­ della quinta Questione platonica (96- desima persona, di virtù, quali la sempli­ ­ 99); [3] una valutazione dell’insieme cità e l’integrità, tradizionalmente asso­ degli argomenti che compongono questo ciate­ al mondo spartano, e debolezze, zê­têma (99-111); [4] un paragone tra la come­ l’aver fatto ricorso al potere per quin­ta Questione platonica e la sezione arrecare vantaggi ai propri amici. Le cosmo­logica del de defectu oraculorum citazioni dunque sembrano essere uti­ (421e-431a), tenuto conto del pas­sag­ lizzate­ non tanto per il loro valore do­ gio dalla formulazione propria dello cumentario­ quanto per l’aggiunta di zêtêma a quella del dialogo (111-114). dettagli,­ anche non significativi sto­ Quest’ultimo punto­ in particolare per­ ricamente, che contribuiscono a sotto­ mette di constatare co­me il lavoro più lineare­ l’ambivalenza dell’ethos del re squisitamente esegetico proprio­ alle spartano. Soffermandosi su alcune cita­ ­ Questioni platoniche sia intima­ ­men­te zioni presenti nella Vita di Agesilao, la legato ai dialoghi plutarchei. Le quaes­ studiosa evidenzia che Plutarco spesso

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le adatta al contesto in cui sono in­ C. B. R. Pelling, «Putting the -viv- into serite, apportando alterazioni al signi­ ­ ‘Con­vivial’: The Table Talk and the ficato originario; tale opera con­di ri­ Lives», in Banquet, 207-231. testualizzazione del testo citato pone­ in C.P. s’intéresse à la méthode de travail rilievo un aspetto problematico rela­ tivo­ de Plutarque dans les Propos de Table all’opera del Cheronese: quanto so­no et examine les liens intertextuels qui se attendibili sia storicamente che formal­ ­ tissent entre cette œuvre et les Vies. Il mente­ le citazioni nel βίος? (S.C.) analyse­ quelques cas d’intertextualité D. de Paco Serrano, «Problemas fisio­ entre­ les Vies et les Propos de Table, ló­gicos en el libro VI de Quaestiones qu’il appelle « cross-fertilization » mais Con­vivales», in Transmisor, 337-346. observe­ qu’il y a peu de références ou Con base en el libro VI de las d’allusions­ à des faits racontés dans les Quaestiones Convivales, la autora exa­ Vies, également pauvres en références mi­na minuciosamente los aspectos de à Rome. Plutarque ne charge pas son ín­dole fisiológica que comparecen en el texte­ de références biographiques. C.P. opús­culo plutarqueo. (V.R., A.V.) s’arrête sur un passage-clé des Propos de S. Palazzo, «I Romani e i re. Esempi di Table­ (614A-B) où le narrateur fait savoir comunicazioni difficili in Plutarco»,in que les histoires de faits exemplaires C. Antonetti (cur.), Comunicazione e suscitant l’émulation et éduquant les con­ lin­guaggi (Quaderni del Dipartimento vives doivent être racontées au banquet­ di scienze dell’ antichità e del Vicino ἀνυπόπτως, «sans suspicion», c’est-à- orien­te. Università Ca’ Foscari Vene­­ dire sans avoir l’air d’enseigner, sans zia. 8), Padova, 2011, 239-256. paraître un «je sais tout» et sans con­ Le Vite plutarchee presentano come fondre recherche biographique et conver­ ­ modello narrativo ricorrente l’incontro sation­ conviviale. (M.V.) e il dialogo tra comandanti romani e C. B. R. Pelling, «What is Popular about sovrani­ ellenistici. In tale situazione i Plutarch’s ‘Popular Philosophy’?», rappresentanti di Roma incarnano sem­ in Vir­tues, 41-58. pre valori estremamente positivi quali co­ This paper addresses two questions: raggio, clementia, humanitas e libertà di what is popular philosophy, that is, does parola­ (parrhesia); al contrario i sovrani Plutarch conceive of it as different from ellenistici­ sono ‘dipinti’ dal Cheronense other sorts of ethics, and, if so, whom is con i tratti tipici del tiranno, nemico di quella libertà che caratterizza invece i this philosophy for? It approaches these personaggi­ romani, migliore espressione issues obliquely through the Lives and di quel popolo romano nato libero e ostile concentrate particularly on questions of ad ogni potere dispotico. Se in Polibio è politics. (From the published abstract) possibile­ rintracciare dialoghi in cui ad A. Pérez Jiménez, «De nuevo el un sovrano ellenistico, portatore di virtù Temístocles de Gracián/Enzinas de e messaggi marcatamente positivi, si 1551. ¿Una tra­ducción revisada? », in contrappone­ un uomo romano descritto Transmisor, 585-598. in maniera negativa, ciò non accade né Un estudio pormenorizado, con abun­ in Livio né soprattutto in Plutarco: nelle dante actualización crítica, del Temís­ ­ biografie infatti i Romani che si confron­­ tocles editado en 1551 induce al pro­ tano­ con un re non presentano mai difetti fesor­ Pérez Jiménez a una solución de da biasimare, ma incarnano un coraggio eclecticismo sobre la autoría de la ver­ che viene sempre evidenziato e lodato dal sión: se trataría inicialmente de una biografo.­ (S.A.) traducción de Gracián que, poste­ rior­ ­

