Political Marketing During Najib Tun Razak Premiership
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Politik Dimalaysia Cidaip Banyak, Dan Disini Sangkat Empat Partai Politik
122 mUah Vol. 1, No.I Agustus 2001 POLITICO-ISLAMIC ISSUES IN MALAYSIA IN 1999 By;Ibrahim Abu Bakar Abstrak Tulisan ini merupakan kajian singkat seJdtar isu politik Islam di Malaysia tahun 1999. Pada Nopember 1999, Malaysia menyelenggarakan pemilihan Federal dan Negara Bagian yang ke-10. Titik berat tulisan ini ada pada beberapa isupolitik Islamyang dipublikasikandi koran-koran Malaysia yang dilihat dari perspektifpartai-partaipolitik serta para pendukmgnya. Partai politik diMalaysia cidaip banyak, dan disini Sangkat empat partai politik yaitu: Organisasi Nasional Malaysia Bersatu (UMNO), Asosiasi Cina Ma laysia (MCA), Partai Islam Se-Malaysia (PMIP atau PAS) dan Partai Aksi Demokratis (DAP). UMNO dan MCA adalah partai yang berperan dalam Barisan Nasional (BA) atau FromNasional (NF). PASdan DAP adalah partai oposisipadaBarisanAltematif(BA) atau FromAltemattf(AF). PAS, UMNO, DAP dan MCA memilikipandangan tersendiri temang isu-isu politik Islam. Adanya isu-isu politik Islam itu pada dasamya tidak bisa dilepaskan dari latar belakang sosio-religius dan historis politik masyarakat Malaysia. ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^^ ^ <•'«oJla 1^*- 4 ^ AjtLtiLl jS"y Smi]?jJI 1.^1 j yLl J J ,5j^I 'jiil tJ Vjillli J 01^. -71 i- -L-Jl cyUiLLl ^ JS3 i^LwSr1/i VjJ V^j' 0' V oljjlj-l PoUtico-Islnndc Issues bi Malays bi 1999 123 A. Preface This paper is a short discussion on politico-Islamic issues in Malaysia in 1999. In November 1999 Malaysia held her tenth federal and state elections. The paper focuses on some of the politico-Islamic issues which were pub lished in the Malaysian newsp^>ers from the perspectives of the political parties and their leaders or supporters. -
New Politics in Malaysia I
Reproduced from Personalized Politics: The Malaysian State under Mahathir, by In-Won Hwang (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2003). This version was obtained electronically direct from the publisher on condition that copyright is not infringed. No part of this publication may be reproduced without the prior permission of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Individual articles are available at < http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg > New Politics in Malaysia i © 2003 Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies was established as an autonomous organization in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio- political, security and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are Regional Economic Studies (RES, including ASEAN and APEC), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is governed by a twenty-two-member Board of Trustees comprising nominees from the Singapore Government, the National University of Singapore, the various Chambers of Commerce, and professional and civic organizations. An Executive Committee oversees day-to-day operations; it is chaired by the Director, the Institute’s chief academic and administrative officer. © 2003 Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore SILKWORM BOOKS, Thailand INSTITUTE OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES, Singapore © 2003 Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore First published in Singapore in 2003 by Institute of Southeast Asian Studies 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Pasir Panjang Singapore 119614 E-mail: [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg First published in Thailand in 2003 by Silkworm Books 104/5 Chiang Mai-Hot Road, Suthep, Chiang Mai 50200 Ph. -
THE UNREALIZED MAHATHIR-ANWAR TRANSITIONS Social Divides and Political Consequences
THE UNREALIZED MAHATHIR-ANWAR TRANSITIONS Social Divides and Political Consequences Khoo Boo Teik TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA ISSN 0219-3213 TRS15/21s ISSUE ISBN 978-981-5011-00-5 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace 15 Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 7 8 9 8 1 5 0 1 1 0 0 5 2021 21-J07781 00 Trends_2021-15 cover.indd 1 8/7/21 12:26 PM TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 21-J07781 01 Trends_2021-15.indd 1 9/7/21 8:37 AM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Singapore APEC Study Centre and the Temasek History Research Centre (THRC). ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 21-J07781 01 Trends_2021-15.indd 2 9/7/21 8:37 AM THE UNREALIZED MAHATHIR-ANWAR TRANSITIONS Social Divides and Political Consequences Khoo Boo Teik ISSUE 15 2021 21-J07781 01 Trends_2021-15.indd 3 9/7/21 8:37 AM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2021 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved. -
Trends in Southeast Asia
