The Irrelevancy of the Fourth Amendment in the Roberts Court
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Constitutional Avoidance and the Roberts Court Neal Devins William & Mary Law School, [email protected]
College of William & Mary Law School William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository Faculty Publications Faculty and Deans 2007 Constitutional Avoidance and the Roberts Court Neal Devins William & Mary Law School, [email protected] Repository Citation Devins, Neal, "Constitutional Avoidance and the Roberts Court" (2007). Faculty Publications. 346. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs/346 Copyright c 2007 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs CONSTITUTIONAL A VOIDANCE AND THE ROBERTS COURT Neal Devins • This essay will extend Phil Frickey's argument about the Warren Court's constitutional avoidance to the Roberts Court. My concern is whether the conditions which supported constitutional avoidance by the Warren Court support constitutional avoidance by today's Court. For reasons I will soon detail, the Roberts Court faces a far different Congress than the Warren Court and, as such, need not make extensive use of constitutional avoidance. In Getting from Joe to Gene (McCarthy), Phil Frickey argues that the Warren Court avoided serious conflict with Congress in the late 1950s by exercising subconstitutional avoidance. 1 In other words, the Court sought to avoid congressional backlash by refraining from declaring statutes unconstitutional. Instead, the Court sought to invalidate statutes or congressional actions based on technicalities. If Congress disagreed with the results reached by the Court, lawmakers could have taken legislative action to remedy the problem. This practice allowed the Court to maintain an opening through which it could backtrack and decide similar cases differently without reversing a constitutional decision. In understanding the relevance of Frickey's argument to today's Court, it is useful to compare Court-Congress relations during the Warren Court of the late 1950s to those during the final years of the Rehnquist Court. -
Separation of the Governmental System of Powers in This Millennium
Separation of the Governmental System of Powers in this Millennium The U.S. government is made up of three branches: Legislative, Executive and Judiciary: Legislative: U.S. Congress. Created and maintained by the People. Its primary objective is to make laws. Executive: The Office of the President. Elected by the People by Electoral College. The President’s primary objective is to represent and lead the country, at home and around the world. The President has not the power to impose law (only rules that can be rescinded quite easily) but possesses the power to VETO laws put forth by Congress. Judiciary: The Supreme Court. Currently composed of 9 individual Justices appointed for life by the President and confirmed by the U.S Senate. Their primary objective is to interpret laws. The Supreme Court is shielded from politics so that it can maintain objectivity in its deliberations. *The President can nominate whomever he/she choses. This individual does not need to be a Judge nor does the individual even need to be a lawyer. That said, the Senate would most likely NOT confirm a person who is not perceived to have adequate experience/expertise. The Framers wrote the U.S. Constitution to ensure the health and preservation of our Democracy. Period. They also created a metric to check the President’s power that has impressively stood the test of time. That is until now. President Trump has stressed the system created to preserve our Democracy more than any single one of his 44 predecessors. Up until now, U.S. Presidents have conducted themselves by a largely unwritten code of conduct primarily outlined in the Oath they take on the steps of the Capital on Inauguration Day. -
Opinion Assignment on the Rehnquist Court
Opinion assignment on the Rehnquist Court Rehnquist’s opinion assignments reflected his ability to balance both the Court’s organizational needs and, occasionally, strategic policy considerations. by FORREST MALTZMAN and PAUL J. WAHLBECK ARTVILLE hen William H. Rehnquist replaced Warren E. completed their work efficiently.4 Rehnquist’s preference Burger as chief justice in 1986, administration for allowing the Court’s administrative needs to guide his Wof the Supreme Court changed markedly. In his opinion assignments was especially pronounced as the 17 years on the job, Chief Justice Burger was reputed to end of the term approached. act strategically to advance his policy objectives. Critics Our account certainly comports with Rehnquist’s own complained that he cast “phony votes” and manipulated description of the factors he weighed in making assign- the assignment of opinions to his brethren.1 For exam- ments: “I tried to be as evenhanded as possible as far as ple, Justice William O. Douglas charged the chief with numbers of cases assigned to each justice, but as the term attempting to “bend the Court to his will by manipulating goes on I take into consid- NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC SOCIETY assignments” when Chief Justice Burger assigned the task eration the extent to of writing the majority opinion in Roe v. Wade to his col- which the various justices league, fellow Nixon appointee Harry A. Blackman.2 are current in writing and As chief justice, Rehnquist claimed that he approached the task of opinion assignment in a strikingly different manner. “This is an important responsibility,” Rehnquist Justice Harry A. Blackmun, whose papers contain once observed, “and it is desirable that it be discharged 3 the assignment sheets carefully and fairly.” Quantitative analysis of patterns in that the chief justice Rehnquist’s assignment of opinions confirms that he circulated at the close of administered this task largely consistent with the goal of every oral argument. -