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mente, Enzinas habría revisado y adap­ El humanista Vaenius efectuó, en el siglo ta­do. (V.R., A.V.) XVII, una obra de emblemata amorum A. Pérez Jiménez, «Astrometeorologia y inspi­rados en autoridades griegas creencias­ sobre los astros en Plutar­­ y, al res­pecto, la figura de Plutarco co», in Virtues, 259-271. cobra un lu­gar de importancia. Por su No obstante la relativa escasez de las re­ parte, Pérez Ji­ménez revisa los nueve ferencias­ astrales en la obra de Plutarco, emblemas en los que el humanista uti­ la comparecencia de las mismas revela li­za el nombre de Plutarco. En tal sen­ el interés de Plutarco por el tema, donde tido, cuatro de ellos tienen la fuente los enfoques de naturaleza culta y cien­ de los Moralia bien identificada y, por tífica­­ se subordinan frecuentemente a tanto, es posible ras­trear las ediciones los planteamientos de índole religiosa. o las traducciones latinas­ de que se (V.R., A.V.) sir­vió Vaenius. En lo relativo a los cin­­ A. Pérez Jiménez, «Οὐ καθ᾿Ἡσίοδον. Po­ co emblemas cuya­ fuente no está re­ siciones­ críticas de Plutarco ante el sueltamente identi­ ­ficada, Pérez Jimé­ ­­­nez poeta­ de Ascra» in A. Pérez Jiménez rea­liza un plausible­ esfuerzo conjetural & I. Calero Secall (eds.), Δῶρον Μνη­ don­de alguno de los emble­ ­mas puede μοσύνης.­ Miscelánea de Estudios Ofre­ ra­zo­nablemente ads­cribirse a cierta cidos a Mª Ángeles Durán López, Zara­­ obra de Plutarco mientras­ que otros goza, Libros Pórtico, 2011, 221-232. emblemas muestran la dificultad de una El profesor Pérez Jiménez justiprecia el adscripción concreta,­ si bien los tópicos uso crítico que Plutarco realiza de Hesío­ ­ o los recursos estilísticos que destilan do, poeta y compatriota tebano. La pon­ se corresponden adecuada­ ­mente con el deración de Hesíodo en la obra del Que­ usus plutarqueo. (V.R., A.V.) ronense no empece, sin embargo, a que A. Pérez Jiménez, «En las redes de este censure algunas reflexiones del poeta, χρόνος. La peregrinación inicial de particularmente en lo concer­ ­niente a las almas contaminadas (Plu., De facie textos ubicados en Los Trabajos y los Días. 943C)», In M. Herrero de Jáuregui, A. Mediante la revisión punti­ ­llosa de pasajes I. Jiménez San Cristóbal, M. A. San­ correspondientes en buena medida a los tamaría­ Álvarez et alii (eds.), Trac­ing Moralia, con es­pe­cial incidencia en De Orpheus:­ Studies of Orphic Fragments audiendis poe­tis, Pérez Jiménez concluye in Honour of Alberto Ber­nabé­ , Berlin que las acti­tudes críticas de Plutarco se ven & Boston, Walter De Gruyter, 2011, mo­ti­vadas a menudo por su desacuerdo 205-211. (con base en motivos de índole moral He aquí un análisis pormenorizado o re­ligiosa) so­bre la letra de los versos del papel que desempeña el tiempo en hesió­dicos. No obstante, el desacuerdo es la geografía escatológica de Plutarco respe­tuo­sa­mente crítico y el de Queronea (tal como consta en De facie) y, con­ pug­na por salvar las contradicciones de cre­tamente, en la peregrinación de las He­sío­­do mediante ciertos procedimientos almas contaminadas. Una vez se­pa­ ti­po­ló­gicos que afectan frecuentemente a ra­das las almas del cuerpo, las justas­ la descontextualización (o a la aplica­ ­ción as­piran a ingresar en la llanura elí­ a nue­vos contextos) del mensaje hesió­ ­dico. sea (lo que solo consiguen algunas de (V.R., A.V.) ellas). Pues bien, Pérez Jiménez, con un A. Pérez Jiménez, «Plutarco y los Emble­­ in­teligente análisis estilístico-es­truc­tu­ mata­ amorum de Vaenius», Humanitas, ral de los pasajes significativos, revela 63 (2011) 185-199. la adecuación de forma y sentido que

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adop­­ta el eje temporal en la primera V. Ramón Palerm, «Plutarco y Juan de se­pa­­ración post-mortem, al punto de Pi­­ne­da», in Transmisor, 621-632. que las leyes del tiempo se aplican sis­ En la extensa obra de Pineda (Los Diá­ temáticamente a todas las almas des­li­ lo­gos familiares de la Agricultura Cris­ ga­das del cuerpo. (V.R., A.V.) tiana), el autor de Castilla, místico fran­ cis­cano, efectúa un uso considerable de J. Pinheiro, «A Batalha de Maratona em Plu­tarco», in Transmisor, 243-251. la producción plutarquea con el propó­ ­ “The battle of Marathon in Plutarch”. In si­to de confrontar los mundos pagano y this intervention it is our goal to examine cristiano; y para exhibir, en abierta mo­ how Plutarch introduces and develops ra­lización, la preeminencia del segundo the Battle of Marathon theme, one of the so­bre el primero. (V.R., A.V.) most relevant events of the fifth century J. Redondo Sánchez, «Sobre la recepción BC, along with the battles of Salamis de Plutarco en el primer cuarto del and Plataia (Comp. Arist. Cat. Ma. 5.1). si­glo XV: el Memorial del Pecador Re­ Therefore, we intend to identify the set of mut de Felip de Malla», in Trans­mi­ information that can be collected from sor, 633-644. the Moralia and the Vitae, as well as the A tenor de la obra correspondiente sources used, and, secondly, to consider de Ma­lla, el profesor Redondo infiere the context in which Plutarch resorts to (en­tre otras conclusiones de nota) this glorious moment in Greek history and que, en la re­cep­ción de la producción the rhetorical effects which he lends to the plutarquea por parte­ del autor catalán, narrative. (English abstract by the author) este se valió de una tradición indirecta, mediata. (V.R., A.V.) L. M. Pino Campos, «La presencia de Plu­tarco en la obra de José Ortega y D. Restani, «Il ‘De musica’ attribuito a Gasset», in Transmisor, 599-620. Plutarco­ e Girolamo Mei», QUCC n. s. Análisis puntilloso, clasificado y co­ 99 (2011) 259-271. men­­tado de las citas plutarqueas que La geografia della ricezione del sapere menciona el celebérrimo filósofo espa­­ musi­ cale­ greco nell’Italia del Quattro e del ñol. (V.R., A.V.) Cinquecento è stata oggetto di studio­ solo a partire da anni recenti. L’interesse­ per M. Raffa, «Il canto di Achille (ps. Plut. De mus. 40, 1145 D-F)», QUCC n. s. 99 le antichità musicali fu particolarmente (2011) 165-176. vivo in città come­ Venezia e Roma, e passò Nel De musica dello pseudo-Plutarco è anche attraverso­ la lettura, la traduzione menzionata­ una famosa scena dell’Iliade, e la rielaborazione del trattato pseudo- nella quale Achille canta versi eroici plutar­ cheo­ De musica. Tale fenomeno è accompagnandosi­ col suono della lira. evidenziato,­ in particolare, dai richiami L’identificazione­ di Ariostosseno quale espliciti­ al trattato contenuti in cinque fonte­ del passo pseudo-plutarcheo che epistole scritte tra il 1551 e il 1572, e contiene­ la citazione dell’Iliade appare indirizzate­ da Girolamo Mei le prime incerta,­ soprattutto alla luce del dibattito quattro a Pier Vettori, la quinta al musi­ ­ filosofico­ sull’ira e sugli effetti etici della cista Vincenzo Galilei. (M.D.S.) performance­ musicale. Particolarmente J. Ribeiro Ferreira «O respeito da lei e os significativa,­ in questo rispetto, è la men­ valores­ da liberdade e da moderação no zione­ del centauro Chirone quale maestro Cato Minor», in Transmisor, 252-266. di Achille, soprattutto in riferimento al “The respect towards law and the values ruolo della musica e alla cosiddetta en­ of freedom and moderation in the Cato kyklios­ paideia. (M.D.S.) Minor”. This paper aims to show that

