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European Stability Mechanism
~FACTSHEET~ European Stability Mechanism The Treaty establishing the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) has been ratified by all 17 euro area member states. It entered into force on 27 September 2012, nine months earlier than initially foreseen 1. The treaty was signed by euro area member states on 2 February 2012. The ESM board of governors held its inaugural meeting on 8 October 2012. The ESM is an intergovernmental institution based in Luxembourg, set up to provide financial assistance to eurozone member states experiencing, or being threatened by, severe financing problems, if this is indispensable for safeguarding financial stability in the euro area as a whole. The initial maximum lending capacity of the ESM is set at €500 billion. This is achieved with subscribed capital of €700 billion (€ 80 billion paid-in capital, the rest callable). A first version of the treaty was signed on 11 July 2011, but it was subsequently modified to incorporate decisions taken by the heads of state and government of the euro area on 21 July and 9 December 2011 to improve the effectiveness of the mechanism. As a permanent mechanism, the ESM will take over the tasks currently fulfilled by the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF) and the European Financial Stabilisation Mechanism (EFSM). With the accelerated entry into force, the ESM will now operate alongside the EFSF for nine months. In March 2012, the Eurogroup agreed to raise the overall ceiling for ESM/EFSF lending to €700 billion 2. Already during the transitional period, until mid-2013, the ESM will be the main instrument for the financing of new programmes. -
Smoke with Fire: Financial Crises and the Demand for Parliamentary Oversight in the European Union
Smoke with Fire: Financial Crises and the Demand for Parliamentary Oversight in the European Union Federica Genovese Gerald Schneider University of Essex University of Konstanz [email protected] [email protected] January 21, 2020 Abstract The handling of the 2008 financial crisis has reinforced the conviction that the European Union (EU) is undemocratic and that member states are forced to delegate overwhelming power to a supranational technocracy. However, European countries have engaged with this alleged power drift differently, with only a few member states demanding more parliamentary scrutiny of EU institutions. This article develops a political economy explanation for why only some states have enforced mechanisms to monitor the EU more closely. Our theory focuses on the role of the crisis and the impact of fiscal autonomy in countries outside and inside currency arrangements such as the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). We argue that, in the aftermath of a severe economic shock, member states outside the EMU possess more monetary and fiscal resources to handle the crisis. These would then demand oversight of EU decision-making if their fiscal sustainability depends on the Union. By contrast, Eurozone states that need policy changes cannot address the crisis independently or initiate reforms to scrutinize the EU. Hence, we argue that during the heated moments of severe economic downturns, parliaments in Eurozone countries discuss supranational supervision rarely. As these legislatures have nevertheless to give in to the popular demand for EU control, they express support for more EU supervision in the infrequent times of debate. We provide evidence for our theory with a cross-national analysis of EU oversight institutions, and a new original dataset of parliamentary debates during the Eurozone crisis. -
European Parliament: 7Th February 2017 Redistribution of Political Balance
POLICY PAPER European issues n°420 European Parliament: 7th February 2017 redistribution of political balance Charles de Marcilly François Frigot At the mid-term of the 8th legislature, the European Parliament, in office since the elections of May 2014, is implementing a traditional “distribution” of posts of responsibility. Article 19 of the internal regulation stipulates that the Chairs of the parliamentary committees, the Deputy-Chairs, as well as the questeurs, hold their mandates for a renewable 2 and a-half year period. Moreover, internal elections within the political groups have supported their Chairs, whilst we note that there has been some slight rebalancing in terms of the coordinators’ posts. Although Italian citizens draw specific attention with the two main candidates in the battle for the top post, we should note other appointments if we are to understand the careful balance between nationalities, political groups and individual experience of the European members of Parliament. A TUMULTUOUS PRESIDENTIAL provide collective impetus to potential hesitations on the part of the Member States. In spite of the victory of the European People’s Party (EPP) in the European elections, it supported Martin As a result the election of the new President of Schulz in July 2104 who stood for a second mandate as Parliament was a lively[1] affair: the EPP candidate – President of the Parliament. In all, with the support of the Antonio Tajani – and S&D Gianni Pittella were running Liberals (ADLE), Martin Schulz won 409 votes following neck and neck in the fourth round of the relative an agreement concluded by the “grand coalition” after majority of the votes cast[2]. -