Clerk and Justice: the Ties That Bind John Paul Stevens and Wiley B
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by OpenCommons at University of Connecticut University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn Connecticut Law Review School of Law 2008 Clerk and Justice: The Ties That Bind John Paul Stevens and Wiley B. Rutledge Laura Krugman Ray Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_review Recommended Citation Ray, Laura Krugman, "Clerk and Justice: The Ties That Bind John Paul Stevens and Wiley B. Rutledge" (2008). Connecticut Law Review. 5. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_review/5 CONNECTICUT LAW REVIEW VOLUME 41 NOVEMBER 2008 NUMBER 1 Article Clerk and Justice: The Ties That Bind John Paul Stevens and Wiley B. Rutledge LAURA KRUGMAN RAY Justice John Paul Stevens, now starting his thirty-third full term on the Supreme Court, served as law clerk to Justice Wiley B. Rutledge during the Court’s 1947 Term. That experience has informed both elements of Stevens’s jurisprudence and aspects of his approach to his institutional role. Like Rutledge, Stevens has written powerful opinions on issues of individual rights, the Establishment Clause, and the reach of executive power in wartime. Stevens has also, like Rutledge, been a frequent author of dissents and concurrences, choosing to express his divergences from the majority rather than to vote in silence. Within his chambers, Stevens has in many ways adopted his own clerkship experience in preference to current models. Unlike the practices of most of his colleagues, Stevens hires fewer clerks, writes his own first drafts, and shares certiorari decisionmaking with his clerks. -
Sanct. That the Principal of Equality of Justice for All Has T
223 We are saying that there are certain things that should be sacro- sanct. That the principal of equality of justice for all has to have meaning, and that indeed, people who have views on individual rights and on sex discrimination, that put in question our whole records on how to end discrimination in affirmative action, should not be confirmed, because all we will be doing is reliving the bat- tles of the 1950's and the 1960's again and again, and it is enough. Senator BIDEN. Thank you. Senator MATHIAS. Once again, I think, for the second time, I thank you for your attendance at this hearing Mr. GOLD. And thank you for your patience, Senator. Senator MATHIAS [continuing]. And your very helpful comments. We appreciate it. Mr. RAUH. Thank you, sir. Senator BIDEN. Thank you all. Senator MATHIAS. May I inquire if Mr. Roy C. Jones of the Liber- ty Federation is in the room? Is Mr. Jones in the room? [No response.] Senator MATHIAS. Then our third panel will be composed of Mrs. LaHaye, the president of Concerned Women for America; Mr. Bruce Fein of United Families Foundation; Miss Sally Katzen, a lawyer with Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering; and Mr. Jack Fuller, the editorial editor of the Chicago Tribune. If you will all raise your right hands. Do you swear that the tes- timony you will give in this proceeding will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? Mrs. LAHAYE. I do. Mr. FEIN. I do. Ms. KATZEN. I do. -
The Honorable William H. Rehnquist 1924–2005
(Trim Line) (Trim Line) THE HONORABLE WILLIAM H. REHNQUIST 1924–2005 [ 1 ] VerDate jan 13 2004 15:12 Mar 26, 2008 Jkt 023500 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 C:\DOCS\PRINTED\23500.TXT CRS1 PsN: SKAYNE VerDate jan 13 2004 15:12 Mar 26, 2008 Jkt 023500 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 C:\DOCS\PRINTED\23500.TXT CRS1 PsN: SKAYNE (Trim Line) (Trim Line) WILLIAM H. REHNQUIST CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE UNITED STATES MEMORIAL TRIBUTES IN THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES VerDate jan 13 2004 15:12 Mar 26, 2008 Jkt 023500 PO 00000 Frm 00003 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 C:\DOCS\PRINTED\23500.TXT CRS1 PsN: SKAYNE scourt1.eps (Trim Line) (Trim Line) Photograph by Dane Penland, Smithsonian Institution Courtesy the Supreme Court of the United States William H. Rehnquist VerDate jan 13 2004 15:12 Mar 26, 2008 Jkt 023500 PO 00000 Frm 00004 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6688 C:\DOCS\PRINTED\23500.TXT CRS1 PsN: SKAYNE 23500.001 (Trim Line) (Trim Line) S. DOC. 109–7 WILLIAM H. REHNQUIST CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE UNITED STATES MEMORIAL TRIBUTES IN THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 2006 VerDate jan 13 2004 15:12 Mar 26, 2008 Jkt 023500 PO 00000 Frm 00005 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 C:\DOCS\PRINTED\23500.TXT CRS1 PsN: SKAYNE scourt1.eps (Trim Line) (Trim Line) Compiled under the direction of the Joint Committee on Printing Trent Lott, Chairman VerDate jan 13 2004 15:12 Mar 26, 2008 Jkt 023500 PO 00000 Frm 00006 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 C:\DOCS\PRINTED\23500.TXT CRS1 PsN: SKAYNE (Trim Line) (Trim Line) Order for Printing Mr. -
First Amendment Tests from the Burger Court: Will They Be Flipped?