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the Cato Minor values obedience to Jahr­hundert und deren geistesgeschicht­ ­ the laws of Rome, the virtues of justice liche­ und politische Voraussetzungen so­ and moderation, love of freedom and wie ihre Funktion im Rahmen der Herr­ homeland. Cato is a staunch defender scherlegitimation,­ insbesondere die 1695 of the Roman Republic, he fights for it ur­auf­geführte Oper Die Großmüthigkeit and for freedom against all attempts to deß Marcus Fabricius. (R.H-L.) obtain power in an unconstitutional way. A. R. C. Rodrigues, «O poder apo­tro­ He prefers even death rather than to live pai­co do sangue (Quaest. Conv. 700e). under the rule of Caesar, when, using Plu­tarco e a transmissão de uma prá­ force, the latter becomes the sovereign ti­ca agrícola ancestral», in Trans­mi­ of Rome. But his actions are always sor, 391-400. subjected to the dictates of moderation “The apotropaic power of blood (Quæst. and humanity, his conduct is kind and Conv. 700e): Plutarch and the trans­ courteous — finally he confers his life mission of an ancestral agricultural prac­ a gentleness that is dose to the ideal of tice”. Plutarch’s Table Talk, beyond its li­ city man, corresponds to the ideal of terary­ and philosophical dimensions, may civilization itself, which is not far at all well constitute a real and valid testimony from a vision of gentleness as democratic of social and human customs and practices virtue. (English abstract by the author) known by both the aristocrat and the farmer. E. Rocconi, «Psichike e ourania harmo­­ The second discussion of the seventh book nia: alcune ipotesi sulle fonti di ps. focuses on some curious examples of Plut. De mus. 1138C-1140B », QUCC antipathetic and sympathetic aspects of n. s. 99 (2011) 99-116. nature, a recurring theme in this work. Nei capitoli 22-25 del trattato pseudo- Indeed, agricultural­ bizarre phenomena plutarcheo­­ l’autore discute diverse testi­ are presented, namely the use of animal and monianze,­ che per lo più sono tratte da menstrual blood for apotropaic purposes Pla­­tone, da Aristotele e da fon­ti pi­ta­go­ (700e). In fact, this practice is mention­ ed­ riche,­ relative alla perfetta simmetri­ ca­ by Dioscorides and Pliny, who also­ offer dell’armonia­ musicale, e alla sua esatta several pharmacological and agri­cultural corrispondenza con l’ordine armo­ ni­­ examples. After the analysis of this ex­ co dell’universo. Il materiale discusso è cerpt and other testimonies, they will be assem­­­­blato secondo un disegno coerente, confronted with the representation of e l’unità tematica della ‘digressione’ the menstruating woman in Hippocratic porta­­ a postulare l’esistenza di una fon­ te co­mune,­­­ sulla quale è possibile for­ treatises, as well as its relation with mulare­ diverse­­­ ipotesi oltre a quella the sacred. Thus, it will enable the re­ ‘aristotelica’ già proposta di recente da construction of a larger cultural subject An­drew Barker. (M.D.S.) transmitted­ by Plutarch. (English abstract by the author) S. Rode-Breymann, «Lebensbilder her­ vorra­gender Tüchtigkeit/ Plutarch- M. A. Rodríguez Horrillo, «Plutarco Re­zeption in Opern am Habsburger transmisor­ de Salustio: la Vida de Ser­ Kai­ser­hof: ein Versuch», in U. Hei­ to­rio 10.5-7», in Transmisor, 267-276. nen (hrsg), Welche Antike ? Kon­ Ciertos comentarios de Plutarco en la Vi­ kurrierende Rezeptionen des Altertums da de Sertorio revelan la existencia de una im Barock, Wiesbaden, 2011 261-276. polémica­ entre Plutarco y Salustio debida Der Aufsatz diskutiert die Rezeption der con probabilidad al universo intelectual, Viten­ Plutarchs in den Opernlibretti am sensiblemente­ distinguido, de ambos au­ Habsburger­ Hof im ausgehenden 17. tores. (V.R., A.V.)