ISSN 0219-3213 2016 no. 9 Trends in Southeast Asia THE EXTENSIVE SALAFIZATION OF MALAYSIAN ISLAM AHMAD FAUZI ABDUL HAMID TRS9/16s ISBN 978-981-4762-51-9 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 789814 762519 Trends in Southeast Asia 16-1461 01 Trends_2016-09.indd 1 29/6/16 4:52 PM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) was established in 1968. It is an autonomous regional research centre for scholars and specialists concerned with modern Southeast Asia. The Institute’s research is structured under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS) and Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and through country- based programmes. It also houses the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), Singapore’s APEC Study Centre, as well as the Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre (NSC) and its Archaeology Unit. 16-1461 01 Trends_2016-09.indd 2 29/6/16 4:52 PM 2016 no. 9 Trends in Southeast Asia THE EXTENSIVE SALAFIZATION OF MALAYSIAN ISLAM AHMAD FAUZI ABDUL HAMID 16-1461 01 Trends_2016-09.indd 3 29/6/16 4:52 PM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2016 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form, or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permission. The author is wholly responsible for the views expressed in this book which do not necessarily reflect those of the publisher. -
Dan Tuan Guru Haji Abdul Hadi Awang (TGHH)
AL-BASIRAH Volume 10, No 2, pp. 17-36, Dec 2020 AL-BASIRAH البصرية Journal Homepage: https://ejournal.um.edu.my/index.php/ALBASIRAH Aliran Islah Dalam Tafsir al-Qur’ān: Analisis Terhadap Elemen Pemikiran Islah Tuan Guru Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat (TGNA) dan Tuan Guru Haji Abdul Hadi Awang (TGHH) Mohd Ridwan Razali1 Mustaffa Abdullah2 Mohd Muhiden Abd Rahman3 Mohamad Azrien Mohamed Adnan4 ABSTRAK Kajian ini adalah kajian kualitatif yang menumpukan kaedah analisis dokumen. Didapati kedua-dua tokoh yang terlibat dalam kajian ini dikenali dalam oleh masyarakat Islam di Malaysia sebagai ahli politik. Bahkan tidak ramai yang mengenali mereka berdua sebagai antara ulama tersohor yang giat menyebarkan dakwah kepada masyarakat Islam melalui kuliah-kuliah agama dan penghasilan karya-karya dalam bidang tafsir al- Quran. Analisis kajian menunjukkan kedua-dua tokoh tersebut cenderung mentafsirkan ayat-ayat al-Quran mengikut aliran islah. Hal ini dapat dikenal pasti melalui penelitian yang mendalam terhadap ayat-ayat al- Quran yang terpilih yang ditafsirkan oleh kedua-dua tokoh tersebut dengan berdasarkan bentuk-bentuk islah yang dicadangkan oleh Muhammad ‘Abd al-‘Azīm al-Zarqānī. Hasil daripada analisis kajian menunjukkan kebanyakan ayat-ayat al-Quran yang ditasfirkan oleh kedua- dua tokoh tersebut banyak menyentuh keenam-enam bentuk-bentuk islah yang dicadangkan oleh al-Zarqānī iaitu melibatkan elemen akidah (Iṣlāḥ al-‘Aqā'id), ibadat (Iṣlāḥ al-'Ibādah), akhlak (Iṣlāḥ al-Akhlāq), pengurusan harta (Iṣlāḥ al-MāI), politik (Iṣlāḥ al-Siyāsah) dan kemasyarakatan (Iṣlāḥ al-Ijtimā'). Kata kunci: Tafsir al-Qur’ān, Pemikiran Islah, Tuan Guru Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat, Tuan Guru Haji Abdul Hadi Awang 1 Calon sarjana Usuluddin di Jabatan al-Quran dan al-Hadith, Akademi Pengajian Islam Universiti Malaya. -
Malaysia: the 2020 Putsch for Malay Islam Supremacy James Chin School of Social Sciences, University of Tasmania
Malaysia: the 2020 putsch for Malay Islam supremacy James Chin School of Social Sciences, University of Tasmania ABSTRACT Many people were surprised by the sudden fall of Mahathir Mohamad and the Pakatan Harapan (PH) government on 21 February 2020, barely two years after winning the historic May 2018 general elections. This article argues that the fall was largely due to the following factors: the ideology of Ketuanan Melayu Islam (Malay Islam Supremacy); the Mahathir-Anwar dispute; Mahathir’s own role in trying to reduce the role of the non-Malays in the government; and the manufactured fear among the Malay polity that the Malays and Islam were under threat. It concludes that the majority of the Malay population, and the Malay establishment, are not ready to share political power with the non- Malays. Introduction Many people were shocked when the Barisan National (BN or National Front) govern- ment lost its majority in the May 2018 general elections. After all, BN had been in power since independence in 1957 and the Federation of Malaysia was generally regarded as a stable, one-party regime. What was even more remarkable was that the person responsible for Malaysia’s first regime change, Mahathir Mohammad, was also Malaysia’s erstwhile longest serving prime minister. He had headed the BN from 1981 to 2003 and was widely regarded as Malaysia’s strongman. In 2017, he assumed leader- ship of the then-opposition Pakatan Harapan (PH or Alliance of Hope) coalition and led the coalition to victory on 9 May 2018. He is remarkable as well for the fact that he became, at the age of 93, the world’s oldest elected leader.1 The was great hope that Malaysia would join the global club of democracy but less than two years on, the PH government fell apart on 21 February 2020. -
