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Presidential Administration Under Trump Daniel A
Presidential Administration Under Trump Daniel A. Farber1 Anne Joseph O’Connell2 I. Introduction [I would widen the Introduction: focusing on the problem of what kind of president Donald Trump is and what the implications are. The descriptive and normative angles do not seem to have easy answers. There is a considerable literature in political science and law on positive/descriptive theories of the president. Kagan provides just one, but an important one. And there is much ink spilled on the legal dimensions. I propose that after flagging the issue, the Introduction would provide some key aspects of Trump as president, maybe even through a few bullet points conveying examples, raise key normative questions, and then lay out a roadmap for the article. One thing to address is what ways we think Trump is unique for a study of the President and for the study of Administrative Law, if at all.] [We should draft this after we have other sections done.] Though the Presidency has been a perennial topic in the legal literature, Justice Elena Kagan, in her earlier career as an academic, penned an enormously influential 2001 article about the increasingly dominant role of the President in regulation, at the expense of the autonomy of administrative agencies.3 The article’s thesis, simply stated, was that “[w]e live in an era of presidential administration.”, by 1 Sho Sato Professor of Law at the University of California, Berkeley. 2 George Johnson Professor of Law at the University of California, Berkeley. 3 Elena Kagan, Presidential Administration, 114 HARV. L. REV. 2245 (2001). -
In Defense of the American Surveillance State
IN DEFENSE OF THE AMERICAN SURVEILLANCE STATE Dr. Gabriel Schoenfeld* ABSTRACT The term “American surveillance state” is something that has come into use by fierce critics of U.S. government counterterrorism efforts, efforts that necessarily contain surveillance as a critical element. A body of opinion has emerged arguing that thanks to the ubiquitous eyes of the National Security Agency, the Central Intelligence Agency, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Department of Homeland Security, and thanks also to the widespread distribution of myriad new forms of surveillance technology, privacy in America is being destroyed and George Orwell’s dark vision of Big Brother is on its way to realization. This Article rejects this characterization, and asserts that current counterterrorism efforts are an effective and appropriate response to ongoing threats. While history teaches us the government may at times overstep its bounds, even in today’s current national security climate the U.S. government’s approach is less intrusive than it has been in the past and is critical for protecting the safety of the American people. ARTICLE The term “American surveillance state” is something that has come into use by fierce critics of U.S. government counterterrorism efforts, efforts that necessarily contain surveillance as a critical element.1 A body of opinion has emerged arguing that thanks to the ubiquitous eyes of the National Security Agency, the Central Intelligence Agency, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Department of Homeland Security, and thanks also to the widespread distribution of myriad new forms of surveillance technology, privacy in America is being destroyed and George Orwell’s dark vision of Big Brother is on its way to realization.2 * Senior Fellow, Hudson Institute. -
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 12/21/2011 12:08:07 PM U.S
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 12/21/2011 12:08:07 PM OMB NO. 1124-0002; Expires February 28, 2014 u.s. Department of Justice Supplemental Statement Washington, DC 20530 Pursuant to the Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938, as amended For Six Month Period Ending Nov 2011 (Insert date) I-REGISTRANT 1. (a) Name of Registrant (b) Registration No. Orion Strategies LLC 5437 (c) Business Address(es) of Registrant 918 Pennsylvania Ave SE Washington DC 20003 2. Has there been a change in the information previously furnished in connection with the following? (a) If an individual: (1) Residence address(es) Yes • No • (2) Citizenship Yes • No D (3) Occupation Yes • No D (b) If an organization: (1) Name Yes D No 0 (2) Ownership or control Yes • No H (3) Branch offices Yes • No 0 (c) Explain fully all changes, if any, indicated in Items (a) and (b) above. IF THE REGISTRANT IS AN INDIVIDUAL, OMIT RESPONSE TO ITEMS 3, 4, AND 5(a). 3. If you have previously filed Exhibit C1, state whether any changes therein have occurred during this 6 month reporting period. Yes • No D If yes, have you filed an amendment to the Exhibit C? Yes • No • If no, please attach the required amendment. 1 The Exhibit C, for which no printed form is provided, consists of a true copy of the charter, articles of incorporation, association, and by laws of a registrant that is an organization. (A waiver of the requirement to file an Exhibit C may be obtained for good cause upon written application to the Assistant Attorney General, National Security Division, U.S. -
The Art of the Deal for North Korea: the Unexplored Parallel Between Bush and Trump Foreign Policy*