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L. Roig Lanzillotta, «Plutarch of Chae­ rivolto­ ai membri della scuola filosofica ro­nea and the gnostic world­view: dello stesso Plutarco, riguarda un aspetto Middle­ Platonism and the Nag Ham­ cruciale­ del suo platonismo, vale a dire la madi­ library», in Transmisor, 401-418. dimensione­ scettica di esso. La Quaestio Um die Frage möglicher Beziehungen zur procede­ in maniera progressiva e la pro­ „Welt der Gnosis“, wie sie uns in der Bi­ posta­ esegetica conclusiva integra le bliothek­­ von Nag Hammadi zugänglich ist, precedenti,­ secondo un procedimento neu zu beleuchten, untersucht Roig Lan­ rile­vabile­ anche altrove nel corpus zillotta Aspekte von Plutarchs Theologie (Quaestiones­ naturales, Quaestiones Ro­ (insb. Dualismus), Kosmologie (insb. manae,­ E apud Delphos). Il parallelo con die Rolle der vorkosmischen Weltseele), le Quaestiones conviviales, ove le idee Anthro­­ pologie­­ (insb. die Dreiteilung in proposte dai commensali sono consi­ de­ ­ Körper,­­ Seele und Nous und Motiv des rate utili nella loro totalità, conferma Aufstiegs­­ der Seele), Erkenntnislehre und il fatto che la Quaestio non implica il Ethik. Aus einer Reihe von Parallelen, die rifiuto­ delle prime tre giustificazioni er aufzeigt, schließt er eine Nähe zu gno­ dell’‘infertilità’ di Socrate. Il secondo stischem­­ Denken. (R.H-L.) testo, che ha vocazione più ampia in D. Romero González, «¿Qué es la mu­jer? rapporto ai propri lettori, conferma an­ Hechizo de perversidad», in Trans­mi­ zitutto­ il fatto che il genere letterario del sor, 495-504. dialogo­ è compatibile con la struttura Plutarco exhibe, de manera ejemplifica­ fondamentale­ dello ζήτημα che consiste a dora,­ sus conocimientos sobre los ri­ introdurre un problema filosofico e pro­ tuales­ mágicos asociados al mundo fe­ porre una serie di risposte possibili. An­ menino. Sin embargo, el interés del Que­ che in questo caso si rileva una «dynamic ronense radica en perpetuar una ima­gen tension­ between an ascending structure, proverbialmente transmitida de la mujer, on the one hand, and the plausibility of presa fácil de hechiceros y pronta al uso each view, on the other» (p. 430). (A.G.) de encantamientos en bene­ ficio­ propio. G. Roskam, «Plutarch Against Epicurus (V.R., A.V.) on Affection for Offspring», in Virtues­ , G. Roskam, «Two Quaestiones Socraticae 175-201. in Plutarch», in Transmisor, 419-432. This paper contains a full discussion of Lo studio intende contribuire all’analisi Plutarch’s De amore prolis. A concise dell’opera plutarchea sulla base dei survey of the previous philosophical clusters di citazioni, metafore, argomenti tra­dition is followed by a systematic e similitudini che la caratterizzano e ri­ interpre­tation of Plutarch’s argument flettono­ l’uso da parte di Plutarco di in De amore prolis, which throws a ὑπομ­ νήματα­ nella composizione di essa. new light on the argumentative, cu­ In particolare, il contributo è consacrato mu­lative structure­ of the works of a due luoghi relativi a Socrate di cui other authors and points to several l’autore­ intende mettere in luce i punti in interesting parallels from other Plu­ comune,­ relativi all’uso delle fonti e alla tarchan works and from the works of presentazione­ del materiale, malgrado other authors. This analysis also shows le differenze tematiche ed espressive that the text should be understood as dei due passi: Quaestiones Platonicae an anti-Epicurean polemic and that 1, 999C-1000E e de genio Socratis overemphasising the importance of the 579F-582C e 588C-594A. Il primo testo, topic of animal psychology or family caratterizzato­ da uno stile elaborato e ethics risks misrepresenting the true

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scope of the world. (Published Abstract Suppl. 49), Toronto, 2011, 149-168. sligthly shortened).­ This essay examines the final chapter G. Roskam, «Ambition and Love of Fa­ of QC (9,15), in which Ammonius, Plu­ me in Plutarch’s Lives of Agis, Cleo­ tarch’s teacher, exposes a theory of dance me­nes, and the Gracchi», Cl. Ph. 106 and emphasises in particular the tight (2011) 208-225. relationship between dance and poetry. Plutarch’s Lives of Agis, Cleomenes Dance stands out among the topics of and the Gracchi contain an elaborate symposiac conversation because­ it is not and increasingly complex discussion just talked about but is also part of the of the issue of ambition (φιλοτιμία) and dramatic action. This gives us a twofold love of fame (φιλοδοξία) in politics. A perspective on dance, and the essay comparative reading of this double looks precisely at the intersection­ of pair throws a new light on Plutarch’s conversation­­ and action. This approach differs from earlier treatments­ of the pas­ nuanced thinking about difficult mo­ sage, which tend to focus­ exclusively on ral questions and as such forms an the technical terms. in­teresting illustration of his general pro­blematizing moral approach in the The first part of the paper offers a brief Lives. (Published Abstract)­ discussion of performance culture in the context of the Second Sophistic. E. Ruiz y Yamuza, «Aproximación a las The second part analyses Ammonius’ estrategias de mitigración en Plutar­ ­co: argument and the key notions he intro­ el uso de adversarios de modalidad», in duces, schema, phora, and deixis. It Trans­misor, 505-520. gives special attention to possible Análisis detallado de la orientación que sources for the notion of deixis, which adoptan, en el griego de Plutarco, cier­ has hitherto been understood too na­ tos adverbios de modalidad: τάχα, ἴσως rrowly­­ as a grammatical category. y σχέδον. (V.R., A.V.) The third part of the paper examines the G. Santana Henríquez, «Por qué resul­­ immediate­ context of Ammonius’ eluci­ ­ taba odioso a los romanos el triun­vira­­ dations and his condemnation of con­ to? Las razones que nos trasmite Plu­ temporary­ dance, which is aimed at pan­ tarco en las Vidas Paralelas: Deme­ trio­ - tomime. The picture that emerges is a Antonio », in Transmisor, 277-288. hierarchy of ‘dances’: at the bottom, Adoptando como base la Vida de Antonio, there is contemporary dance, which ap­ el autor reflexiona sobre los motivos que, peals to large masses. Above it are the al decir de Plutarco, inclinaban a los dancing boys at the symposium of the romanos al escepticismo desfavorable so­ cultured few, and at the top, the theory bre el triunvirato. En última instancia, el of dance and the dance of the past as profesor­ Santana concluye que la razón subjects of learned conver­ ­sation. It esencial­ radica en el rechazo intrínseco seems that the more the dance can be re­­ que suscitaba la figura de Antonio entre la moved from the actual perfor­ ­mance and ciudadanía romana. (V.R., A.V.) the average audience, the better. Ne­ K. Schlapbach, «Dance and Discourse vertheless, although the mar­gi­na­lization in Plutarch’s Table Talks 9, 15», in of the action in favour of the discourse T. Schmidt and P. Fleury (eds), Per­ is representative of the dramatic­ and ceptions of the Second Sophistic and narrative economy of QC as a whole, Its Times – Regards sur la Seconde dance imposes itself on the sym­posiac So­phistique et son époque (Phoenix. agenda as a phenomenon of the present