How the Pandemic Is Keeping Malaysia's Politics Messy
How the Pandemic Is Keeping Malaysia’s Politics Messy Malaysia’s first transfer of power in six decades was hailed as a milestone for transparency, free speech and racial tolerance in the multiethnic Southeast Asian country. But the new coalition collapsed amid an all-too-familiar mix of political intrigue and horse trading. Elements of the old regime were brought into a new government that also proved short-lived. The turmoil stems in part from an entrenched system of affirmative-action policies that critics say fosters cronyism and identity-based politics, while a state of emergency declared due to the coronavirus pandemic has hampered plans for fresh elections. 1. How did this start? Two veteran politicians, Mahathir Mohamad and Anwar Ibrahim, won a surprising election victory in 2018 that ousted then-Prime Minister Najib Razak, who was enmeshed in a massive money-laundering scandal linked to the state investment firm 1MDB. Mahathir, 96, became prime minister again (he had held the post from 1981 to 2003), with the understanding that he would hand over to Anwar at some point. Delays in setting a date and policy disputes led to tensions that boiled over in 2020. Mahathir stepped down and sought to strengthen his hand by forming a unity government outside party politics. But the king pre-empted his efforts by naming Mahathir’s erstwhile right-hand man, Muhyiddin Yassin, as prime minister, the eighth since Malaysia’s independence from the U.K. in 1957. Mahathir formed a new party to take on the government but failed to get it registered. -
Eyes on Father and Son Malaysiakini.Com May 23, 2008 Former
Parliament round-up: All eyes on father and son Malaysiakini.com May 23, 2008 Former premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad managed to set the tone for much of the conversations that went on this week both in and outside of the Dewan Rakyat. MCPX Many people were caught off-guard when he announced on Monday that he was quitting Umno and called for other Umno MPs to do likewise to pressure Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to step down. Slowly, however, Umno MPs eventually pulled together to pledge their loyalty to their beleaguered party president Abdullah. Several of the party’s supreme council members also lashed out at Mahathir. mukhriz pemuda umno 050906 explainThereafter, all eyes turned towards Mahathir’s son and Jerlun MP Mukhriz, who was not at the meeting Abdullah had with the Umno MPs, which was held in Parliament. Later that same day, Mukhriz said he was staying put in the party but insisted that Abdullah should go. Mukhriz went on to hog the headlines several times this week when even his boss, Umno Youth chief Hishammuddin Hussein ticked him off for being ‘disloyal’ to the party. On Wednesday in the Dewan, Mukhriz questioned the government’s morality in allowing Halliburton, a key corporate supporter of the US military campaign in Iraq, to set up its factory in Johor. The next day, Mukhriz was again on the offensive when he accused fellow Umno member and de facto law minister Zaid Ibrahim of working for Pakatan Rakyat opposition. That should earn him Malaysiakini’s ‘MP of the Week’. Other issues that were hotly debated in Parliament included Tourism Minister Azalina Othman Said’s decision to cancel tourism events in Pakatan-led states. -
Racialdiscriminationreport We
TABLE OF CONTENTS Glossary ............................................................................................................................................................................ 1 Executive Summary...................................................................................................................................................... 3 Definition of Racial Discrimination......................................................................................................................... 4 Racial Discrimination in Malaysia Today................................................................................................................. 5 Efforts to Promote National Unity in Malaysia in 2018................................................................................... 6 Incidences of Racial Discrimination in Malaysia in 2018 1. Racial Politics and Race-based Party Politics........................................................................................ 16 2. Groups, Agencies and Individuals that use Provocative Racial and Religious Sentiments.. 21 3. Racism in the Education Sector................................................................................................................. 24 4. Racial Discrimination in Other Sectors................................................................................................... 25 5. Racism in social media among Malaysians........................................................................................... 26 6. Xenophobic -