International Journal of Korean Unification Studies Vol. 26, No. 1, 2017, 53–86. The Art of the Deal for North Korea: The Unexplored Parallel between Bush and Trump Foreign Policy* Soohoon Lee ‘Make America Great Again,’ has been revived while ‘America First’ and ‘peace through strength,’ have been revitalized by the Trump admin istration. Americans and the rest of the world were shocked by the dramatic transformation in U.S. foreign policy. In the midst of striking changes, this research analyzes the first hundred days of the Trump administration’s foreign policy and aims to forecast its prospects for North Korea. In doing so, the George W. Bush administration’s foreign policy creeds, ‘American exceptionalism’ and ‘peace through strength,’ are revisited and compared with that of Trump’s. Beyond the similarities and differences found between the two administrations, the major finding of the analysis is that Trump’s profitoriented nature, through which he operated the Trump Organization for nearly a half century, has indeed influenced the interest- oriented nature in his operating of U.S. foreign policy. The prospects for Trump’s policies on North Korea will be examined through a business sensitive lens. Keywords: Donald Trump, U.S Foreign Policy, North Korea, America First, Peace through Strength Introduction “We are so proud of our military. It was another successful event… If you look at what’s happened over the eight weeks and compare that to what’s happened over the last eight years, you'll see there’s a tremen * This work was supported by a National Research Foundation of Korea Grant funded by the Korean Government (NRF2016S1A3A2924968). -
Who Watches the Watchmen? the Conflict Between National Security and Freedom of the Press
WHO WATCHES THE WATCHMEN WATCHES WHO WHO WATCHES THE WATCHMEN WATCHES WHO I see powerful echoes of what I personally experienced as Director of NSA and CIA. I only wish I had access to this fully developed intellectual framework and the courses of action it suggests while still in government. —General Michael V. Hayden (retired) Former Director of the CIA Director of the NSA e problem of secrecy is double edged and places key institutions and values of our democracy into collision. On the one hand, our country operates under a broad consensus that secrecy is antithetical to democratic rule and can encourage a variety of political deformations. But the obvious pitfalls are not the end of the story. A long list of abuses notwithstanding, secrecy, like openness, remains an essential prerequisite of self-governance. Ross’s study is a welcome and timely addition to the small body of literature examining this important subject. —Gabriel Schoenfeld Senior Fellow, Hudson Institute Author of Necessary Secrets: National Security, the Media, and the Rule of Law (W.W. Norton, May 2010). ? ? The topic of unauthorized disclosures continues to receive significant attention at the highest levels of government. In his book, Mr. Ross does an excellent job identifying the categories of harm to the intelligence community associated NI PRESS ROSS GARY with these disclosures. A detailed framework for addressing the issue is also proposed. This book is a must read for those concerned about the implications of unauthorized disclosures to U.S. national security. —William A. Parquette Foreign Denial and Deception Committee National Intelligence Council Gary Ross has pulled together in this splendid book all the raw material needed to spark a fresh discussion between the government and the media on how to function under our unique system of government in this ever-evolving information-rich environment. -
Spying on Friends?: the Franklin Case, AIPAC, and Israel
International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, 19: 600–621, 2006 Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0885-0607 print=1521-0561 online DOI: 10.1080/08850600600829809 STE´ PHANE LEFEBVRE Spying on Friends?: The Franklin Case, AIPAC, and Israel On 4 August 2005, U.S. Department of Defense official Lawrence Franklin and former American–Israeli Political Action Committee (AIPAC) staffers Steve Rosen and Keith Weissman were indicted on one or several of the following counts: conspiracy to communicate national defense information to persons not entitled to receive it; communication of national defense information to persons not entitled to receive it; and conspiracy to communicate classified information to agents of a foreign government, publicly identified as Israel. Franklin pleaded guilty and cooperated with the authorities, and was subsequently sentenced to a 12-year prison term. As of this writing, Rosen’s and Weissman’s trial was scheduled to start in August 2006. When the story of an investigation into Franklin’s communication of classified information to Rosen and Weissman surfaced, the immediate widely held assumption was that Israel was the ultimate beneficiary. This belief was reinforced with the disclosure that the compromised classified information was related to issues of immediate interest to the Jewish state, including Iran’s nuclear ambitions and the situation in Iraq. But doubts were expressed, to the effect that the cozy relationship between Israel and the United States would hardly necessitate such an intelligence-gathering operation on U.S. soil. Nevertheless, the question of Israel’s precise role in the affair remains unanswered, but for the exception that Franklin told the U.S. -
Press Galleries* Rules Governing Press