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rather than just an object of anti­ ­quarian use of religion to civilize the Romans, interest. (Published Abstract­ slightly as well as many spe­cial customs and shortened) religious practices, especially the harsh P. Schmitt Pantel, « Discours de genre treatment of the Spartan­ helots. Hamilton dans les “Histoires d’Amour” attri­buées can be seen as an ideal reader of Plutarch. à Plutarque », in La femme, la parenté (Published Abstract) et le politique. Parcours sensi­ ble­ d’une Ph. A. Stadter, «Competition and its historienne.­ Hommage à Claudine Leduc Costs : φιλονικία in Plutarch’s Society (Pallas. Revue d’ Études­ Antiques. 85), and Heroes», in Virtues, 237-255. Toulouse,­ 2011, 83-90. After establishing that the correct form Dans ce bref article, l’auteure s’intéresse and derivation of the stem is from nik- aux cinq récits qui constituent les Erotikai (‘victory’), not neik- (‘strife’), this paper diegeseis­ (= Histoires d’amour) attri­ examines Plutarch’s use of words formed buées à Plutarque et se demande « s’il from the philonik- stem. In the Moralia, on existe une cohérence dans ce recueil the one hand, Plutarch adopts a hortatory apparemment­ hétéroclite ». Selon elle, position,­ warning against the dangers le thème unificateur est celui du genre, of competitiveness within the family (De puisque ces histoires concernent autant amore frat.), among friends (Quaest. des filles que des garçons. En passant en conv.), and in politics (Praec. ger; reip., revue les thèmes qui émaillent trois de ces an seni). In effect, the philonikia described cinq récits (désir sexuel, violence, abus is always undesirable. In the Parallel de pouvoir, vengeance divine, mort, etc.), Lives, on the other hand, he recognizes elle met en évidence le fait que les jeunes that competition can on occasion spur a filles et les jeunes garçons y sont traités de poli­ tical­ figure to greatness, but can also façon rigoureusement sembla­ ble.­ Dès lors, be destructive, as is shown by an analysis il apparaît que dans les jeux de pouvoir, of four pairs of Lives (Lyc.-Num., Ages.- ce qui distingue les prota­ gonistes­ n’est Pomp., Arist.-Cat.Maj., Phil.-Flam.). (from pas tant le genre que la classe d’âge et the published abstract) le fait d’être citoyen ou non citoyen. « La F. Stok, «Perotti traduttore di Plutarco: il séparation ne passe pas de façon simple ‘De Fortuna Romanorum’», StudUma­ entre le masculin et le féminin, mais entre nistPiceni­ 31 (2011) 29-44. les citoyens adultes et les autres. » Le genre Fabio Stok che già da diversi anni si n’entre donc pas seul en considération, occupa con Giancarlo Abbamonte delle mais « s’articule à d’autres formes de traduzioni umanistiche del De fortuna construction pour défi­ nir­ les contours de Romanorum e del De Alexandri fortuna l’identité civique ». (T.S.) an virtute, rivolge in questo saggio la Ph. A. Stadter, «Plutarch in Alexander Ha­ sua attenzione alle traduzioni di Angeli, milton’s pay book», in Transmisor, 645- Perotti, Budé, Xylander e Cruserius di 656. alcuni passi dei due opuscoli che assai The notes made by the American Alexan­ presto vennero accostati nella tradizione der Hamilton in the winter of 1777-1778 manoscritta. Dopo un attento esame lo while reading in English the Plutarch’s studioso conclude che la traduzione di Lives of Theseus, Romu­ lus,­ Lycurgus, Angeli può considerarsi ‘pionieristica’ and Numa reveal this future­ founder of the «caratterizzata da una tendenza alla resa United States as deeply interested in the ad verbum ma anche da semplificazioni, structures of government­ which restrain espansioni e talora da vere e proprie the tyranny of monarchs­ and in Numa’s interpolazioni, errori e fraintendimenti».

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La traduzione di Perotti, pur ereditando number of other writers of that period in alcuni errori di Angeli, elimina i numerosi these­ genres. (Published Abstract) fraintendimenti, mentre è da annotare che F. B. Titchener, «Plutarch’s Table Talk: il latino di Budé è sintatticamente com­ Sampling­ a Rich Blend: A Survey of plicato­ ma impreziosito da scelte lessi­ Scholarly­ Appraisal » in Banquet, 35-48. cali frutto di una vasta cultura. Collo­ Dans sa contribution, F.B.T. présente les candosi­ in un contesto culturale segnato différentes études qui ont été menées sur dal dibattito circa le traduzioni sorto les Propos de Table. Pendant longtemps, in Francia, le traduzioni di Xylander e les spécialistes ont fait des commentaires Cruserius­ si segnalano per una eleganza ou ont adopté des approches descriptives classica la prima, per uno stile più et prosopographiques pour étudier cette espressivo, un lessico ‘corrente’e una sin­ œuvre. Ces études n’ont pas toujours tassi ‘spezzettata’ la seconda. (P.V.) abordé les Propos de Table dans leur F. Tanga, «Il Mulierum Virtutes di Plutar­­ ensemble,­ privilégiant l’examen de co: la testimonianza degli Excerpta Va­ parties­ et aspects précis. Or, ces der­ ticana­ », Ploutarchos n. s. 9 (2011/2012) nières­­­ années voient se multiplier des 61-74. analyses­­ consacrées à l’ensemble de The 8th chapter of Περὶ ἀπίστων l’œuvre­ ainsi que des approches plus (Anonymus­ de incredibilibus) mentions théoriques.­ Désormais une attention a long section of Mulierum Virtutes’ accrue est portée au contexte culturel et story 9 concerning the Chimaera, but idéologique qui a vu naître l’œuvre, en­ quoting­ this Plutarch’s work under the visagée­ comme une œuvre littéraire co­ title Περὶ ἀρετῆς γυναικῶν. This quote hérente. (M.V.) helps in resolving various concerns V. Tsouna,«Philodemus, Seneca and Plu­ raised­ by the title Γυναικῶν ἀρεταί, still tar­ch on anger», in J. Fish and K. today object of ambiguous translations R. Sanders (eds), Epicurus and the Epi­ and in­ter­pretations. (Published Abstract) cu­­rean tradition, Cambridge Univer­ sity­ S.-T. Teodorsson, «Plutarch, a main source Press, 2011, 183-210. for the Presocratics and the Sophists», It is a matter of some controversy whether in Transmisor, 433-446. Seneca and Plutarch had access to, or When we read the testimonia about the took account of, Philodemus’ On An­ Presocratics­ and the Sophists, and the ger (De ira). Certainly neither Sene­ ­ fragments of their texts, we observe that ca’s De ira nor Plutarch’s On the Control­ Plutar­ch is one of our most important of Anger contains any explicit refe­ rence­ sour­ces for our knowledge of these pio­ to the earlier treatise by Philo­ demus.­ neers of Greek philosophy and science. Nevertheless, there is some reason to He quotes double as many fragments as believe that both Seneca and Plutarch Aristotle. Only Stobaeus surpasses him, would have had access either to Phi­lo­ while other writers quote rather limited demus’ treatises, or at least to material numbers­ of passages. We notice that from the Epicurean scholarch Zeno of Plutar­ch seems to have been especially Sidon that Philodemus incorporated into interest­ ed­ in Empedocles, Heraclitus and his own writing. (Extract on line) Democritus; the great majority of quo­ M. Valverde Sánchez, «Eros e imagi­ na­­ tations are from their texts. On the other ción: a propósito de Plu., Mor. 759b-c», hand, Plutarch displays a broad interest in in Transmisor, 81-96. the Presocratics and Sophists generally; El profesor Valverde explora la relación he spreads his quotations over a great existente entre eros e imaginación en