1930 1435218997 G1511786.Pdf
United Nations A/HRC/29/NGO/87 General Assembly Distr.: General 9 June 2015 English only Human Rights Council Twenty-ninth session Agenda item 3 Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to development Written statement* submitted by the Aliran Kesedaran Negara National Consciousness Movement, non- governmental organization on the roster The Secretary-General has received the following written statement which is circulated in accordance with Economic and Social Council resolution 1996/31. [25 May 2015] * This written statement is issued, unedited, in the language(s) received from the submitting non-governmental organization(s). GE.15-09265 (E) A/HRC/29/NGO/87 Crackdown on freedom of expression and assembly in Malaysia There has been a serious regression in Malaysia's democratic space in 2015, with the government's crackdown on freedom of speech and assembly, predominantly through the use of the Sedition Act 1948, Peaceful Assembly Act 2012, and various sections of the Penal Code. Freedom of speech and expression is enshrined in Article 10(1)(a) of the Federal Constitution of Malaysia. However, the guarantee of such a right is severely limited and qualified by broad provisions in Article 10(2)(a), which stipulates that Parliament may impose “such restrictions as it deems necessary or expedient in the interest of the security of the Federation or any part thereof”. Similarly, the freedom of assembly is enshrined in Article 10(1)(b) of the Constitution, but is restricted through Article 10(2), 10(4) and Article 149 of the Constitution. -
DAP: Inaction on Perkasa Shows Umno's True Colours Malaysiakini.Com June 20, 2011
DAP: Inaction on Perkasa shows Umno's true colours Malaysiakini.com June 20, 2011 Umno's inaction over Perkasa chief Ibrahim Ali's allegedly seditious and racist statement yesterday, has showed its true colours as a party that survives on racial division, said DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng. In a statement today, Lim (left) said Ibrahim had raised the threat of another May 13, by proclaiming himself a 'war general' and warning of severe repercussions for the Chinese community if they proceed with the Bersih march. "Never before in Malaysian history has anyone issued such an irresponsible and racist statement by calling on a certain community to stock up on food. Such a remark is clearly unacceptable by every peace-loving Malaysian," read the statement. Lim then directed his fire at Umno for its inaction on Ibrahim. "By allowing such fascistic and Nazi-like threats by Ibrahim Ali, Umno is indeed showing its true colours as a party that survives on racial division. In its refusal to take action, Umno is therefore guilty of supporting Perkasa and its stand," he said. The Penang chief minister recalled several previous incidents where Umno was seen as reluctant to take action including the cow's head protest in 2009 and various remarks by Umno leaders equating Indians to beggars and Chinese women to prostitutes. "This clearly proves that 1Malaysia is nothing more than an exercise in self-delusion and mass deception. "It is obvious that Umno, which is now politically bankrupt, is unable to raise any other issue besides race and religion, which is conveniently used to not only scare the people, but also to cover up their shortcomings," he added. -
News Release March 25Th 2010
News Release March 25th 2010 Majority of Chinese voters say that MCA is relevant but have mixed feelings about party election BANGI – In the days leading up to the MCA party elections which will be taking place on 28th March 2010, Merdeka Center through its most recent public opinion survey found that 67% of Chinese respondents in Peninsular Malaysia say that the party remains relevant to the community. Meanwhile 62% of all eligible respondents from across Peninsular Malaysia agreed that the party was relevant to the Chinese community. However, a smaller majority of 51% agreed that the party was “talking about issues that are important to the Chinese community”. When asked what they felt were the causes of the problems within the MCA, among others, 25% of Chinese respondents said it was the “weakening of MCA’s position following the 12th general election” and 22% chose the “exposure of the PKFZ scandal by Ong Tee Keat” as main reasons. Among non-Chinese respondents, a plurality, i.e. 41% among Malay voters and 45% among Indian respondents say that it was due to the party’s weakened position after the last general election. When asked specifically about the PKFZ scandal, 51% of Chinese respondents thought that the actions of Ong Tee Keat to expose the problem improved the reputation of the MCA while 23% disagreed and felt it damaged the party. Among all respondents however, the perception was split with equal proportions, 39% each felt that it damaged or improved the reputation of the party while the remaining 22% did not know.