Our European Future OUR EUROPEAN
Our European Future European Our OUR EUROPEAN ChartingFUTURE a Progressive Course in the World Ideas contributed by László Andor, Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis, François Balate, Peter Bofinger, Tanja A. Börzel, Mercedes Bresso, Stefan Collignon, Olivier Costa, Emma Dowling, Saïd El Khadraoui, Gerda Falkner, Georg Fischer, Diego Lopez Garrido, Hedwig Giusto, Giovanni Grevi, Ulrike Guérot, Paolo Guerrieri, Lukas Hochscheidt, Robin Huguenot-Noël, Guillaume Klossa, Halliki Kreinin, Michael A. Landesmann, Jean-François Lebrun, Jo Leinen, Lora Lyubenova, Justin Nogarede, Vassilis Ntousas, Alvaro Oleart, Carlota Perez, David Rinaldi, Barbara Roggeveen, Vivien A. Schmidt, Ania Skrzypek, Mario Telò and Britta Thomsen edited by Maria João Rodrigues OUR EUROPEAN FUTURE The Foundation for European Progressive Studies (FEPS) is the think tank of the progressive political family at EU level. Our mission is to develop innovative research, policy advice, training and debates to inspire and inform progressive politics and policies across Europe. We operate as hub for thinking to facilitate the emergence of progressive answers to the chal- lenges that Europe faces today. FEPS works in close partnership with its members and partners, forging connections and boosting coherence among stakeholders from the world of politics, academia and civil society at local, regional, national, European and global levels. Today FEPS benefits from a solid network of 68 member organisations. Among these, 43 are full members, 20 have observer status and 5 are ex-of- ficio members. In addition to this network of organisations that are active in the promotion of progressive values, FEPS also has an extensive network of partners, including renowned universities, scholars, policymakers and activists. Our ambition is to undertake intellectual reflection for the benefit of the progressive movement, and to promote the founding principles of the EU – freedom, equality, solidarity, democracy, respect of human rights, funda- mental freedoms and human dignity, and respect of the rule of law. -
The Economic and Monetary Union
THE ECONOMIC AND MONETARY UNION What is the Economic and Monetary Union? The Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), launched in 1992, involves the coordination of economic and fiscal policies, a common monetary policy, and a common currency, the euro. Whilst all EU Member States take part in the economic union, some countries have taken integration further and adopted the euro. Together, these countries make up the euro area.1 The operations and management of the EMU are designed to support sustainable economic growth and high employment through economic and monetary policy. This involves four main economic activities: • implementing an effective monetary policy for the euro area with the objective of price stability • coordinating economic and fiscal policies in EU countries • ensuring the single market runs smoothly • supervising and monitoring financial institutions2 History Timeline3 1978 The Werner Report sets out a process on how to achieve a monetary and currency union. Governments set up the Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM) to reduce volatility between European currencies. 1989 The Delors Report maps out the road to EMU in three stages: 1990 Start of 1st stage of EMU: closer economic policy coordination and liberalisation of capital movements. Britain joins the ERM. 1992 Maastricht Treaty setting up the EU and committing EU countries to EMU. 1994 Start of 2nd stage of EMU: creation of the European Monetary Institute (EMI), a precursor to the ECB. Member states are required to work to fulfil the five convergence criteria. 1995 European leaders agree to call the new single currency the euro. Stage 3 of EMU is set out. -
The Future of Europe the Eurozone and the Next Recession Content
April 2019 Chief Investment Office GWM Investment Research The future of Europe The Eurozone and the next recession Content 03 Editorial Publication details This report has been prepared by UBS AG and UBS Switzerland AG. Chapter 1: Business cycle Please see important disclaimer and 05 Cyclical position disclosures at the end of the document. 08 Imbalances This report was published on April 9 2019 10 Emerging markets Authors Ricardo Garcia (Editor in chief) Chapter 2: Policy space Jens Anderson Michael Bolliger 14 Institutional framework Kiran Ganesh Matteo Ramenghi 16 Fiscal space Roberto Scholtes Fabio Trussardi 19 Monetary space Dean Turner Thomas Veraguth Thomas Wacker Chapter 3: Impact Contributors Paul Donovan 23 Bond markets Elisabetta Ferrara Tom Flury 26 Banks Bert Jansen Claudia Panseri 29 Euro Achim Peijan Louis Pfau Giovanni Staunovo Themis Themistocleous Appendix Desktop Publishing 32 The evolution of the EU: A timeline Margrit Oppliger 33 Europe in numbers Cover photo 34 2020–2025 stress-test scenario assumptions Gettyimages Printer Neidhart + Schön, Zurich Languages English, German and Italian Contact [email protected] Order or subscribe UBS clients can subscribe to the print version of The future of Europe via their client advisor or the Printed & Branded Products Mailbox: [email protected] Electronic subscription is also available via the Investment Views on the UBS e-banking platform. 2 April 2019 – The future of Europe Editorial “Whatever it takes.” These words of Mario Draghi’s marked the inflection point in the last recession and paved the way to the present economic recovery. But as the euro celebrates its 20th birthday, the world and investors are beset again by recessionary fears, with risks mounting and likely to continue doing so in the coming years. -