PRESS GALLERIES * SENATE PRESS GALLERY The Capitol, Room S–316, phone 224–0241 Director.—S. Joseph Keenan Deputy Director.—Joan McKinney Senior Media Coordinators: Amy H. Gross Kristyn K. Socknat Media Coordinators: James D. Saris Wendy A. Oscarson-Kirchner Elizabeth B. Crowley HOUSE PRESS GALLERY The Capitol, Room H–315, phone 225–3945 Superintendent.—Jerry L. Gallegos Deputy Superintendent.—Justin J. Supon Assistant Superintendents: Ric Anderson Laura Reed Drew Cannon Molly Cain STANDING COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENTS Thomas Burr, The Salt Lake Tribune, Chair Joseph Morton, Omaha World-Herald, Secretary Jim Rowley, Bloomberg News Laurie Kellman, Associated Press Brian Friel, Bloomberg News RULES GOVERNING PRESS GALLERIES 1. Administration of the press galleries shall be vested in a Standing Committee of Cor- respondents elected by accredited members of the galleries. The Committee shall consist of five persons elected to serve for terms of two years. Provided, however, that at the election in January 1951, the three candidates receiving the highest number of votes shall serve for two years and the remaining two for one year. Thereafter, three members shall be elected in odd-numbered years and two in even-numbered years. Elections shall be held in January. The Committee shall elect its own chairman and secretary. Vacancies on the Committee shall be filled by special election to be called by the Standing Committee. 2. Persons desiring admission to the press galleries of Congress shall make application in accordance with Rule VI of the House of Representatives, subject to the direction and control of the Speaker and Rule 33 of the Senate, which rules shall be interpreted and administered by the Standing Committee of Correspondents, subject to the review and an approval by the Senate Committee on Rules and Administration. -
The US and the Debate Over Arming Ukraine
POLICY ANALYSIS The US and the Debate over Arming Ukraine Osama Abu Arshid | Mar 2015 The US and the Debate over Arming Ukraine* Series: Policy Analysis Osama Abu Arshid | Mar 2015 Copyright © 2015 Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies. All Rights Reserved. ____________________________ The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies is an independent research institute and think tank for the study of history and social sciences, with particular emphasis on the applied social sciences. The Center’s paramount concern is the advancement of Arab societies and states, their cooperation with one another and issues concerning the Arab nation in general. To that end, it seeks to examine and diagnose the situation in the Arab world - states and communities- to analyze social, economic and cultural policies and to provide political analysis, from an Arab perspective. The Center publishes in both Arabic and English in order to make its work accessible to both Arab and non-Arab researchers. Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies PO Box 10277 Street No. 826, Zone 66 Doha, Qatar Tel.: +974 44199777 | Fax: +974 44831651 www.dohainstitute.org * This paper is an edited translation from the original text in Arabic. Table of Contents THE DEBATE OVER ARMING UKRAINE Introduction The latest developments in eastern Ukraine have constituted a clear dilemma for the United States, as seen in sharp internal American debate on whether to arm the Ukrainian army, after more than a year of growing Russian intervention in support of separatists in the country. Amidst this controversy, US President Barack Obama's administration finds itself in a quandary. -
Origins of US Foreign Policy
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and are not an official policy nor position of the National Defense University, the Department of Defense nor the U.S. Government. Editors: Pat Paterson and Dr. David Spencer Layout Design: Viviana Edwards Origins of U.S. Foreign Policy Pat Paterson William J. Perry Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies Perry Center Occasional Paper February 2018 Origins of U.S. Foreign Policy Pat Paterson, National Defense University1 Introduction The back-and-forth election oscillations in the United States leave a lot of observers bewildered about U.S. foreign policy. U.S. citizens and foreigners alike struggle to understand U.S. diplomatic, econom- ic, and military policies. Recent foreign policy announcements from the Trump Administration, drastic shifts on international priorities from previous presidencies, has generated additional scrutiny on the topic. It has also raised foreign policy questions about federalism, U.S. unilateralism, foreign aid, and the separation of powers system enshrined in the Constitution. This article provides a broad summary of U.S. foreign policy by examining its historical philo- sophical beginnings and how those have evolved over the 241 years of the nation’s history. It exam- ines the Founders’ intentions and concerns for their new system of government. Included in that is the important sense of “exceptionalism” that guides national strategy and “manifest destiny” that justified U.S. continental expansion in the 19th century. The article describes four schools of thought on gov- ernance developed during the early decades of the Republic. It briefly describes how foreign policy is developed and which branches of government participate in the process. -
Press Galleries* Rules Governing Press