FIRST AMENDMENT TESTS FROM THE BURGER COURT: WILL THEY BE FLIPPED? David L. Hudson, Jr. † and Emily H. Harvey †† I. INTRODUCTION ........................................................................ 52 II. THE LEMON TEST ..................................................................... 53 III. THE MILLER TEST .................................................................... 58 IV. THE CENTRAL HUDSON TEST ..................................................... 63 V. CONCLUSION ........................................................................... 66 I. INTRODUCTION When scholars speak of the Burger Court, they often mention the curtailing of individual rights in the criminal justice arena, 1 federalism decisions, 2 its “rootless activism,” 3 a failure in equal † David L. Hudson, Jr., is a Justice Robert H. Jackson Legal Fellow with the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE) and the Newseum Institute First Amendment Fellow. He teaches at the Nashville School of Law and Vanderbilt Law School. He would like to thank his co-author Emily Harvey, the student editors of the Mitchell Hamline Law Review , and Azhar Majeed of FIRE. †† Emily H. Harvey is the senior judicial law clerk for the Hon. Frank G. Clement, Jr., of the Tennessee Court of Appeals. 1. See Yale Kamisar, The Warren Court and Criminal Justice: A Quarter-Century Retrospective , 31 TULSA L.J. 1, 14, 44 (1995); Steven D. Clymer, Note, Warrantless Vehicle Searches and the Fourth Amendment: The Burger Court Attacks the Exclusionary Rule , 68 CORNELL L. REV . 105, 129, 141, 144–45 (1982). 2. See David Scott Louk, Note, Repairing the Irreparable: Revisiting the Federalism Decisions of the Burger Court , 125 YALE L.J. 682, 686–87, 694, 710, 724–25 (2016); Lea Brilmayer & Ronald D. Lee, State Sovereignty and the Two Faces of Federalism: A Comparative Study of Federal Jurisdiction and the Conflict of Laws , 60 NOTRE DAME L. -
Justice John Paul Stevens Retires from the Bench
VOLUME XXXII NUMBER 2, 2010 JUSTICE JOHN PAUL STEVENS RETIRES FROM THE BENCH On Monday, June 29, 2010, Justice John Paul Stevens Justice Stevens was raised in Chicago by an influential sat in a formal session of Court for the last time as an active family that operated the Stevens Hotel. At the time, that hotel member of the Supreme Court of the United States. He an- was the largest in the world, boasting 3,000 rooms. nounced on April 9, 2010 his intention to resign in a letter Justice Stevens attended the University of Chicago and to the President. Justice Stevens wrote: “Having concluded then the Northwestern University School of Law. As with that it would be in the best interests of the Court to have my many of his generation, his education was interrupted by successor appointed and confirmed well in advance of the service in the Navy during World War II. When speaking of commencement of the Court’s Photo credit—Photo by Steve Petteway his military experience, Ste- Next Term, I shall retire from vens is fond of reporting that regular active service as an he joined the Navy on Dec. Associate Justice . effec- 6, 1941. “I’m sure you know tive the next day after the how the enemy responded Court rises for the summer the following day,” he quips, recess this year.” His resigna- alluding to the attack at Pearl tion had been anticipated for Harbor that took place on some time following unof- December 7, 1941. Like his ficial comments he made and previous colleague Lewis F. -
Book Review by M
BOOK REVIEW By M. KELLY TILLERY Accuracy, Reality and Nuance A Thorough Evaluation of the Relationship Between the Roberts Court and the Constitution Uncertain Justice Marcia Coyle’s “The Roberts Court: The – The Roberts Court and Struggle for The Constitution” (Simon The Constitution & Schuster, 2013, 464 p.) and Tribe’s Written by Laurence Tribe and fellow Harvard Law School Professor Joshua Matz Mark Tushnet’s “In The Balance: Law 401 pages and Politics on The Roberts Court” $ 32, Henry Holt and Co., 2014 (W.W. Norton & Co., 2013, 352 p.), but this one does the most, the best, in the arvard Law Professor and fewest pages. U.S. Supreme Court scholar While this court has had more than its H Laurence Tribe and co- fair share of 5-4 decisions with Justice author Joshua Matz masterfully distill Kennedy the deciding vote between the the debacle that is the Roberts Court’s right of Roberts, Scalia, Thomas and first decade into only a few hundred Alito and the left of Breyer, Ginsburg, pages of quite readable, informative and Kagan and Sotomayor, neither entertaining prose. ideological ‘block’ is entirely monolithic Those who attended Tribe’s recent PBI or predictable. Nor is the pivot, Justice CLE presentation in Philadelphia, for Kennedy. Thus, “Uncertain Justice.” which this book served as the handout, Even the most jaded liberal critic of will find the professor’s remarks lifted this court will be surprised to find that almost verbatim therefrom, but also although it is, by tradition, called the a further cornucopia of political and “Roberts Court,” the chief justice is constitutional philosophy, thoughtful a la William Howard Taft. -