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el Amatorius de Plutarco mediante un the interaction of philosophical tenets with análisis penetrante de los conceptos de rhetorical invasiveness in this particular phan­tasía y enárgeia/enérgeia presentes Plutarchan ‘lecture’. It makes it clear that en el ensayo plutarqueo. (V.R., A.V.) Plutarch’s rhetorical techniques as well M. Vamvouri Ruffy, «Symposium, Phy­ as his partial representation of traditional sical and Social Health in Plutarch’s philosophical tenets (esp. Aristotle) create Ta­ble Talk », in Banquet, 131-157. a positive and stimulating pedagogy.­ M.V.R. uses physiology and medicine as More than Themistius’ On Friendship­ a starting-point to discuss how the world (Or. 22), the lecture seems to address a relating to the body and the sphere of youthful audience, appealing to its self- the symposium encounter one another in esteem; more than Maximus’ Friendship Table Talk’s reconstructed conversations. and Virtue (Or. 35), it testifies to the She constructs her argument beginning confidence that the (idealized) friendship with how philosophy and timing of is within reach. (Published Abstract symposium entertainments have a physical slightly shortened) effect, including how timely music can be L. Van Hoof, «Entre transmisión y trans­ therapeutic and untimely conversation for­mación: Plutarco sobre el cui­dado can be harmful. This is followed by de la salud», in Transmisor, 457-467. the similarities between the leaders of Este trabajo evidencia, por un lado, the symposium and a doctor such as as­pec­tos formales de la epistolografía, avoidance of all excessive behaviour. She pues­to que Plutarco en ocasiones recoge expands the topic by showing how conduct procesos­ epistolares completos, desde at the symposium, the physical realm, and la composición hasta la lectura de la the political sphere are interdependent car­ta. En cuanto al contenido, se revela within the text, revealing Plutarch’s vision la importancia de los encabezamientos of life in society. She concludes with an (que Plutarco utiliza para describir elaboration of how the work itself affects el carácter de los personajes) y de its readers’ body and soul in the same way los distintos tipos epistolares trans­ the symposium would. (F.T.) mi­tidos por el Queronense. Por otro L. Van der Stockt, «Some aspects of la­do, Plutarco muestra un uso de la Plutarch’s view of the physical world. epistolografía relacionado con situa­ ­ Interpreting Causes of Natural Phe­no­ cio­nes misteriosas y con frecuencia mena», in Transmisor, 447-455. ilícitas;­ y, además, utiliza a menudo Plutarch had no ambition to make car­tas en situaciones paralelas de las substantial progress in the field of physical pa­rejas biografiadas. (V.R., A.V.) science. His criteriion for validating L. Van Hoof, «‘Diet-Ethics’. Precepts of scientific opinions seems to have been Healthcare Between Diet and ethics», about all the comprehensiveness of in Virtues, 109-129. ‘logical’ explanations and the coherence In antiquity, the question of what constitutes of the theory. (Published Abstract) a healthy regimen was the object of a fierce L. Van der Stockt, « Semper duo, numquam­ debate among doctors, athletic trainers and tres? Plutarch’s Popularphilosophie in philosophers. When writing his Precepts of Friendship­ and Virtue in On having Healthcare (De tuenda sanitate praecepta), many­ friends», in Virtues, 19-39. Plutarch’s authority was therefore far from The contributio first sketches the goals and self-evident. As the opening dialogue of procedures of eighteenth-century German the text makes clear, the author not only ‘Popularphilosophie’, and then explores reveals himself to be acutely aware of

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this challenge, but also eager to take it la tradition la source d’une vérité qui up. This article examines the nature of n’a rien d’une révélation mais est plutôt­ Plutarch’s healthcare programme, and d’ordre symbolique et à interpréter au analyses some important strategies used in moyen de la philosophie (49) – n’a rien order to promote this ‘diet-ethical’ advice qui puisse choquer le spécialiste de Plu­ in dialogue with competing views on tar­que, et certainement pas l’auteur de healthcare. (Published Abstract) ces lignes, très étonnée de se voir citer P. Van Nuffelen, «2. Plutarch of Chae­ en note (48, n. 2) comme un des tenants ro­nea: “History as a basis for a phi­lo­ d’une évolution de Plutarque vers un sophy that has theology as its end”», “dépassement­ de la raison” (contra, in Id., Rethinking the gods. Phi­lo­so­ l’article de 2008 recensé in Ploutarchos phical Readings of Religion in the n.s. 8 (2011/2012) 124). (F.F.) post-Hellenistic period, Cambridge P. Van Nuffelen, «8. Plutarch: “a bene­­ Univ. press, 2011, 48-71. volent hierarchy of gods and men”», Deux chapitres (voir résumé suivant) in Id., Rethinking the gods. Phi­lo­so­ sont consacrés à Plutarque dans ce li­ phi­cal Readings of Religion in the vre important, où l’auteur s’interroge post-Hellenistic period, Cambridge en historien sur l’utilisation de la tradi­ ­ Univ. press, 2011, 157-175. tion religieuse comme source de la con­ C’est sur Plutarque que P.V.N. conclut naissance philosophique dans la période­­ la deuxième partie de son ouvrage “post-hellénistique”, celle qui va de la consacrée à la “hiérarchie cosmique” et fermeture des écoles phi­lo­so­phi­ques en à la “double projection” d’une structure 80 av. J.-C. au Haut Empi­ re,­ ou encore­ politique idéalisée sur le panthéon divin et de Varron à Celse, et s’attache au(x) de la hiérarchie divine sur les structures discours qui en résultent — sur le li­ politiques réelles, dans un chapitre qui vre complet, voir, par ex, http://bmcr. essaie de replacer son interprétation, si brynmawr.edu/2013/2013-02-40.html (R. originale soit-elle, dans le cadre général Hirsch-Luipold), et https://ndpr.nd.edu/ dessiné par les chapitres précédents - où news/32076 (G. Boys-Stones, en parti­­ les autres auteurs examinés sont Maxime culier sur la fécondité et les limites de de Tyr et Ælius Aristide (ch. 6) et Dion Chrysostome (ch. 7). Sont donc examinés la notion de “discours”). Dans la pre­ surtout les écrits politiques sous quatre mière­ partie, consacrée à “l’Ancienne rubriques : “Metaphysical and political Sagesse”,­ Plutarque apparaît au ch. 2, order” (Numa 17, De fort. Rom. 2. le ch. 1, avec Chæremon et Cornutus, 316E-317C, Ad princ. iner. et la notion ayant donné une vision surtout romaine de nomos empsychos, et De unius dom. 4. et stoïcienne : y sont analysés d’abord le 827A-B, 158-164); “Demons: Top-Down fragment conservé des Daidala (50-55) et and Bottom-Up Interpretations” (réf. à le De Iside (55-65), puis vient une partie­ Pel. 16, 5-8, De genio 24. 593C-D, De associant “histoire des religions et su­ defectu 26. 361B et 10. 441F-415B, De perstition”, avec les Vies de Lycurgue et facie 30. 944D, 164-167); “Supersitition: de Numa et le De superstitione (65-71), God is not a Tyrant”(réf. au De aud. poet., où les contradictions que croit relever en part. 8. 26B, l’approche de la poésie l’auteur­ s’éclaireraient sans doute à la étant rapprochée de celle de la religion, double­ lumière du platonisme et de la De superstitione et De sera, 167-171); variété­ des œuvres de Plutarque. Mais “The Persian Great King and Anti-Stoic l’étude n’est pas celle d’un philosophe et Po­lemic” (De stoicorum repugnantiis, la thèse générale – Plutarque voit dans 171-175). (F.F.)