PRESS GALLERIES * SENATE PRESS GALLERY The Capitol, Room S–316, phone 224–0241 www.dailypress.senate.gov Director.—Laura Lytle Deputy Director.—Christopher Bois Senior Media Relations Coordinators: Amy H. Gross Kristyn K. Socknat John E. Mulligan III Media Relations Coordinators: Laura E. Reed Samantha J. Yeider HOUSE PRESS GALLERY The Capitol, Room H–315, phone 225–3945 https://pressgallery.house.gov Superintendent.—Annie Tin Deputy Superintendent.—Justin J. Supon Assistant Superintendents: Ric Anderson Kristine Michalson Edward Kachinske STANDING COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENTS Billy House, Bloomberg, Chair Joseph Morton, Omaha World Herald, Secretary Karoun Demirjian, Washington Post Tamar Hallerman, Atlanta Journal Constitution Deirdre Shesgreen, Gannett RULES GOVERNING PRESS GALLERIES 1. Administration of the press galleries shall be vested in a Standing Committee of Cor- respondents elected by accredited members of the Galleries. The Committee shall consist of five persons elected to serve for terms of two years. Provided, however, that at the election in January 1951, the three candidates receiving the highest number of votes shall serve for two years and the remaining two for one year. Thereafter, three members shall be elected in odd-numbered years and two in even-numbered years. Elections shall be held in January. The Committee shall elect its own chairman and secretary. Vacancies on the Committee shall be filled by special election to be called by the Standing Committee. 2. Persons desiring admission to the press galleries of Congress shall make application in accordance with Rule VI of the House of Representatives, subject to the direction and *Information is based on data furnished and edited by each respective Gallery. -
ID - PCLOB-2014-0001-0005] August 29, 2014
STATEMENT OF THE GOVERNMENT ACCOUNTABILITY PROJECT to THE PRIVACY AND CIVIL LIBERTIES OVERSIGHT BOARD [ID - PCLOB-2014-0001-0005] August 29, 2014 In response to the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board’s (“PCLOB” or “Board”) formal request1 for “the views of non-governmental organizations, the business community and the general public on [the Board’s] mid-term and long-term agenda,” we are writing to you today to encourage you to recommend that the Board become a legally-authorized recipient of disclosures by intelligence community (IC) whistleblowers and to review the efficacy of existing IC whistleblowing channels. The Government Accountability Project (GAP) is a whistleblower defense and advocacy organization established in 1976. GAP has provided legal advice to thousands of whistleblowers, including IC whistleblowers with concerns regarding privacy and civil liberties, employed by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), National Security Agency (NSA), and Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). NSA whistleblowers and GAP clients Thomas Drake, J. Kirk Wiebe, and William Binney have submitted written comments to PCLOB in connection with PCLOB’s investigation of NSA surveillance programs.2 Statement as to the Board’s Statutory Power to Review Whistleblower Protection By statute, the Board’s purpose is to “analyze and review actions the executive branch takes to protect the Nation from terrorism, ensuring that the need for such actions is balanced with the need to protect privacy and civil liberties” and to “ensure that liberty concerns are appropriately considered in the development and implementation of laws, regulations, and policies related to efforts to protect the Nation against terrorism.”3 To achieve these objectives, the Board has authority to – 1 Sunshine Act Notice of Meeting, 79 Fed. -
U.S. Role in the World: Background and Issues for Congress
U.S. Role in the World: Background and Issues for Congress Updated January 19, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44891 SUMMARY R44891 U.S. Role in the World: Background and Issues January 19, 2021 for Congress Ronald O'Rourke The U.S. role in the world refers to the overall character, purpose, or direction of U.S. Specialist in Naval Affairs participation in international affairs and the country’s overall relationship to the rest of the world. The U.S. role in the world can be viewed as establishing the overall context or framework for U.S. policymakers for developing, implementing, and measuring the success of U.S. policies and actions on specific international issues, and for foreign countries or other observers for interpreting and understanding U.S. actions on the world stage. While descriptions of the traditional U.S. role in the world since the end of World War II vary in their specifics, it can be described in general terms as consisting of four key elements: global leadership; defense and promotion of the liberal international order; defense and promotion of freedom, democracy, and human rights; and prevention of the emergence of regional hegemons in Eurasia. The issue for Congress is whether the U.S. role in the world has changed, and if so, what implications this might have for the United States and the world. A change in the U.S. role could have significant and even profound effects on U.S. security, freedom, and prosperity. It could significantly affect U.S. policy in areas such as relations with allies and other countries, defense plans and programs, trade and international finance, foreign assistance, and human rights.