Diversity Europe
October 2019 European Economic and Social Committee Diversity Europe Diversity Europe Group’s Conference Boosting EU in Finland competitiveness 3 pillars for sustainable growth © Shutterstock Foreword This issue: Arno METZLER News from the Diversity p. 3 President of the Diversity Europe Group Europe Group EU – UNSOLVED: Debating ‘New Role p. 6 where do we stand? Models for Societies in Europe’ Dear Colleagues, Highlights of the p. 6 September plenary There are challenging times ahead in session Brussels. The Liberal Professions in p. 8 Brexit is still unresolved, the EU acces- the age of digitalisation sion talks with the Western Balkans (Re- and artificial intelligence public of North Macedonia and Albania) have been voted down and there are still Structuring associational p. 8 questions pending regarding potential life at the EU level EU Commissioners. Group III at the WTO’s p. 9 All of this shows that we need clear structures, the best possible prepara- Public Forum tion of discussions and decision-making and no hidden agendas, behind the back games, vanity nor destruction. Partnership through p. 9 social entrepreneurship What we all request and deserve is a clear vision, EU leadership and cour- age. The EESC and we as GRIII in particular, are entitled to make this demand Empowering women p. 9 because during the elections to the European Parliament we engaged our- through international selves and our organisations, in promoting a positive European vision to trade our fellow citizens and compatriots. We do not want to see all of this turned down for short term little games. The future of the p. -
Reform of the European Stability Mechanism
Reform of the European Stability Mechanism The European Stability Mechanism’s (ESM’s) Nevertheless, on 30 November 2020, the Eurogroup agreed to proceed with the reform of the ESM. The reform entails aim is to provide financial assistance to EU a number of new tasks for the ESM and will further develop member states experiencing or threatened the ESM measures and strengthen the role of the ESM in the by severe financial problems. Like its oversight of financial assistance programmes. It also provides for establishing a funding tool to the Single Resolution Fund predecessor, the temporary European (SRF) in the form of a credit line from the ESM to replace Financial Stability Facility (EFSF), the ESM the direct recapitalisation instrument, providing a financial safety net for bank resolutions in the EU, which will help to provides financial assistance, which is granted protect financial stability and is regarded as a step forward to only if it is proven necessary to safeguard the a Banking Union. financial stability of the euro area as a whole At present, according to the current ESM Treaty, the ESM can and of the ESM members. only lend to governments. Therefore, as SRF is a European institution (seated in Luxembourg), the ESM is not permitted To achieve this aim, the ESM relies on several instruments, to lend to the SRF. As a result of reforming the ESM Treaty, including loans within a macroeconomic adjustment financial instruments will be adapted. In particular, the programme, such as the one used by Cyprus, Greece, Ireland precautionary credit line will be made easier to use. -
Chapter 1 the Present and Future of the European Union, Between the Urgent Need for Democracy and Differentiated Integration
Chapter 1 The present and future of the European Union, between the urgent need for democracy and differentiated integration Mario Telò Introduction The European Union has experienced an unprecedented multi-dimensional and prolonged crisis, a crisis which cannot be understood in isolation from the international context, with major global economic changes to the detriment of the West. Opinions differ as to the overall outcome of the European policies adopted in recent years to tackle the crisis: these policies saved the single currency and allowed for moderate growth, but, combined with many other factors, they exacerbated the crisis of legitimacy. This explains the wave of anti-European sentiment in several Member States and the real danger that the European project will collapse completely. This chapter analyses the contradictory trends at play and examines more closely how to find a way out of this crisis – a way which must be built around the crucial role of the trade union movement, both in tackling Euroscepticism and in relaunching the EU. This drive to strengthen and enhance democracy in the euro area, and to create a stronger European pillar of social rights, will not be successful without new political momentum for the EU led by the most pro-European countries. The argument put forward in this chapter is that this new European project will once again only be possible using a method of differentiated integration. This paper starts with two sections juxtaposing two contradictory sets of data. On the one hand, we see the social and institutional achievements of the past 60 years: despite everything, the EU is the only tool available to the trade union movement which provides any hope of taming and mitigating globalisation (Section 1). -