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G. Vanotti, «L’ Ermocrate di Plutarco (e / bensì avrebbe confrontato il testo di Timeo o di Timeo?)», in R. Scuderi & C. Zizza con i resoconti più attendibili di Tucidide (cur), In ricordo di Dino Ambaglio. Atti e Filisto, fornendo un’immagine di Er­mo­ del convegno, Università di Pavia, 9 - 10 crate in cui, oltre ai pregi, vengono evi­ dicembre 2009, Pavia University Press, denziate­ anche le carenze dal punto di 2011, 91-102. vista strategico. (S.C.) Il personaggio di Ermocrate, lo stratega J. Vela Tejada, «Plutarco transmisor de siracusano che aveva rivestito un ruolo Je­nofonte: alétheia y propaganda an­ di certo non secondario nella guerra ties­partana en la Vida de Agesilao», in del Peloponneso, in particolare negli Transmisor, 289-299. even­ti che si svolsero in Sicilia, viene La caracterización de Agesilao en el cor­ men­zionato da Plutarco esclusivamente pus plutarqueo dista de ser favorable al nella Vita di Nicia. Gli avvenimenti sono rey espartano. Un cotejo con testimonios modellati sulla scorta dell’esposizione lite­ rarios­ de fuste (como los transmitidos tucididea, sebbene in Plutarco si possa por Jenofonte) revela que Plutarco se atu­ evidenziare maggiore approssimazione vo preferentemente a fuentes históricas inerente soprattutto ai riferimenti cro­ (Helénicas­ de Oxirrinco y Éforo) de signo, no­logici e topografici. si no antiespartano, al menos filobeocio, L’aspetto che appare marcato in lo que explicaría en buena medida la ca­ Plutarco, e del tutto assente in Tucidide, racterización­ que Plutarco confiere al è l’indole magnanima ed equilibrata di mandatario­ . (V.R., A.V.) Ermocrate, che si manifesta con chia­ rezza in due specifici episodi; in primo A. Vincente Sánchez, «La comunicación luogo­ quando Ermocrate, nel corso es­crita en la antigüedad a través de dell’assemblea riunitasi a Siracusa per la obra biográfica de Plutarco», in decidere­ quale trattamento riservare ai Trans­misor, 521-529. prigionieri­ ateniesi, invita i Siracusani a Este trabajo evidencia, por un lado, as­ non abusare della loro condizione di su­ pectos­ formales de la epistolografía, periorità; in secondo luogo allorché lo puesto­ que Plutarco en ocasiones recoge stratega avrebbe evitato agli ateniesi Ni­ procesos­ epistolares completos, desde la cia e Demostene, oramai imprigionati composición­ hasta la lectura de la carta. dai Siracusani, di essere giustiziati dai En cuanto al contenido, se revela la im­ nemici,­ consentendo loro indirettamente portancia­ de los encabezamientos (que di suicidarsi in carcere. Anche in questo Plutarco­­ utiliza para describir el carácter caso­ il resoconto plutarcheo si discosta de los personajes) y de los distintos tipos­ da quello di Tucidide, il quale riferiva epistolares transmitidos por el Quero­ nen­ ­ che i Siracusani furono i responsabili se. Por otro lado, Plutarco muestra un della morte dei due Ateniesi. Da dove uso de la epistolografía relacionado con potrebbero­ derivare dunque questi detta­ situaciones­ misteriosas y con frecuencia gli, che non si ravvisano in Tuci­ dide­ e ilícitas;­ y, además, utiliza a menudo car­ che sembrano restituire una prospettiva­ tas en situaciones paralelas de las parejas favorevole ad Ermocrate? Secondo­ biografiadas.­ (V.R., A.V.) la studiosa alla base di questi epi­sodi P. Volpe Cacciatore, «Qual è la migliore potrebbe esservi il ritratto dello stratega mu­sica, l’antica o la moderna? Pietro siracusano che Timeo aveva­ delineato con Me­tastasio e il ‘De musica’», QUCC n. tono celebrativo; Plutarco­ tuttavia non si s. 99 (2011) 273-279. era limitato a riprodurre acriticamente il Nella corrispondenza epistolare tra Pie­ modello timai­ co,­ sin troppo encomiastico, tro Metastasio e Saverio Mattei, relativa