The Supreme Court of the United States
The Supreme Court of the United States Hearings and Reports on the Successful and Unsuccessful Nominations Now Includes the Kavanaugh and Preliminary Barrett Volumes! This online set contains all existing Senate documents for 1916 to date, as a result of the hearings and subsequent hearings on Supreme Court nominations� Included in the volumes are hearings never before made public! The series began with three volumes devoted to the controversial confirmation of Louis Brandeis, the first nominee subject to public hearings. The most recent complete volumes cover Justice Kavanaugh. After two years, the Judiciary Committee had finally released Kavanaugh’s nomination hearings, so we’ve been able to complete the online volumes� The material generated by Kavanaugh’s nomination was so voluminous that it takes up 8 volumes� The definitive documentary history of the nominations and confirmation process, this ongoing series covers both successful and unsuccessful nominations� As a measure of its importance, it is now consulted by staff of the Senate Judiciary Committee as nominees are considered� Check your holdings and complete your print set! Volume 27 (1 volume) 2021 Amy Coney Barrett �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������Online Only Volume 26 (8 volumes) - 2021 Brett Kavanaugh ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������Online Only Volume 25 (2 books) - 2018 Neil M� Gorsuch ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������$380�00 -
Justice Sandra Day O'connor: the World's Most Powerful Jurist?
JUSTICE SANDRA DAY O'CONNOR: THE WORLD'S MOST POWERFUL JURIST? DIANE LOWENTHAL AND BARBARA PALMER* I. INTRODUCTION Justice Sandra Day O'Connor has been called a "major force on [the] Supreme Court,"' the "real" Chief Justice, 2 and "America's most powerful jurist."' 3 Others have referred to her as "the most 5 powerful woman in America" 4 and even of "the world.", Even compared to women like Eleanor Roosevelt and Hillary Clinton, there is no one "who has had a more profound effect on society than any other American woman... If someone else had been appointed to her position on the court, our nation might now be living under different rules for abortion, affirmative action, race, religion in school and civil rights. We might well have a different president." 6 Former Acting Solicitor General Walter Dellinger noted, "What is most striking is the assurance with which this formerly obscure state court judge effectively decides many hugely important questions for a country of 275 million people.",7 As one journalist put it, "We are all living in * Diane Lowenthal, Ph.D. in Social and Decision Sciences, Carnegie Mellon University and Barbara Palmer, Ph.D. in Political Science, University of Minnesota, are assistant professors in American University's Washington Semester Program. The authors would like to thank their undergraduate research assistants, Amy Bauman, Nick Chapman-Hushek, and Amanda White. This paper was presented at October 28, 2004 Town Hall The Sway of the Swing Vote: Justice Sandra Day O'Connor and Her Influence on Issues of Race, Religion, Gender and Class sponsored by the University of Maryland Law Journal of Race, Religion, Gender and Class and the Women, Leadership and Equality Program. -
Property and the Roberts Court
Property and the Roberts Court John G. Sprankling I. INTRODUCTION How do property owners fare before the Roberts Court? Quite well. Owners prevail in 86% of civil property-related disputes with government entities.1 But this statistic does not tell the whole story. This Article demonstrates that under the leadership of Chief Justice Roberts the Court has expanded the constitutional and statutory protections afforded to owners to a greater extent than any prior Court. It analyzes the key trends in the Court’s jurisprudence that will shape its decisions on property issues in future decades. Almost 100 years ago, Justice Holmes remarked that government regulation of property which went “too far” would be unconstitutional; yet the precise line between permissible and impermissible action has never been drawn.2 The issue has generated debate through much of American history, particularly in recent decades as the influence of conservative ideology on the Supreme Court has expanded. The Burger and Rehnquist Courts were broadly viewed as more sympathetic to private property than the Warren Court had been. However, the most controversial anti-owner decision of the modern era, Kelo v. City of New London,3 was decided in the final year of the Rehnquist Court. In Kelo, the Court held that the city was empowered to condemn owner-occupied homes and transfer them to private developers as part of an economic redevelopment project4―a ruling that ignited a firestorm of protest across the nation. In his confirmation hearings to serve as Chief Justice, John Roberts pledged to act as an “umpire” on the Court, a person with “no agenda” Distinguished Professor of Law, University of the Pacific, McGeorge School of Law.