Monetary and Fiscal Policy Interaction in A
ARTICLES MONETARY AND FISCAL POLICY INTERACTIONS IN A MONETARY UNION In EMU, responsibility for monetary policy is assigned to the ECB, while fi scal policy remains the remit of each individual EU Member State. The Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (hereinafter referred to as the “Treaty”), as well as additional provisions on monetary and fi scal policy interactions, aim to safeguard the value of the single currency and lay down requirements for national fi scal policies. The fi nancial crisis has highlighted that threats to fi nancial stability can have a tremendous infl uence on both monetary policy and fi scal policy. In particular, fi nancial instability and weak public fi nances can have a negative impact on each other. This adverse fi nancial-fi scal feedback loop poses severe challenges to monetary policy, as volatile and illiquid sovereign bond markets, as well as a struggling banking system, put the smooth functioning of the monetary policy transmission mechanism at risk. In order to counter the adverse impact of fi scal and fi nancial instability on the monetary policy transmission mechanism, the Eurosystem resorted to a set of non-standard monetary policy measures during the crisis. Several weaknesses in the national fi scal policies and economic governance of EMU have come to light in the course of the crisis. First, the incentives and rules for sound fi scal, fi nancial stability and macroeconomic policies proved to be insuffi cient. Second, the absence of a framework for the prevention, identifi cation and correction of macroeconomic imbalances was a clear fl aw in the EMU framework. -
The European Parliament and Environmental Legislation: the Case of Chemicals
European Journal of Political Research 36: 119–154, 1999. 119 © 1999 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands. The European Parliament and environmental legislation: The case of chemicals GEORGE TSEBELIS & ANASTASSIOS KALANDRAKIS University of California, Los Angeles, USA Abstract. The paper studies the impact of the EP on legislation on chemical pollutants in- troduced under the Cooperation procedure. A series of formal and informal analyses have predicted from significant impact of the EP, to limited impact (only in the second round) to no impact at all. Through the analysis of Parliamentary debates as well as Commission and Parliamentary committee documents, we are able to assess the significance of different amendments, as well as the degree to which they were introduced in the final decision of the Council. Our analysis indicates first that less than 30% of EP amendments are insignificant, while 15% are important or very important; second, that the probability of acceptance of an amendment is the same regardless of its significance. Further analysis indicates two sources of bias of aggregate EP statistics: several amendments are complementary (deal with the same issue in different places of the legal document), and a series of amendments that are rejected as inadmissible (because they violate the legal basis of the document or the germainess require- ment) are included in subsequent pieces of legislation. We calculate the effect of these biases in our sample, and find that official statistics underestimate Parliamentary influence by more than 6 percentage points (49% instead of 56% in our sample). Finally, we compare a series of observed strategic behaviors of different actors (rapporteurs, committees, floor, Commission) to different expectations generated by the literature. -
Tusk's Agenda
2017 19 - 20 October 2017 • Migration: consolidation of the external dimension, including financing • Digital Europe: follow up to Tallinn Digital Summit • Defence: PESCO state of play, European Defence Industrial Development Programme • Leaders’ Agenda 17 November 2017 - Gothenburg Social Summit • Social Europe: Fair Jobs and Growth • Education and Culture (30th anniversary of Erasmus) 14-15 December 2017 • Defence: launch PESCO and general overview of the various defence files • Social issues, culture and education: follow up Gothenburg Social Summit • Migration: way forward on the external and the internal dimension • Euro Summit: EMU + Banking Union (agreement on timeline for decisions) 2018 Tusk’s Agenda 23 February 2018 - Informal meeting • Institutional issues: European Parliament composition/transnational lists, appointments, including Spitzenkandidaten • MFF: debate on political priorities 22-23 March 2018 • Single Market strategies (ensuring progress towards reaching the 2018 deadline) • Trade: trade defence, free trade agreements, screening of investments • Climate and Energy (orientation for further work) • Digital: issues requiring decision by the Leaders, such as e-commerce, copyright, taxation • Research and Innovation: steps necessary to ensure global competitiveness 17 May 2018 - EU-Western Balkans Summit (Sofia) • EU-Western Balkans Summit • (poss.) Migration: overall agreement on internal and external policy 28-29 June 2018 • European Council Decision on the composition of the European Parliament • Defence (orientation