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 95-130 Bibliography Section 129

ai vizi e alle virtù della musica antica e catastématique, que Plutarque ne creuse di quella moderna, l’autore evidenzia pas. Il insiste plutôt, toujours à partir du efficacemente­ il riemergere di richiami même passage, sur la vision appauvrie­ e allusioni a tematiche e riflessioni con­ de l’humanité qu’ont les Épicuriens,­ qui tenute nel De musica pseudo-plutar­ ­ ne proposent que des plaisirs inappro­ cheo. Come già era successo in età uma­ priés à notre nature rationnelle. Une nistica, anche nel XVIII secolo l’opu­ seconde partie, qui prend en compte, ou­ scolo attribuito a Plutarco gioca quindi­­ tre les plaisirs purement rationnels, les un ruolo primario all’interno del di­ plaisirs­ de l’existence les plus raffinés battito sulla musica e sulla sua funzione­ -exploi­ tant­ l’image des Épicuriens com­ spiccatamente ‘etica’. (S.A.) me adversaires de la paideia-, montre S. Voutsa, «Constantinos Cavafis lee a un certain adoucissement de Resp. IX, Plu­tarco: historia, ironía y drama», ajoutant aux mathématiques, les plaisirs­ in Transmisor, 657-674. des arts, littérature, histoire etc. : l’en­ Se trata de un estudio sobre los poemas sem­ble est mis en relation par J.W. avec cavafianos inspirados en las Vidas de le dualisme psychique de Plutarque. Plutarco,­ con el propósito de glosar poé­ Enfin une dernière partie, plus orientée ticamente los aspectos de mayor enjun­ ­ vers l’histoire de la philosophie et dia, en la poesía del alejandrino, sobre la de la polémique entre Épicuriens et condición­ humana. (V.R., A.V.) Pla­to­niciens, réunit toutes les traces d’utilisation des textes de Platon par les J. Warren, «Pleasure, Plutarch’s non posse e and Plato’s Republic», CQ 61 (2011) pre­miers, de Métrodore jusqu’au II s. 278-293. ap. J.C., pour tenter de cerner un débat, J.W. insiste sur l’emploi de Resp. IX réel, mais mal connu, sur la vraie nature fait par Plutarque pour dénoncer la mé­ du plaisir. (F.F.) connaissance épicurienne du plaisir. Il A. V. Zadorojnyi, «Plutarch and rapproche­ en particulier 1091D-E et Homer», in M. Finkelberg (ed.), The Resp. IX 584d sq, en soulignant deux Homer Encyclopedia­ , vol. II. H - Q. , points: 1) la définition épicurienne du Wiley - Blackwell, 2011, 676-678. plaisir­ comme évitement du mal n’atteint Nécessairement dense, ce bref article qu’un plaisir illusoire, une “ombre” : de dictionnaire résume l’attitude am­ l’épi­curien est comme le prisonnier de bi­valente de Plutarque à l’égard la caverne ou encore, comme le malade d’Ho­mè­re, entre l’exploitation érudite qui se débarrasse de la maladie et y voit de ce vaste corpus et le rejet tout le plaisir suprême; 2) elle méconnaît pla­tonicien de la poésie. L’auteur l’existence d’objets intelligibles qui rappelle qu’Homère est l’auteur le comblent­ les désirs rationnels et plus fréquemment cité par Plutarque cette concentration,­ erronée, sur les qui, de surcroît, selon le témoignage plaisirs phy­siques­ renvoie à l’erreur du Catalogue de Lamprias, lui a con­ ontologique qu’est la méconnaissance sa­cré plusieurs traités aujourd’hui des Idées (appui sur IX 585a-e). Un per­dus. Plutarque a manifestement second passage important (IX 586a1- une connaissance solide du corpus ho­ b3) comporte la métaphore, habituelle,­ mérique et il lui arrive de citer des vers du plaisir comme “a kind of filling” et entiers qui ne sont pas connus de la renvoie à une interprétation de la relation tradition manuscrite dominante. Sou­ entre désir et plaisir, et à la distinction vent, Homère est cité comme autorité entre plaisir en mouvement et plaisir pour toutes sortes de questions d’ordre

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histo­rique, médical, scientifique, mé­ Dioysius II in Plutarch’s Life of Dion. taphysique, psychologique et éthico-po­ Plutarch’s narrative invokes both the litique, mais à plusieurs reprises, Plu­ Pla­tonic critique of writing as an ina­ tar­que le désapprouve explicitement dequate medium for teaching philo­ ­ ou implicitement, selon l’idée (héritée sophy, and the polarity between free oral de Platon) que la poésie est mensonge. speech and writing as a symptom of ty­ L’ar­ticle est utile grâce aux très nom­ ranny. It is argued that the Life espouses breu­ses références qui illustrent les di­ but also complicates and implicitely vers aspects mis en évidence. (T.S.) interrogates the opposition between A. V. Zadorojnyi, «The ethico-politics of writtenness­ and orality across the phi­ writing in Plutarch’s Life of Dion», lo­sophical and the political domain, JHS 131, 2011, 147-163 thus constituting a rich intertextual The paper focuses on the representation of response, from an Imperial Platonist pedagogical and political communication author, to the Platonic concerns, about between (and around) Plato. Dion and the written word. (Published Abstract)

ISSN 0258-655X Ploutarchos, n.s., 12 (2015) 95-130 Constitution for the International Plutarch Society

1. Purpose of the Society. The Society exists to further the study of Plutarch and his various writings and to encourage scholarly communication bet- ween those working on Plutarchan studies. 2. Organization. The Society is constituted of national sections formed by the members of the Society living in each country. The national sections may function as independents units, with their own officers, constitutions and by-laws. 3. Duties of the Officers. The President is the official head of the Society and is responsible for planning and implementing programs to further the Society’s goals. His chief duty is to see that regular international meetings are planned. The responsibility for hosting and organizing the details of the meetings belongs to the national society hosting the meeting. 4. The President of the Society is selected by the heads of the national sec- tions from among their own number, for a term of three years. The Editor of Ploutarchos & of Ploutarchos, n.s., the Secretary-Treasurer, and the President-Elect are likewise chosen by the heads of the national sections for a term of three years. The terms of the Editor and Secretary-Treasurer may be renewed. The heads of the national sections serve as an advisory board to the President. 5. The President-Elect assists the President, and succeeds automatically to the Presidency at the end of his three-year term. The outgoing president will remain as Honorary President for the following period of three years. 6. The Editor of Ploutarchos is responsible for the preparation and produc- tion of Ploutarchos (electronic Bulletin) and Ploutarchos, n.s. and arran- ges for its distribution, either directly to members or through the national sections. The Editor and the President jointly appoint the Book Review Editor. 7. The Secretary-Treasurer, who may be identical with the Editor, is res- ponsible for the general correspondence of the Society, for maintaining the membership list, and for collecting dues and disbursing money for expen- ses. The chief expense is expected to be connected with the distribution of Ploutarchos, n.s. 8. Amendments. This constitution may be amended, or by-laws added, by a majority vote of the national representatives. Scholarly Journal of the International Plutarch Society VOLUME 12 (2015) • ISSN 0258-655X

UNIVERSIDAD DE MÁLAGA. SPAIN

VOLUME 12 (2015) UTAH STATE UNIVERSITY. LOGAN, UTAH, USA